Skip to main content

Full text of "Narratives of the Indian wars, 1675-1699"

See other formats


university  of 



hbl,  stx  E        82.L73 

Narratives  of  the  Indian  wars,  167 

3    T153    D0731SD1    5 

Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2010  with  funding  from 

Boston  Library  Consortium  IVIember  Libraries 




General  Editor,  J.  FRANKLIN  JAMESON,  Ph.D.,  LL.D. 


1675  —  1699 






CHARLES   H.    LINCOLN,    Ph.D. 





COPYRIGHT,    1 913,   BY 

Printed  in  the  United  States  of  America 


The  frontispiece  to  this  volume  requires  some  explanation. 
Reference  may  first  be  made  to  the  explanatory  remarks  which  are 
inserted  in  the  upper  right-hand  corner  of  the  map  itself.  The  map 
was  drawn  and  engraved  to  accompany  the  Rev.  William  Hubbard's 
book  on  the  Indian  Wars.  Of  that  work  there  are  two  editions. 
The  first,  entitled  A  Narrative  of  the  Troubles  with  the  Indians  in  New 
England,  was  published  at  Boston  in  1677.  The  second,  entitled 
The  Present  State  of  New  England,  being  a  Narrative  of  the  Troubles 
with  the  Indians  in  New  England,  was  published  in  London  the  same 
year.  Both  are  now  rare;  not  quite  twenty-five  copies  of  the  first 
are  known.  But  there  are  also  two  editions  of  the  map,  which  it  is 
customary  to  distinguish  from  each  other  by  the  legends  that  appear 
in  them  respectively,  at  the  right  or  north  side  of  the  map,  adjacent 
to  the  White  Mountains.  In  the  one  the  legend  is  "The  White 
Hills,"  in  the  other,  by  error  of  the  engraver,  "The  Wine  Hills." 
Both  are  rare,  the  White  Hills  map  especially  so,  since  apparently 
only  four  copies  are  known.  From  one  of  these,  an  exceptionally 
fine  copy,  at  present  in  the  possession  of  Messrs.  Dodd  and  Living- 
ston, our  photographic  facsimile  has  by  the  kindness  of  that  firm 
been  obtained.  It  should  be  mentioned  that  the  late  Henry  Stevens 
in  1872  made  facsimiles  of  both  of  these  maps  which  it  is  difficult  to 
distinguish  from  the  originals. 

It  has  been  difficult  for  historical  scholars  to  determine  with 
certainty  the  respective  histories  of  these  two  maps.  In  general, 
the  White  Hills  map  is  more  correct,  the  Wine  Hills  map  better  exe- 
cuted. It  is  not  known  positively  who  drew  or  engraved  either  map. 
It  seems  most  likely  that  Mr.  Hubbard  himself  drew  the  map,  and 
it  seems  almost  certain  that  the  White  Hills  issue  was  engraved  by 
John  Foster,  the  first  printer  in  Boston,  to  accompany  the  Boston 
edition  of  Hubbard's  book,  which  was  printed  by  him;  and  that  the 

vi  NOTE 

Wine  Hills  issue  was  subsequently  engraved  in  London  to  accompany 
the  London  edition  of  the  book.  It  will  be  observed  that  the  map 
itself,  in  its  main  legend,  declares  itself  to  have  been  the  first  ever 
engraved  in  Boston.  It  was  engraved  on  wood.  The  earliest  use 
of  copper-plate  engraving  in  America  was  in  the  making  of  paper 
money  at  Boston  in  1691  (or  at  all  events  under  authority  of  an  ordi- 
nance of  December  12,  1690),  to  cover  the  cost  of  the  expedition  to 
Canada  under  Sir  William  Phips.  A  facsimile  of  the  Wine  Hills 
map  is  given  in  Dr.  James  Douglas's  New  England  and  New  France 
(New  York,  1913),  opposite  p.  180. 

The  White  Hills  map,  slightly  reduced  in  our  reproduction, 
measures  in  the  original  about  15  x  12  inches.  It  is  drawn  with  the 
west  at  the  top  and  with  two  strong  vertical  lines,  which  were  appar- 
ently intended  to  mark  colonial  boundaries:  the  right-hand  one  a 
fanciful  division  between  Massachusetts  (including  New  Hamp- 
shire) and  Maine,  the  left-hand  one  the  southern  boundary  of  Massa- 
chusetts, although  apparently  the  error  in  continuing  it  so  far  down 
to  the  eastward  was  discovered  and  a  less  heavy  line  then  drawn  at 
an  angle  to  mark  the  boundary  between  Plymouth  Colony  and 
Massachusetts  Bay. 

The  figures  on  the  map  refer  to  explanations  given  on  certain 
unnumbered  pages  at  the  end  of  Hubbard's  first  volume.  The 
figures  which  are  not  accompanied  by  names  on  the  map  have  the 
following  explanations:  2,  Swansea;  3,  Middleborough  (but  this 
figure  is  misplaced,  as  Hubbard  acknowledges,  for  it  should  lie  be- 
tween Plymouth  and  Taunton);  4,  Dartmouth;  8,  Mendon;  13, 
Hatfield;  16,  Westfield;  17,  Quonsigomog  (Worcester);  18,  Jireh 
Bull's  garrison  house  at  Pettiquemscot;  19,  Canonicus's  fort;  20, 
Warwick;  25,  Wickford;  35,  Andover;  47,  York  (Maine);  48,  the 
Totonnock  fort;  50,  Saco;  51,  Wells;  54,  Spurwink  and  Richmond's 
Island;  55,  Falmouth.  The  town  between  Weymouth  and  Taunton 
is  Bridgewater. 

The  map  of  Mrs.  Rowlandson's  Removes  is  taken  from  one  pre- 
sented in  the  edition  of  her  captivity  edited  by  Mr.  Henry  S.  Nourse 
and  Mr.  John  E.  Thayer,  and  published  at  Lancaster  in  1903. 

The  title-page  of  the  Decennium  Luctuosum  is  photographed  from 
that  of  the  original  in  the  Boston  Public  Library.    That  volume. 

NOTE  vii 

unfortunately,  has  a  title-page  made  with  pen  and  ink,  not  printed. 
But  no  other  copy  is  known  to  the  undersigned  or  to  those  whom  he 
has  consulted,  and  the  title-page  of  this,  such  as  it  is,  was  evidently 
made  from  that  of  a  more  perfect  copy,  not  now  traceable — ^perhaps 
from  that  which  figured  in  the  Brinley  sale. 

It  is  necessary  to  explain  that,  although  it  is  customary  in  these 
reprints  to  preserve  exactly  the  spelling  and  capitalization  of  the 
originals  (though  punctuation  is  often  amended  if  it  is  misleading), 
this  cannot  be  predicated  of  the  pieces  which  stand  second,  third, 
fourth,  and  fifth  in  the  present  volume.  The  text  of  them  presented 
in  Drake's  Old  Indian  Chronicles,  which  has  all  the  appearance  of 
close  conformity  to  the  originals,  was  taken  as  printer's  copy.  Colla- 
tion with  the  rare  originals  was  not  practicable  at  the  time  when  the 
book  was  prepared.  When  the  opportunity  for  it  was  secured,  it 
was  discovered  too  late  that  Drake's  text  differed  very  widely  from 
his  originals  in  capitalization,  and  sometimes  varied  from  them  in 
spelling.  But  though  correction  of  all  these  differences  had  become 
impracticable,  all  significant  errors  have  been  corrected. 

J.  F.  J. 


Edited  by  Chakles  H.  Lincoln 


A  Relacion  of  the  Indyan  Wakke 1 

^Introduction 3 

King  Philip  accused  of  the  Death  of  Sausiman 7 

Arming  of  English  and  Indians 8 

A  Conference  of  English  and  Indians  at  Trip's  Ferry  ....  9 

The  Beginning  of  the  War    ...                          ....  12 

The  English  attempt  to  secure  Indian  Allies 13 

Indecision  of  the  Indians 14 

The  Commissioners  declare  War 15 

Conditions  during  the  Summer  of  1675         .        .        .        .        .        .16 

Charles  II.  suggested  as  Arbiter 17 

The  Present  State  op  New  England  . 19 

Introduction 21 

The  Causes  of  the  Indian  War  of  1675 24 

Philip  seeks  Allies  against  the  English  ". 25 

Alarm  at  Rehoboth  and  Swansey 27 

Massachusetts  comes  to  the  Rescue 28 

Indian  Ravages 30 

The  Battle  at  Pocasset  Swamp     .        .        .        .        .        .        .        .31 

Order  respecting  Praying  Indians 32 

Connecticut  makes  Peace  with  the  Narragansetts         ....  34 

Defeat  of  Hutchinson  and  Wheeler       .......  35 

Indian  Attack  upon  Brookfield .36 

The  Praying  Indians,  Eliot  and  Gookin 36 

Fasts  ordered  by  Boston  Churches .  38 

Captain  Moseley's  Fight .39 

Efforts  to  release  the  Indians  at  Boston 40 

Indian  Attack  upon  Deerfield 42 

Agreement  between  the  Massachusetts  and  the  Narragansetts     .        .  44 

Order  for  a  Fast 45 

Indian  Attack  upon  Springfield    .        .         • 47 

Upon  Hatfield 48 






A  Continuation  op  the  State  of  New  England         ....  61 

Review  of  the  preceding  Narrative 54 

The  Commissioners  take  aggressive  Action 66 

The  March  against  the  Narragansetts 67 

The  Great  Swamp  Fight 68 

A  List  of  the  Killed  and  Wounded 60 

Philip's  Attack  upon  Hatfield 61 

Address  of  the  Massachusetts  Council 62 

The  Indians  pretend  to  desire  Peace 65 

Further  Victories  of  the  Colonists 67 

Decay  of  Trade  with  Virginia 68 

Review  of  relations  with  the  Wampanoags 69 

Troubles  in  Barbadoes 71 

Philip  refuses  to  negotiate  with  the  Colonists 73 

A  New  and  Further  Narrative  of  the  State  op  New  England     .  75 

Definitions  of  certain  Indian  Words 77 

Condition  of  Antagonists  after  the  Swamp  Fight          ....  79 

Attacks  upon  Lancaster,  Sudbury,  and  Medfield          ....  80 

Upon  Northampton 81 

Upon  Warwick  and  Groton           ........  82 

Upon  Lancaster;  Mrs.  Rowlandson 83 

Defeat  of  Captain  Pierce  and  his  Men 84 

Burning  of  Seekonk  and  Providence 86 

Roger  Williams  confers  with  the  Indians 87 

Philip  near  Albany;  the  Mohawks 87 

Death  of  Gov.  John  Winthrop  of  Connecticut 89 

Defeat  of  Canonchet  at  Pawtuxet 90 

His  Execution 91 

Ambuscade  of  the  Colonials  at  Sudbury       ......  92 

Order  of  the  Massachusetts  Council  regarding  Militia          ...  94 

Indian  Defeat  at  Turner's  Falls            95 

Defeat  of  King  Philip  by  the  Mohawks                 97 

Colonial  Losses  during  the  War 98 

The  Warr  in  New  England  Visibly  Ended 101 

King  Philip  retires  into  Hiding 104 

Death  of  Philip  and  Capture  of  his  Lieutenants 105 

Narrative  of  the  Captivity  of  Mrs.  Mary  Rowlandson    .       .        .  107 

Introduction 109 

Preface  to  the  Reader 112 

The  Indian  Attack  upon  Lancaster 118 

Mrs.  Rowlandson  leaves  her  House      . 119 

The  first  Remove  after  Capture 121 

The  second  Remove,  to  Princeton 122 

The  third  Remove,  to  New  Braintree 123 

The  Visit  of  Robert  Pepper 124 



Death  of  Mrs.  Rowlandson's  Child .125 

The  fourth  Remove,  to  Petersham 128 

The  fifth  Remove,  crossing  Miller's  River    .        .        .        .        .        .  129 

The  sixth  Remove,  to  Northfield           .        .        .        .        .        .        .  131 

The  seventh  Remove,  to  Squakeag       .        .        .        .        .        .        .132 

The  eighth  Remove,  to  Coasset 133 

Mrs.  Rowlandson  meets  King  Philip 134 

The  ninth  Remove,  into  New  Hampshire 136 

Mrs.  Rowlandson  sees  her  Son 136 

Various  Removes  in  New  Hampshire 138 

Weetamoo  refuses  to  go  further  South 139 

The  thirteenth  Remove,  toward  the  Connecticut  River        .        .        .  140 

Meeting  with  Thomas  Read  of  Hadley 142 

With  John  Gilbert  of  Springfield 143 

Death  of  Weetamoo's  Child 144 

Movement  toward  Princeton  begun 145 

Wearisome  Nature  of  the  Journey 147 

Mrs.  Rowlandson  meets  her  Sister 149 

Philip  promises  Release;  Quinnapin's  three  Squaws     .        .        .        .150 

News  received  of  Mr.  Rowlandson 151 

Praying  Indians 152 

Arrival  at  Wachusett  Lake,  Princeton 154 

John  Hoar  negotiates  the  Ransom 155 

The  Ransom  effected 157 

Special  Providences  noted 158 

Manner  of  Life  of  the  Indians .  159 

Mrs.  Rowlandson  passes  through  Lancaster          .        .        .        .        .  161 

Arrival  in  Boston;  Reunion  of  the  Family 162 

The  Rowlandsons  settle  in  Boston 165 

Mrs.  Rowlandson's  Reflections  upon  her  Captivity      ....  166 

Decennium  Luctuosum     .        . .  169 

Introduction .        .171 

The  Author's  Reasons  for  his  Narrative 179 

The  Author's  Introduction  to  the  Reader 184 

The  Occasion  of  the  Indian  War  .  - 186 

The  first  Acts  of  Hostility 190 

First  Expedition  of  the  English 192 

Sir  Edmund  Andros  takes  Command    . 193 

The  Field  of  the  War  broadens     : 195 

Indian  Devastations  in  the  East 197 

Misfortunes  of  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Heard  r" 198 

Capture  of  Mrs.  Sarah  Gerish       .        .        .        .        .        .        .        .  199 

New  Forces  raised  and  new  Actions 201 

Samuel  Penhallow's  Letter   .        .        . 204 

Attack  upon  Schenectady 205 

Upon  Salmon  Falls 206 

Indian  Cruelties  to  Robert  Rogers    — '. 207 



Sufferings  of  Captives  in  the  Hands  of  the  Indians  ''"^. 

The  Expedition  of  Sir  WiUiam  Phips  against  Canada 

The  earlier  Expeditions  of  Admiral  Kirke     . 

Destruction  of  Casco  (Falmouth,  Portland) 

Indian  Assaults  upon  Newmarket  and  Exeter 

Indian  Attack  upon  Amesbury     .... 

Colonial  Victories  on  the  Androscoggin  River 

A  Flag  of  Truce  and  the  Redemption  of  Captives 

The  Defence  of  Storer's  Garrison  at  Wells    . 

The  Martyrdom  of  Shubael  Dummer  at  York 

The  Memorable  Action  at  Wells 

The  Bravery  of  the  Women  in  the  Garrison 

The  Torture  of  John  Diamond  ''".'' 

The  Fort  at  Pemaquid 

Wonderful  Occurrences  at  Gloucester 

The  Relation  of  Rev.  John  Emerson 

Efforts  to  secure  Peace 

Articles  of  Peace  with  the  Eastern  Indians 

Devastation  of  Oyster  River  and  Groton 

Seizure  of  Bomazeen  by  the  English     , 

Conference  between  Bomazeen  and  the  Author    , 

Bomazeen  accepts  the  English  Religion 

Futile  Negotiations;  further  Hostilities 

Colonial  Misfortunes  continue      .... 

The  French  recapture  Pemaquid 

The  Capture  and  Heroic  Escape  of  Hannah  Dustan 

Major  Charles  Frost  killed  by  the  Indians    . 

The  Engagement  at  Damariscotta  River 

The  Indian  Attack  upon  Andover 

Courage  shown  by  the  Inhabitants  of  Deerfield    . 

Renewal  of  the  Peace  of  1693       .... 

Experiences  of  English  Captives  .... 

Arrival  of  Governor  Bellomont     .... 

Religious  Differences  with  the  Quakers 

Internal  Divisions  among  that  People  . 

Discussion  between  a  Boston  Minister  and  a  Quaker 

Methods  to  be  employed  against  the  Quakers 

Mather's  Opinion  of  the  Denomination 

Prophecies  regarding  Things  to  Come  . 

Experiences  of  John  Sadler 

Reasonable  Expectations  for  the  Future  of  New  England 




Map  accompanying  Hubbard's  "Narratives  of  the  Troubles  with 
THE  Indians,"  1677.  From  an  original,  of  the  "White  Hills"  variety, 
in  the  possession  of  Messrs.  Dodd  and  Livingston       .        .        Frontispiece 


Map  of  Mrs.   Rowlandson's  Removes.    From  Messrs.   Nourse  and 

Thayer's  edition  of  the  Narrative 122 

Title-Page  of  Cotton  Mather's  "Decennium  Luctuosum,"   1699. 

From  the  original  in  the  Boston  Public  Library 180 

JOHN  EASTON,  1675 


Few  students  of  American  colonial  history  have  failed  to 
observe  the  difference  in  method  employed  by  France  and 
by  England  in  their  respective  efforts  to  control  the  new 
continent.  The  government  at  Paris  sent  out  its  colonists, 
took  much  interest  in  their  welfare,  and  weakened  them  by 
its  excessive  care.  The  English  immigrants  came  to  America 
of  their  own  accord,  developed  along  paths  of  their  own  choos- 
ing, and  prospered  under  British  neglect. 

As  the  mother  country  treated  her  representatives  in 
America  so  the  colonists  treated  the  Indians.  From  his  arrival 
on  the  St.  Lawrence  the  Frenchman  regarded  the  Indian  as  a 
possible  friend,  and  joined  with  him  in  his  wars  as  well  as  in 
his  hunting  expeditions.  No  efforts  were  spared  to  cement 
an  alliance  between  the  two  races,  an  alliance  which  gave  the 
profits  of  the  fur-trade  to  France  and  enabled  the  French  in 
America  to  resist  for  a  hundred  and  fifty  years  a  much  greater 
number  of  English  rivals.  Very  different  was  the  behavior 
of  the  New  Englander  toward  the  Indian.  Nothing  could  in- 
duce him  to  regard  the  red  man  as  an  equal,  although  in  no 
English  colony  save  Pennsylvania  was  the  Indian  better  treated. 
Massachusetts  tried  to  educate  the  Indian,  endeavored  to  con- 
vert him  to  Christianity,  traded  with  him,  and  fought  with  him, 
but  neither  people  felt  at  home  in  the  presence  of  the  other. 

In  another  and  not  less  vital  way  the  policies  of  the  French 

and  English  toward  the  Indians  differed.    The  French  were 

directed  by  a  single  head,  and  under  that  direction  maintained 

a  consistent  attitude  toward  their  neighbors.    The  English, 

lacking  the  direction  of  an  efficient  central  government,  fol- 



lowed  as  many  methods  in  their  dealings  with  the  Indians  as 
there  were  colonies  in  America.  Intercolonial  jealousies  pre- 
vented that  miion  against  the  Indians  which  won  the  Five 
Nations  to  the  Dutch  in  New  York  and  the  Huron  Confedera- 
tion to  the  French  along  the  line  of  the  Great  Lakes. 

In  few  sections  of  America  were  these  jealousies  more 
rampant  than  in  New  England,  where  New  Hampshire  was  in 
fear  of  absorption  by  Massachusetts  and  where  Rhode  Island 
had  an  additional  fear  of  Plymouth  and  Connecticut.  One 
attempt  at  united  policy  against  the  Indians  was  made  even 
in  New  England.  Following  their  bitter  war  against  the 
Pequots,  Massachusetts,  Plymouth,  Connecticut,  and  New 
Haven  formed  the  New  England  Confederation  of  1643,  a 
union  of  the  four  governments  for  defensive  purposes.  Whether 
because  of  this  alliance,  or  because  of  the  memories  of  the 
Pequot  war,  the  borders  of  New  England  were  undisturbed  by 
the  Indians  for  thirty  years.  Then  came  an  outbreak  which 
threatened  to  overthrow  all  government  by  the  English  in 
that  portion  of  America.  It  would  seem  as  if  the  Indians  had 
observed  the  jealousy  existing  between  Rhode  Island  and  her 
neighbors  and  had  formed  a  loose  confederacy  among  them- 
selves in  order  to  make  one  strong  united  fight  against  the 
invader  of  their  lands  and  dignities. 

King  Philip's  war  covered  about  two  years  of  New  Eng- 
land's history.  It  was  the  most  prolonged  Indian  war  in 
which  the  New  England  colonies  ever  engaged,  and  when 
estimated  in  life  and  property  few  wars  have  occasioned  greater 
loss  to  their  participants.  The  cost  to  the  Indians  can  only 
be  guessed  at,  but  one-tenth  of  the  adult  males  of  Massa- 
chusetts were  killed  or  captured  by  the  Indians,  and  two- 
thirds  of  her  towns  and  villages  suffered  directly  from  Indian 
raids  during  this  war.  The  loss  in  Rhode  Island  was  no  less, 
and  while  Connecticut  was  somewhat  more  fortunate  in  her 
location  her  fighting  strength  was  seriously  depleted. 


It  is  most  fitting  that  the  first  narrative  of  this  Indian  war 
series  should  be  that  of  a  Rhode  Islander.  That  colony  had 
been  denied  admittance  into  the  New  England  Confederation 
of  1643,  and  feared  that  an  Indian  war  would  give  Plymouth 
or  Connecticut  an  opportunity  to  encroach  upon  her  bound- 
aries. Rhode  Island  was  the  home  of  the  Narragansetts,  the 
most  important  of  Philip's  allies  and  whose  chief,  Canonchet, 
was  at  least  the  equal  of  Philip  in  conducting  the  war,  if  not 
the  foremost  to  arouse  the  various  tribes  for  a  united  assault 
upon  New  England.  In  Rhode  Island  occurred  the  Swamp 
Fight,  perhaps  the  most  important  battle  of  the  war,  and  in 
the  same  colony  was  located  Mount  Hope,  or  Montop,  the 
capital  of  Philip  and  the  scene  of  his  final  defeat. 

In  no  contemporary  account  of  the  war  do  we  find  more 
evidence  of  a  desire  to  be  impartial.  Some  have  found  the 
reason  for  John  Easton's  impartiality  in  his  aversion  to  all 
fighting  and  in  Rhode  Island's  equal  fear  of  Massachusetts 
and  of  Indian  conquest.  Increase  Mather  indeed  accused 
Easton  of  favoring  the  Indians,  remarking  that  this  narrative 
was  "written  by  a  Quaker  in  Road  Island,  who  pretends  to 
know  the  Truth  of  Things";  but  that  it  was  "fraught  with 
worse  Things  than  meer  Mistakes."  A  more  moderate  view 
is  that  the  boundary  disputes  may  have  urged  Easton  to 
emphasize  the  possibility  of  maintaining  peace  with  the 
Indians  by  arbitration  were  it  not  for  the  indiscretion  of  their 
white  neighbors.  Easton  regarded  the  Indians  more  kindly 
than  did  Mather  or  the  authors  of  our  other  narratives,  but 
we  shall  not  be  far  astray  if  we  consider  him  as  expressing  the 
Rhode  Island  rather  than  the  Indian  point  of  view.  His 
condemnation  of  the  colonists  in  certain  acts  is  shown,  as  in 
his  account  of  the  conference  between  Indian  and  white,  but 
this  is  not  accompanied  by  indiscriminate  praise  of  Indian 
motives  and  methods.  The  Rhode  Island  writer  intends  to 
be  fair  and  is  reasonably  successful  in  this  intent. 


Easton's  birth  and  surroundings  aided  him  in  this  effort. 
He  was  the  son  of  Nicholas  Easton,  a  Friend,  who  came  to 
New  England  in  1634  and  settled  at  Ipswich.  From  this 
Massachusetts  town  he  moved  successively  to  Newbury  and 
Hampton,  where  he  is  said  to  have  built  the  first  English 
house.  In  1638  Nicholas  Easton  was  driven  from  Massachu- 
setts by  reHgious  intolerance;  he  settled  a  year  later  at  New- 
port, again  building  the  first  English  house.  There  he  held 
important  positions  until  1675,  dying  in  Newport  soon  after 
his  last  term  as  governor  of  the  colony.  His  son  John,  the 
author  of  our  narrative,  was  bom  in  1617  and  accompanied 
his  father  in  his  various  removes.  He  was  attorney-general 
of  Rhode  Island  for  much  of  the  time  between  1652  and  1674, 
and  fifteen  years  after  the  death  of  his  father  John  Easton 
also  became  governor  of  the  colony. 

Easton  was  about  sixty  years  old  at  the  time  of  the  events 
recounted  in  the  following  narrative.  It  was  written  by  a 
person  of  mature  years  and  of  conservative  temperament,  a 
person  well  fitted  to  give  a  judicial  account  of  the  origin  of 
the  war  and  a  careful  estimate  of  its  participants.  The 
original  narrative  remains  in  manuscript  form  in  the  New  York 
State  Library.  We  are  indebted  to  Mr.  Peter  Nelson,  of  the 
archives  of  that  state,  for  collation  of  our  text  with  the  original. 
A  printed  edition  limited  to  one  hundred  copies  was  published 
in  Albany  in  1858  under  the  careful  editing  of  Franklin  B. 
Hough.  The  importance  of  the  narrative  and  inaccessibility 
of  this  edition  warrant  its  republication  at  this  time.  The 
care  with  which  it  was  written  may  lead  the  reader  to  wish 
that  the  record  covered  a  greater  period  of  the  war,  but  the 
fact  that  Easton's  father  was  governor  of  Rhode  Island  from 
1672  to  1674  and  that  the  son  was  deputy  governor  (1674-1676) 
when  the  war  opened  may  have  given  the  son  a  peculiar  fitness 
as  a  historian  of  the  war's  beginning  which  he  would  not  have 
retained  for  its  later  history. 

Mr.  EASTON,  of  ROADE  ISLD.,  1675 

a  true  relation  of  wt  I  kno  and  of  reports,  and  my  understanding 
Conserning  the  begining  and  progres  of  the  war  now  hetwen 
the  English  and  the  indians. 

In  the  winter  in  the  year  1674  an  indian  was  found  dead, 
and  by  a  Corener  iquest  of  Plimoth  Coleny  judged  murdered, 
he  was  found  dead  in  a  hole  thro  ies  broken  in  a  pond  with  his 
gun  and  sum  foulle  by  him.  sum  EngHsh  suposed  him  throne 
in  sum  indians  that  I  judged  intelegabell  and  impartial!  in 
that  Case  did  think  he  fell  in  and  was  so  drouned  and  that 
the  ies  did  hurt  his  throat  as  the  English  saied  it  was  cut,  but 
acnoledged  that  sumtimes  naty  ^  indians  wold  kill  others  but, 
not  as  ever  thay  herd  to  obscuer  as  if  the  dead  indian  was  not 
murdered,  the  dead  indian  was  caled  Sausimun^  and  a 
Christian  that  could  read  and  write,  report  was  he  was  a 
bad  man  that  king  Philop  got  him  to  write  his  will  and  he 
made  the  writing  for  a  gret  part  of  the  land  to  be  his  but  read 
as  if  it  had  biae  as  Philop  wold,  but  it  Came  to  be  knone  and 
then  he  run  away  from  him.  now  one  indian  informed  that 
3  indians  had  murdered  him,  and  shewed  a  Coat  that  he  said 
thay  gave  him  to  Conseall  them,  the  indians  report  that  the 
informer  had  played  away  his  Coate,  and  these  men  sent  him 

^  Naughty,  i.  e.,  wicked. 

2  This  name  is  written  Sosoman,  Sassamon,  Sausaman,  and  Sausimun,  all 
abbreviations  of  his  own  spelling  Wussausmon.  He  was  a  preacher  to  the 
Indians  and  possibly  to  Philip  himself.  Sausaman  was  born  in  Punkapog  (now 
Canton,  Massachusetts),  was  given  the  Christian  name  of  John,  was  brought  up 
by  the  EngUsh,  and  used  frequently  by  them  as  an  interpreter  in  negotiations 
with  the  Indians.  He  was  used  also  as  a  scribe  by  Alexander  and  by  Philip,  the 
former  granting  him  lands  near  Assawomset  pond  in  Middleborough,  Plymouth 
County,  Massachusetts.  It  was  here,  as  stated  in  the  text,  that  his  dead  body 
was  found  January  29,  1674/5. 



that  coate,  and  after  demanded  pay  and  he  not  to  pay  so 
acused  them,  and  knoing  it  wold  pleas  the  English  so  to  think 
him  a  beter  Christian,  and  the  reporte  Came,  that  the  3 
indians  had  confesed  and  acused  Philop  so  to  imploy  them, 
and  that  the  English  wold  hang  Philop,  so  the  indians  wear 
afraid,  and  reported  that  the  English  had  flatred  them  (or  by 
threts)  to  bely  Philop  that  thay  might  kill  him  to  have  his 
Land  and  that  if  Philop  had  dmi  it  it  was  ther  Law  so  to 
execute  home^  ther  kings  judged  deserved  it  that  he  had  no 
Case  to  hide  it. 

so  Philop  kept  his  men  in  arems.  Plimoth  Governer,  re- 
quired him  to  disband  his  men,  and  informed  him  his  jelosy 
was  falce.  Philop  ansered^  he  wold  do  no  harem,  and  thanked 
the  Governer  for  his  information,  the  3  indians  wer  hunge, 
to  the  last  denied  the  fact,  but  one  broke  the  halter  as  it  is 
reported  then  desiere  to  be  saved  and  so  was  a  litell  while 
then  confesed  thay  3  had  dun  the  fact  and  then  he  was  hanged' 
and  it  was  reported  Sausimun  before  his  death  had  informed 
of  the  Indian  plot  and  that  if  the  indians  knew  it  thay  wold 
kill  him,  and  that  the  hethen  might  destroy  the  English  for 
ther  wickedness  as  god  had  permited  the  heathen  to  destroy 
the  iserallits^  of  olde,  so  the  English  wear  afraid  and  Philop 
was  afraid  and  both  incresed  in  arems  but  for  40  years  time 
reports  and  jelosys  of  war  had  bine  veri  freq'uent  that  we  did 
not  think  that  now  a  war  was  breking  forth,  but  about  a  wecke 
before  it  did  we  had  Case  to  think  it  wold,^  then  to  indever  to 
prevent  it,  we  sent  a  man  to  Philop  that  if  he  wold  Cum  to  the 

1  Whom. 

2  Other  accounts  say  that  Philip  paid  no  attention  to  the  court  and  made 
no  effort  to  clear  himself  of  complicity  or  suspicion.  The  governor  of  Plymouth 
colony  was  Josiah  Winslow. 

3  For  a  different  account  of  the  manner  in  which  the  Indians  had  come  to 
kill  Sausimun  see  The  Present  State  of  New  England,  p.  24,  jpost.  It  is  not  certain 
that  the  three  men  were  hanged.  One  is  reported  to  have  been  reprieved  for 
a  time  and  shot  later.  The  jury  trying  the  accused  consisted  of  four  Indians 
and  twelve  whites.  One  bit  of  evidence  is  stated  by  Increase  Mather:  "When 
Tobias  came  near  the  dead  body,  it  fell  a  bleeding  on  fresh,  as  if  it  had  been 
newly  slain." 

*  Israelites. 
,  5  Four  years  earlier  peace  had  been  made  at  Taunton  on  April  12,  1671,  but 
since  that  time  the  Indians  had  been  reported  as  dissatisfied  with  the  conditions 
imposed  upon  them  and  as  preparing  for  a  renewal  of  the  war. 


fery^  we  wold  Cum  over  to  speke  with  him.  about  4  mile 
we  had  to  Cum  thether.  our  mesenger  Come  to  them,  thay 
not  awar  of  it  behaved  themselefs  as  furious  but  sudingly 
apesed  when  thay  imderstood  who  he  was  and  what  he  came 
for.  he  Called  his  counsell  and  agreed  to  Cum  to  us  came 
himselef  unarmed  and  about  40  of  his  men  armed,  then  5^ 
of  us  went  over.  3  wear  magestrats.  we  sate  veri  frindly 
together.^  we  told  him  our  bisnes  was  to  indever  that  thay 
might  not  reseve  or  do  rong.  thay  said  that  was  well  thay 
had  dun  no  rong,  the  English  ronged  them,  we  saied  we  knew 
the  English  saied  the  Indians  ronged  them  and  the  Indians 
saied  the  english  ronged  them  but  our  desier  was  the  quarell 
might  rightly  be  desided  in  the  best  way,  and  not  as  dogs 
desided  ther  quarells.  the  Indians  owned  that  fighting  was 
the  worst  way  then  thay  propounded  how  right  might  take 
plase,  we  saied  by  arbetration.  thay  saied  all  English  agred 
against  them,  and  so  by  arbetration  thay  had  had  much  rong, 
mani  miles  square  of  land  so  taken  from  them  for  English  wold 
have  English  Arbetrators,  and  once  thay  wer  perswaided  to 
give  in  ther  arems,  that  therby  Jelosy  might  be  removed  and 
the  English  having  ther  arems  wold  not  deliver  them  as  thay 
had  promised,  untill  thay  consented  to  pay  a  100^°,  and  now 
thay  had  not  so  much  land  or  muny,  that  thay  wear  as  good 
be  kiled  as  leave  all  ther  liveflyhode.^  we  saied  thay  might 
Choose  a  Indian  king,  and  the  English  might  Choose  the 
Govemer  of  new  yorke^  that  nether  had  Case  to  say  ether 
weare  parties  in  the  diferans.  thay  saied  thay  had  not  herd 
of  that  way  and  saied  we  onestly  spoke  so  we  wear  perswaided 

^  Trip's  Ferry.  ^  The  reading  is  probably  5,  possibly  50. 

3  No  other  contemporary  historian  has  given  an  account  of  this  conference. 
Possibly  no  other  colony  could  have  secured  a  conference  with  Philip  at  this 
time,  but  Rhode  Island  had  been  more  friendly  with  the  Indians  than  had  Massa- 
chusetts or  Plymouth. 

*  A  reference  to  the  treaty  at  Taunton,  which  the  Indians  had  interpreted  as 
meaning  a  temporary  surrender  of  arms  brought  to  the  meeting-place  but  which 
the  English  had  construed  as  a  permanent  giving  up  of  all  arms  in  possession  of 
the  various  tribes  represented.  On  Philip's  proposition  a  meeting  of  the  New 
England  Commissioners  was  held  September  29, 1671,  which  resulted  in  the  aban- 
donment by  the  English  of  their  construction  of  the  treaty,  conditional  upon 
the  payment  by  the  Indians  of  £lOO  as  stated  in  the  text.  This  condition  the 
Indians  here  declare  to  be  impracticable. 

'  Sir  Edmund  Andres. 


if  that  way  had  bine  tendered  thay  wold  have  acsepted.  we 
did  indever  not  to  here  ther  Cumplaints,  saied  it  was  not 
Convenient  for  us  now  to  Consider  of,  but  to  indever  to  pre- 
vent war,  saied  to  them  when  in  war  against  EngHsh  blud  was 
spilt  that  ingadged  all  Englishmen  for  we  wear  to  be  all  under 
one  king,  we  knew  what  ther  Cumplaints  wold  be,  and  in 
our  Colony  had  removed  sum  of  them  in  sending  for  indian 
rulers  in  what^  the  Crime  Consemed  indians  Hves  which  thay 
veri  lovingly  acsepted  and  agreed  with  us  to  ther  execution 
and  saied  so  thay  wear  abell  to  satesfie  ther  subjects  when  thay 
knew  an  indian  suf ered  duly,  but  saied  in  what  was  only  betwen 
ther  indians  and  not  in  towneshipes  that  we  had  purchased, 
thay  wold  not  have  us  prosecute  and  that  thay  had  a  great 
fear  to  have^  ani  of  ther  indians  should  be  Caled  or  forsed  to 
be  Christian  Indians.'  thay  saied  that  such  wer  in  everi 
thing  more  mischivous,  only  disemblers,  and  then  the  Enghsh 
made  them  not  subject  to  ther  kings,  and  by  ther  lying  to 
rong  their  kings,  we  knew  it  to  be  true,  and  we  promising 
them  that  how  ever  in  government  to  indians  all  should  be 
alicke  and  that  we  knew  it  was  our  kings  will  it  should  be  so, 
that  altho  we  wear  wecker  then  other  Colonies,  thay  having 
submited  to  our  king  to  protect  them  others  dared  not  other- 
wise to  molest  them,  so  thay  expresed  thay  tooke  that  to  be 
well,  that  we  had  Htell  Case  to  doute  but  that  to  us  under  the 
king  thay  wold  have  yelded  to  our  determenations  in  what 
ani  should  have  Cumplained  to  us  against  them,  but  Philop 
Charged  it  to  be  disonesty  in  us  to  put  of  the  hering  the 
complaints  therfore  we  Consented  to  here  them,  thay  saied 
thay  had  bine  the  first  in  doing  good  to  the  English,  and  the 
English  the  first  in  doing  rong,  saied  when  the  English  first 
Came  their  kings  father  was  as  a  great  man  and  the  English 
as  a  litell  Child,  he  Constraened  other  indians  from  rouging 
the  English  and  gave  them  Coren  and  shewed  them  how  to 
plant  and  was  free  to  do  them  ani  good  and  had  let  them  have 
a  100  times  more  land,  then  now  the  king  had  for  his  own 
peopell,  but  ther  kings  brother  when  he  was  king  Came  miser- 

*  In  so  far  as.  ^  Lest. 

» Neither  Roger  Williams  nor  any  other  religious  leader  appears  to  have  tried 
to  Christianize  the  Narragansetts  so  persistently  as  John  Eliot  worked  in  Massa- 


abely  to  dy  by  being  forsed  to  Court  as  thay  judged  poysoned,^ 
and  another  greavanc  was  if  20  of  there  onest  indians  testefied 
that  a  EngHshman  had  dim  them  rong,  it  was  as  nothing, 
and  if  but  one  of  ther  worst  indians  testefied  against  ani 
indian  or  ther  king  when  it  plesed  the  English  that  was  sufitiant. 
a  nother  grivanc  was  when  ther  kings  sold  land  the  English 
wold  say  it  was  more  than  thay  agred  to  and  a  writing  must 
be  prove^  against  all  them,  and  sum  of  ther  kings  had  dun 
rong  to  sell  so  much  he  left  his  peopell  none  and  sum  being 
given  to  drunknes  the  English  made  them  drunk  and  then 
cheted  them  in  bargens,  but  now  ther  kings  wear  forewarned 
not  for  to  part  with  land  for  nothing  in  Cumpareson  to  the 
valew  therof.  now  home^  the  English  had  owned  for  king 
or  queen  thay*  wold  disinheret,  and  make  a  nother  king  that 
wold  give  or  seell  them  there  land,  that  now  thay  had  no 
hopes  left  to  kepe  ani  land,  a  nother  grivanc  the  English 
Catell  and  horses  still  incresed  that  when  thay  removed  30 
mill  from  wher  English  had  anithing  to  do,  thay  Could  not 
kepe  ther  coren  from  being  spoyled,  thay  never  being  iused 
to  fence,  and  thoft  when  the  English  boft^  land  of  them  that 
thay  wold  have  kept  ther  Catell  upone  ther  owne  land,  a 
nother  grevanc  the  English  wear  so  eger  to  sell  the  indians 
lickers  that  most  of  the  indians  spent  all  in  drunknes  and  then 
ravened  upone  the  sober  indians  and  thay  did  belive  often  did 
hurt  the  English  Catell,  and  ther  kings  Could  not  prevent  it. 
we  knew  before  these  were  ther  grand  Cumplaints,  but  then 
we  only  indevered  to  perswaid  that  all  Cumplaints  might  be 
righted  without  war,  but  Could  have  no  other  answer  but  that 
thay  had  not  herd  of  that  way  for  the  Governer  of  yorke  and 
a  indian  king  to  have  the  hering  of  it.  we  had  Case  to  thinke 
in^  that  had  bine  tendred  it  wold  have  bine  acsepted.  we 
indevered  that  however  thay  should  lay  doune  ther  arems  for 
the  English  wear  to  strong  for  them,  thay  saied  then  the 
English  should  do  to  them  as  thay  did  when  thay  wear  to 
strong  for  the  english.  so  we  departed  without  ani  discurtious- 
nes,  and  sudingly  had  leter  from  Plimoth  Governer  thay  in- 
tended in  arems  to  Conforem''  philop,  but  no  information 
what  that  was  thay  required  or  what  termes  he  refused  to 

"*  » See  post,  p.  26,  note  2.  2  Proof.        "  Whom.        *  The  English. 

^  Thought;  bought.  ^  If .  ^  Conform,  subdue. 


have  ther  quarell  desided,  and  in  a  weckes  time  after  we  had 
bine  with  the  indians  the  war  thus  begun.  Plimoth  soldiers 
were  Cum  to  have  ther  head  quarters  within  10  mile  of  philop. 
then  most  of  the  English  therabout  left  ther  houses  and  we 
had  leter  from  Plimoth  governer  to  desier  our  help  with  sum 
boats  if  thay  had  such  ocation  and  for  us  to  looke  to  our  selefs 
and  from  the  genarall^  at  the  quarters  we  had  leter  of  the  day 
thay  intended  to  Cum  upon  the  indians  and  desier  for  sum  of 
our  bots  to  atend,  so  we  tooke  it  to  be  of  nesesety  for  our 
leslanders  one  halef  one  day  and  night  to  atend  and  the  other 
halef  the  next,  so  by  turens  for  our  oune  safty.  in  this  time 
sum  indians  fell  a  pilfering  sum  houses  that  the  English  had 
left,  and  a  old  man  and  a  lad  going  to  one  of  those  houses  did 
see  32  indians  run  out  therof.  the  old  man  bid  the  young 
man  shoote  so  he  did  and  a  Indian  fell  doune  but  got  away 
againe.  it  is  reported  that  then  sum  indians  Came  to  the 
gareson  asked  why  thay  shot  the  indian.  thay  asked  whether 
he  was  dead,  the  indians  saied  yea.  a  EngHsh  lad  saied  it 
was  no  mater,  the  men  indevered  to  inforem  them  it  was  but 
an  idell  lads  words  but  the  indians  in  hast  went  away  and 
did  not  harken  to  them,  the  next  day^  the  lad  that  shot 
the  indian  and  his  father  and  fief*  EngHsh  more  wear  killed 
so  the  war  begun  with  philop.  but  ther  was  a  queen ^  that  i 
knew  was  not  a  party  with  philop  and  Plimoth  Governer 
recumended  her  that  if  shee  wold  cum  to  our  lesland  it  wold 
be  well  and  shee  desiered  shee  might  if  it  wear  but  with  six 
of  hir  men.  I  Can  sufitiantly  prove,  but  it  is  to  large  here  to 
relate,  that  shee  had  practised  much  the  quarell  might  be 
desided  without  war,  but  sum  of  our  English  allso  in  fury 
against  all  indians  wold  not  Consent  shee  should  be  reseved 
to  our  lesland  alltho  I  profered  to  be  at  all  the  Charg  to  secuer 

^  Better  known  as  Major  James  Cudworth.  He  was  commander-in-chief 
by  virtue  of  his  command  of  the  Plymouth  forces  representing  the  colony  most 

2  The  reading  is  probably  3,  possibly  30. 

3  June  24.  See  post,  p.  28.  On  this  same  day  an  attack  was  made  upon 
an  Englishman  at  Rehoboth  and  upon  June  25  two  EngUshmen  were  killed  at 
Fall  River. 

*  Five. 

s  The  queen  referred  to  was  Weetamoo,  queen  of  Pocasset,  widow  of  Alex- 
ander the  elder  brother  and  predecessor  of  Philip. 


hir  and  those  shee  desiered  to  Cum  with  hir,  so  at  length  pre- 
vailed we  might  send  for  hir,  but  one  day  acsedentaly  we^wear 
prevented,  and  then  our  men  had  seased  sum  Cannos  on  hir 
side  suposing  they  wear  Philops  and  the  next  day  a  English 
house  was  there  burned  and  mischif  of  ether  side  indevered 
to  the  other  and  much  dun,  hir  houses  burned,  so  we  wear  pre- 
vented of  ani  menes  to  atain  hir.  the  English  army  Cam  not 
doune  as  informed  thay  wold^  so  Philop  got  over  and  thay 
could  not  find  him.  3  days  after  thay  came  doune  had  a  veri 
stormy  night,  that  in  the  morning  the  foote  wear  disabled  to 
returen  before  thay  had  refreshment,  thay  wear  free  to  acsept 
as  we  wear  willing  to  relive  them,  but  [boston]  trupers  Sayed 
[by]  2  thear  Captaine^  thay  despised  it  and  so  left  the  foote. 
after  the  foote  had  refreshed  themselefs  thay  allso  returned 
to  ther  head  quarters,  and  after  hunt[ing]  Philop  from  all  sea 
shors  that  thay  Could  not  tell  what  was  becum  of  him,  the 
naroganset  kings  informed  us  that  the  queen  aforesaied  must 
be  in  a  thicket  a  starving  or  conformed  to  Philop,  but  thay 
knew  shee  wold  be  glad  to  be  from  them,  so  from  us  had  in- 
curedgment  to  get  hxr  and  as  mani  as  thay  Could  from  Philop. 
after  the  Enghsh  army  with  out  our  Consent  or  informing  us 
came  into  our  coleny,^  broft  the  naroganset  Indians  to  artickels 
of  agreement  to  them  philop  being  flead  about  a  150  Indians 
Came  in  to  a  Plimoth  gareson  volentarely.  Plimoth  authority 
sould  all  for  slafes  (but  about  six  of  them)  to  be  Caried  out  of 
the  Cuntry.s — [^  jg  ^j^e  the  indians  genaraly  ar  very  barbarus 
peopell  but  in  this  war  I  have  not  herd  of  ther  tormenting  ani 

1  The  "English  army"  refers  probably  to  the  troops  from  Boston.  Massa- 
chusetts at  first  thought  that  trouble  would  be  averted  by  mediation,  but  on 
June  26  troops  were  sent  to  aid  the  Plymouth  forces.  They  reached  Swansey 
two  days  later,  delayed  by  bad  weather  and  some  small  engagements. 

2  The  words  in  brackets  are  conjectural;  the  manuscript  seems  to  read 

'  Probably  Captain  Thomas  Prentice  is  meant. 

*  The  troops  from  Plymouth  and  Boston  seem  to  have  aroused  the  jealousy 
of  the  Rhode  Islanders  by  their  independent  action.  The  treaty  referred  to  is 
the  so-called  treaty  of  July  15,  1675.    "Broft"  means  brought. 

6  After  the  destruction  of  Dartmouth  or  New  Bedford  in  July,  1675,  Indians 
who  had  no  part  in  the  attack  were  persuaded  to  surrender  by  promises  of  pro- 
tection from  the  whites.  They  were  then  taken  to  Plymouth  where,  as  stated 
in  the  text,  the  whole  party  to  the  number  of  about  160  were  ordered  to  be  sold 
as  slaves.    It  was  not  the  only  instance  of  the  treatment  here  mentioned. 


but  that  the  English  army  Cote  an  old  indian  and  tormented 
him.  he  was  well  knone  to  have  bine  a  long  time  a  veri  de- 
creped  and  haremless  indian  of  the  queens,  as  Philop  flead 
the  fore  said  queen  got  to  the  narogansets  and  as  mani  of  hir 
men  as  shee  could  get,  but  one  part  of  the  narogansets  agree- 
ment to  bostun  was  to  kill  or  deliver  as  mani  as  they  Could  of 
philops  peopell,  therfore  bostun  men  demanded  the  fore  said 
queene  and  others  that  thay  had  so  reseved  for  which  the 
Indians  wear  unfree  and  made  mani  excuses  as  that  the  queen 
was  none  of  them  and  sum  others  wear  but  sudieners^  with 
philop  becase  removed  by  the  English  having  got  ther  land 
and  wear  of  ther  kindred  which  we  kno  is  true,  not  but  we 
think  thay  did  shelter  mani  thay  should  not,  and  that  thay 
did  kno  sum  of  ther  men  did  asist  Plulop;  but  acording  to 
ther  barbarus  rueUs  thay  acounted  so  was  no  rong  or  thay 
could  not  help  it,  but  sum  enemis  heds  thay  did  send  in  and 
told  us  thay  wear  informed  that  however  when  winter  Came 
thay  might  be  suer  the  English  wold  be  ther  enemies,  and 
so  thay  stood  doutful  for  about  5  months,  the  English  wear 
jelous  that  ther  was  a  genarall  plot  of  all  Indians  against  Eng- 
lish and  the  Indians  wear  in  like  maner  jelous  of  the  english. 
I  think  it  was  genarall  that  thay  wear  unwilling  to  be  ronged 
and  that  the  Indians  do  judg  the  English  partiall  against  them 
and  among  all  a  philthy  Crue  that  did  desier  and  indever  for 
war  and  those  of  ani  solidety  wear  against  it  and  indevered  to 
prevent  the  war,^  for  conseming  Philop  we  have  good  in- 
telegenc  that  he  advised  sum  English  to  be  gon  from  ther  out 
plases  wher  thay  lived  or  thay  wear  in  danger  to  be  killed,  but 
whether  it  wear  to  prevent  a  war,  or  by  ther  prests  informed 
if  thay  begun  thay  should  be  beaten  and  otherwise  not  so  we 
have  good  intelegenc  for  I  do  think  most  of  them  had  a 
desier  the  English  wold  begin,  and  if  the  English  be  not  care- 
full  to  manefest  the  Indians  mai  expect  equity  from  them, 
thay  mai  have  more  enemies  then  thay  wold  and  more  Case  of 
Jelosy.  the  report  is  that  to  the  estward  the  war  thus  began, 
by  suposing  that  sum  of  those  Indians  wear  at  a  fight  in  thes 
parts  and  that  thear  thay  sa  a  man  wonded,  so  authority  sent 
sum  forth  to  discufer,  having  before  disarmed  those  Indians 

*  Sojourners. 

2  War  against  the  Narragansetts  was  not  declared  until  November. 


and  confined  them  to  a  place,  which  the  indians  wear  not 
ofended  at,  but  those  men  Coming  upon  them  in  a  warlike 
postuer  thay  fled  that  the  men  Cote  but  3  of  them,  those  in 
authority  sent  out  againe  to  excuse  them  selefs,  but  thay  could 
only  cum  to  the  spech  with  one  man  as  he  kept  out  of  ther 
reach,  thay  excused  them  selefs  and  saied  his  father  was  not 
hurt,  one  of  them  thay  had  taken,  he  saied  he  could  not  be- 
live  them,  for  if  it  wer  so  thay  wold  have  broft  him,  thay  had 
bin  desaitfull  to  disarem  them  and  so  wold  have  killed  them 
all,  and  so  he  run  away,  and  then  English  wear  killed,  and  the 
report  is  that  up  in  the  cuntri  here  away  thay  had  demanded 
the  indians  arems  and  went  againe  to  parell  ^  with  them  and 
the  indians  by  ambushcade  tretcherously  killed  8  that  wear 
going  to  treat  with  them,  when  winter  was  Cum  we  had 
leter  from  bostun  of  the  iunited  Comitioners  that  thay  wear 
resolved  to  reduce  the  narogansets  to  Conformity  not  to  be 
trubled  with  them  ani  more  and  desiered  sum  help  of  botes  and 
otherwise  if  we  sa  Case  and  that  we  should  kepe  secret  consern- 
ing  it.  our  govemer  sent  them  word  we  wear  satesfied  nara- 
gansets  wear  tretcherous,  and  had  ayded  Philop,  and  as  we 
had  asisted  to  relive  ther  army  before  so  we  should  be  redy  to 
asist  them  still,  and  advised  that  terems  might  be  tendered 
that  such  might  expect  Cumpation^  that  wold  acsept  not  to 
ingag  in  war  and  that  ther  might  be  a  seperation  betwene  the 
gilty  and  the  inosent  which  in  war  Could  not  be  expected,  we 
not  in  the  lest  expecting  thay  wold  have  begun  the  war  and 
not  before  proclaimed  it  or  not  give  them  Defianc,^  I  having 
often  informed  the  indians  that  English  men  wold  not  begin 
a  war  otherwise  it  was  brutish  so  to  do.  i  am  sory  so  the 
indians  have  Case  to  think  me  desaitfull  for  the  English  thus 
began  the  war  with  the  narogansets  we  having  sent  ofe  our 
lesland  mani  indians  and  informed  them  if  thay  kept  by  the 
water  sides  and  did  not  medell  that  how  ever  the  English 

^  Parley.  The  lines  following  are  considered  by  some  as  an  unjust  state- 
ment of  the  case  of  Wonolancet  and  the  Indians  in  the  Merrimac  country,  and 
the  claim  is  made  that  the  offense  was  on  the  side  of  the  whites. 

2  Compensation. 

'  War  was  declared  by  the  Commissioners  at  Boston  on  September  9,  1675. 
In  October  the  size  of  the  war  force  was  increased  and  Josiah  Winslow  of  Plymouth 
placed  in  comimand. 


wold  do  them  no  harem  alltho  it  was  not  save  for  us  to  let 
them  live  here,  the  army  first  take  all  those  prisoners  then 
fell  upone  Indian  houses  burned  them  and  killed  sum  men. 
the  war  [began]  without  proclemation  and  sum  of  our  peopell 
did  not  kno  the  English  had  begun  mischif  to  the  Indians  and 
being  Confedent  and  had  Case  therfore,  that  the  Indians  wold 
not  hurt  them  before  the  English  begun,  so  did  not  kepe  ther 
gareson  exactly,  but  the  indians  having  reseved  that  mischif 
Came  unexpected  upone  them  destroyed  145  ^  of  them  be- 
side other  gret  lose,  but  the  English  army  say  thay  suposed 
coneticot  forses  had  bine  there,  thay  solde  the  indians  that 
thay  had  taken  as  aforesaied,  for  slafes,  but  one  old  man  that 
was  Caried  of  our  lesland  upone  his  suns  back,  he  was  so 
decriped  Could  not  go  and  when  the  army  tooke  them  upone 
his  back  Caried  him  to  the  garison,  sum  wold  have  had  him 
devouered  by  doges  but  the  tendernes  of  sum  of  them  pre- 
vailed to  Cut  ofe  his  head,  and  after  Came  sudingly  upone  the 
indians  whear  the  indians  had  prepared  to  defend  themselefs 
and  so  reseved  and  did  much  mischif  and  for  aboute  six  weeks 
sine  hath  bine  spent  as  for  both  parties  to  recruet,  and  now 
the  English  army  is  out  to  seecke  after  the  indians  but  it  is 
most  lickly  that  such  most  abell  to  do  mischif  will  escape  and 
women  and  children  and  impotent  mai  be  destroyed  and  so 
the  most  abell  will  have  the  les  incumbranc  to  do  mischif  .^ 

but  I  am  confident  it  wold  be  best  for  English  and  indians 
that  a  peas  wear  made  upone  onest  terems  for  each  to  have  a 
dew  propriety  and  to  injoy  it  without  opretion  or  iusurpation 
by  one  to  the  other,  but  the  English  dear  not  trust  the  in- 
dians promises  nether  the  iadians  to  the  Englishes  promises 
and  each  have  gret  Case  therfore.  I  see  no  way  lickly  but 
if  a  sesation  from  arems  might  be  procured  untill  it  might  be 
knone  what  terems  King  Charels  wold  propound,  for  we  have 
gret  Case  to  think  the  naroganset  kings  wold  trust  our  king 
and  that  thay  wold  have  acsepted  him  to  be  umpier  if  it  had^ 
bine  tendered  about  ani  diferanc,  for  we  do  kno  the  English' 
have  had  much  contention  against  those  indians  to  invaled 
the  kings  determenation  for  naroganset  to  be  in  our  colony, 

^  Or  perhaps  the  reading  is  14. 

2  Compare  this  account  of  the  proceedings  of  the  summer  of  1675  with  that 
given  in  The  Present  State,  post,  pp.  29-31. 


and  we  have  Case  to  think  it  was  the  greatest  Case  of  the  war 
against  them,  I  see  no  menes  hckly  to  procuer  a  sesation 
from  arems  exept  the  governer  of  new  york  can  find  a  way  so 
to  intersete  and  so  it  will  be  lickly  a  pease  mai  be  made  with- 
out trubling  our  king,  not  but  it  allwais  hath  bine  a  prinsipell 
in  our  Colony  that  ther  should  be  but  one  supreme  to  English 
men  and  in  our  natief  Cuntry  wher  ever  English  have  jurisdic- 
tion and  so  we  know  no  English  should  begin  a  war  and  not 
first  tender  for  the  king  to  be  umpier  and  not  persecute  such 
that  will  not  Conforem  to  ther  worship,  and  ther  worship  be 
what  is  not  owned  by  the  king,  the  king  not  to  mind  to  have 
such  things  redresed,  sum  mai  take  it  that  he  hath  not  pouer, 
and  that  ther  mai  be  a  wai  for  them  to  take  pouer  in  oposition 
to  him.  I  am  so  perswaided  of  new  England  prists  thay  ar 
so  blinded  by  the  spiret  of  persecution  and  to  maintaine  to 
have  hyer,  and  to  have  rume  to  be  mere  hyerlings  that  thay 
have  bine  the  Case  that  the  law  of  nations  and  the  law  of  arems 
have  bine  voiolated  in  this  war,  and  that  the  war  had  not 
bine  if  ther  had  not  bine  a  hyerling  that  for  his  maneging 
what  he  Caleth  the  gospell,  by  voiolenc  to  have  it  Chargabell 
for  his  gaine  from  his  quarters  and  if  ani  in  magestrasy  be  not 
so  as  ther  pack  horses  thay  will  be  trumpating  for  inovation 
or  war. 

5th  :  12m  :  1675.    Boadiesland, 

John  Easton 


N.  S.,  167s 


If  it  was  fitting  that  the  first  narrative  in  this  series  deal- 
ing with  our  early  Indian  wars  should  come  from  Rhode  Island 
it  is  equally  important  that  Massachusetts  should  give  us  our 
account  of  the  main  features  of  King  PhiHp's  war.  Massa- 
chusetts was  the  natural  leader  of  New  England  at  this  time, 
and  she  suffered  and  fought  for  the  preservation  of  New  Eng- 
land from  destruction  at  the  hands  of  the  Indians.  The  three 
following  accounts  of  the  state  of  New  England  at  successive 
stages  of  the  war,  together  with  an  equally  vivid  narration  of 
the  war's  conclusion,  detail  the  most  important  events  of  its 
beginnings  progress,  and  end.  They  are  well  placed  between 
the  statements  of  a  Rhode  Island  Friend  as  to  the  origin  of 
the  trouble  and  the  experience  of  a  clergyman's  wife  during 
its  continuance. 

The  three  letters  of  "N.  S.,"  presumed  to  be  Nathaniel 
Saltonstall,  were  "composed  by  a  merchant  in  Boston  and 
communicated  to  his  friend  in  London."  They  were  written 
in  1675  and  1676  when  Saltonstall  was  about  thirty-six  years 
of  age,  and  had  been  about  sixteen  years  out  of  college.  These 
narratives  were  "printed  for  Dorman  Newman"  at  London 
during  1676,  and  with  the  addition  of  a  short  account  by 
Richard  Hutchinson  of  The  War  in  New  England  Visibly 
Ended  gave  England  a  record  of  a  most  fierce  struggle  with  the 
Indians,  during  which  New  England  asked  no  military  aid 
from  Old  England  lest  she  be  unable  to  free  herself  from  the 
soldiers  once  they  were  received.  Thus  she  gave  proof  of 
her  desire  for  freedom  and  her  willingness  to  protect  herself 



even  if  she  could  not  do  away  with  the  inevitable  control 
from  across  the  sea.  The  resources  of  Massachusetts  were  so 
strained  by  this  struggle  with  the  Indians  that  she  was  unable 
to  resist  successfully  England's  effort  to  take  away  her  charters 
in  1684,  thus  losing  her  much-prized  local  independence  for 
nearly  a  century. 

The  tracts  here  printed  are  four  out  of  a  larger  number, 
at  least  eight,  which  their  writers  in  Boston  sent  over  to 
friends  in  London,  and  which  were  there  printed  in  1675-1677 
as  bulletins  of  the  struggle.  They  are  now  very  rare.  Several 
were  reprinted  by  Samuel  G.  Drake  in  1836  and  1850,  and  the 
present  four,  with  three  others,  appeared  in  1867  in  the  second 
edition  of  his  work  called  The  Old  Indian  Chronicle.  The 
four  here  selected  give  a  continuous  account  of  the  war,  which 
the  others  would  duplicate  in  part,  and  to  which  they  would 
add  little. 

Longer  narratives  exist,  written  by  William  Hubbard, 
Increase  Mather,  and  Thomas  Church.  That  of  Hubbard, 
minister  of  Ipswich,  entitled  Narrative  of  the  Troubles  with  the 
Indians  (Boston,  1677,  and  several  times  reprinted),  appeared 
in  1865  in  an  excellent  edition  with  notes  by  Samuel  G.  Drake. 
Selections  from  Hubbard's  relation  have  been  published  in  the 
Old  South  Historical  Leaflets  (no.  88).  The  experiences  of 
Colonel  Benjamin  Church,  the  military  hero  of  the  war  from 
the  colonial  point  of  view,  were  detailed  by  his  son  Thomas 
Church  in  a  work  entitled  Entertaining  Passages  Relating  to 
Philip's  War  (Boston,  1716,  reprinted  in  1865-1867,  with 
elaborate  notes  by  Dr.  Henry  M.  Dexter),  but  they  furnish 
no  such  comprehensive  record  as  is  here  given.  The  account 
by  Increase  Mather  in  his  Brief  History  of  the  War  is  well 
known.  It  is  that  of  a  clergyman  primarily  interested  in 
religious  history  and  treating  events  chiefly  if  not  exclusively 
as  regards  their  effect  upon  the  New  England  Church.  For 
this  reason  it  is  more  appropriate  that  the  record  as  given  by 


Saltonstall  and  Hutchinson,  having  neither  mihtary  nor  re- 
Hgious  bias,  should  be  given  the  central  place  in  this  volume. 
The  influence  of  King  Philip's  war  was  primarily  on  the  peo- 
ple as  constituting  a  state  and  it  should  be  described  by  a 
man  of  the  people  and  of  the  state.  Such  a  man  was  Salton- 
stall. Richard  Hutchinson,  nephew  of  Anne  Hutchinson,  and 
a  member  of  the  family  which  later  gave  Massachusetts  a 
worthy  historian  and  a  notable  governor  in  the  person  of 
Thomas  Hutchinson,  his  relative,  was  a  man  of  the  same  t3^e. 
His  father,  of  the  same  name,  was  a  wealthy  ironmonger  in 
London,  and  it  is  possible  that  this  letter  was  addressed  to 
him.  Hutchinson  the  younger  returned  to  London  shortly 
after  the  death  of  Philip;  his  subsequent  history  is  unknown 
to  the  present  editor. 


The  Present  State  of  New-England  With  Respect  to  the  Indian 

Wherein  is  an  Account  of  the  true  Reason  thereof,  {as  far  as  can 

be  judged  by  Men),  Together  with  most  of  the  Remarkable 

Passages  that  have  happened  from  the  20th  of  June,  till  the 

10th  of  November,  1675. 
Faithfully  Composed  by  a  Merchant  of  Boston  and  Communicated 

to  his  Friend  in  London.    Licensed  Decemb.  13,   1675. 

Roger  U Estrange. 
London:  Printed  for  Dorman  Newman,  at  the  Kings-Arms  in 

the  Poultry,  and  at  the  Ship  and  Anchor  at  the  Bridg-foot  on 

Southwark  side,  1675.^ 

The  Present  State  of  New-England  with  respect  to  the  Indian  War} 

There  being  many  and  various  Reports  concerning  the 
Causes  of  the  present  War  amongst  us,  it  may  not  be  amiss 
in  the  First  Place,  to  give  you  a  true  Account  of  the  Reasons 
thereof;  which  probably  may  add  Something  to  the  Satisfac- 
tion of  our  Christian  Friends  in  Old  England,  Which  is  thus: 

About  five  or  six  Years  since,  there  was  brought  up  (amongst 
others)  an  Indian  in  the  Colledg  at  Cambridg,  named  Sosoman,^ 
who  after  some  Time  he  had  spent  in  Preaching  the  Gospel 
to  Unkus,^  a  Sagamore  Christian  in  his  Territories,  was  by 
the  Authority  of  New-Plimouth  sent  to  Preach  in  like  Manner 
to  King  Philip,  and  his  Indians:  But  King  Philip  (Heathen- 

^  Title-page  of  the  original  priat. 

*  This  narrative  should  not  be  confused  with  the  edition  of  Rev.  William 
Hubbard's  Narrative,  published  in  London  in  1677  under  the  title  The  Present 
State  of  New  England  being  A  Narrative  of  the  Troubles  with  the  Indians,  etc. 

'  See  ante,  p.  7,  note  2,  and  post,  p.  54. 

*  More  commonly  Uncas,  the  most  famous  of  the  Mohegan  chiefs,  who  gave 
that  tribe  the  Indian  supremacy  from  the  Connecticut  River  to  the  Thames. 


1675]        THE  PRESENT  STATE  OF  NEW-ENGLAND  25 

like)  instead  of  receiving  the  Gospel,  would  immediately  have 
killed  this  Sosomon,  but  by  the  Perswasion  of  some  about 
him  did  not  do  it,  but  sent  him  by  the  Hands  of  three  of  his 
Men  to  Prison;  who  as  he  was  going  to  Prison,  Exhorted  and 
Taught  them  in  the  Christian  Religion;  they  not  liking  his 
Discourse,  immediately  Murthered  him  after  a  most  Barbarous 
Manner;  They  returning  to  King  Philip,  acquainted  him  what 
they  had  done.  About  two  or  three  Months  after,  this 
Murther  being  Discovered  to  the  Authority  of  New-Plimouth, 
Josiah  Winslow  being  then  Governour  of  that  Colony,  care 
was  taken  to  find  out  the  Murtherers;  who  upon  Search  were 
found  and  apprehended,  and  after  a  fair  Trial  were  all  Hanged.'- 

This  so  Exasperated  King  Philip,  that  from  that  Day  after, 
he  studied  to  be  Revenged  on  the  English,  judging  that  the 
English  Authority  have  Nothing  to  do  to  Hang  any  of  his 
Indians  for  killing  another. 

In  order  thereunto,  his  first  Errand  is  to  a  Squaw  Sachem  ^ 
(i.  e.  a  Woman  Prince,  or  Queen)  who  is  the  Widow  of  a  Brother 
to  King  Philip,  deceased,  he  promising  her  great  Rewards  if 
she  would  joyn  with  him  in  this  Conspiracy,  (for  she  is  as 
Potent  a  Prince  as  any  round  about  her,  and  hath  as  much 
Corn,  Land,  and  Men,  at  her  Command)  she  willingly  con- 
sented, and  was  much  more  forward  in  the  Design,  and  had 
greater  Success  than  King  Philip  himself.  The  Place  where 
this  King  Philip  doth  dwell,  is  on  a  Parcel  of  Land,  called  in 
English,  Mount  Hope,^  about  twelve  Miles  long,  and  judged 
to  be  the  best  Land  in  New  England :  And  it  was  about  thirty 
five  Miles  off  of  this  Place,  to  the  Northward,  that  the  first 
English  that  ever  came  there.  Landed;  and  by  Degrees  built 
Houses,  and  called   the  Name  of  the  Place  New-Plimouth/ 

^  Three  were  sentenced  but  one  was  reprieved  for  a  month  and  then  shot. 

2  Increase  Mather  considers  PhiHp's  first  preparations  as  precautionary  in 
case  he  be  called  to  account  for  the  death  of  Sausimun.  The  Squaw  Sachem 
was  Weetamoo,  "queen  of  Pocasset,"  widow  of  Philip's  elder  brother  Alexander. 
"  N.  S."  confuses  her  with  Awashonks,  a  sister  of  Ninigret. 

3  Mount  Hope,  or  Montop,  the  Indian  Pokanoket  in  the  southern  part  of 
the  present  Bristol,  Rhode  Island,  was  the  headquarters  of  Philip  during  the 
first  part  of  the  war.     Pocasset  was  in  the  present  Tiverton. 

*  This  locality,  called  by  the  Indians  Accomacke,  was  named  Plymouth  by 
Captain  John  Smith  in  1614  and  is  so  noted  on  his  map  of  New  England  presented 
to  Prince  Charles. 


(because  Plimouth  in  Old  England  was  the  last  Place  they  were 
at  there.)  The  English  took  not  a  Foot  of  Land  from  the 
Indians,  but  Bought  all,  and  although  they  bought  for  an  in- 
considerable Value;  yet  they  did  Buy  it.  And  it  may  be 
judged  that  now  King  Philip  repents  himself,  seeing  what 
Product  the  English  have  made  of  a  Wilderness,  through 
their  Labour,  and  the  Blessing  of  God  thereon;  All  the  Land 
of  the  Colony  of  New  Plimouth,  was  at  first  Bought  of  this 
King  Philip's  Grandfather,^  Massasoit,  by  Name,  except  some 
few  Parcels  he  hath  Sold  to  some  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Swanzy, 
not  far  from  Mount  Hope.  Thereupon  about  five  Years  since, 
took  an  Occasion  to  Quarrel  with  the  Town,  partly  because 
he  was  vexed  he  had  Sold  his  Land,  and  partly  because  his 
Brother  died  five  or  six  Years  before,  and  he  thought  the 
English  had  Poysoned  him,^  and  thereupon  he  troubled  them, 
but  killed  none;  but  the  Governour  by  timely  Preparation 
hindred  them  of  doing  any  hurt. 

Thus  after  King  Philip  had  secured  his  Interest  in  Squaw 
Sachem,  (whom  he  perswaded  that  the  English  had  Poysoned 
her  Husband  and  thereupon  she  was  the  more  willing  to  joyn 
with  him)^  he  privately  sent  Messengers  to  most  of  the  Indian 
Sagamores  and  Sachems  round  about  him,  telling  them  that 
the  English  had  a  Design  to  cut  off  all  the  Indians  round 
about  them,  and  that  if  they  did  not  Joyn  together,  they 
should  lose  their  Lives  and  Lands ;  whereupon  several  Sachems 
became  his  Confederates.  And  having  now  five  Years  Time, 
had  Opportunity  enough  to  furnish  themselves  with  Ammuni- 
tion and  Arms,  which  they  did  plentifully  at  Canada,  amongst 
the  French;  and  it  is  judged  that  some  English  have  also  Sold 
them  some  Arms  through  Ignorance  of  their  Design. 

In  the  mean  Time  King  Philip  Mustered  up  about  Five 
Hundred  of  his  Men,  and  Arms  them  compleat;    and  had 

'  Philip,  although  second  in  succession,  was  the  son  and  not  the  grandson 
of  Massasoit  or  Woosamequen. 

2  There  is  no  authority  for  the  statement  that  Alexander  was  poisoned. 
The  fact  that  he  was  entertained  by  Josiah  Winslow  at  Marshfield  shortly  before 
his  death  may  have  caused  the  suspicion  here  noted. 

'  Philip  seems  to  have  married  a  sister  of  the  Squaw  Sachem,  and  Alex- 
ander's widow  had  trouble  with  Petananuet  or  Petownonowit,  her  second  hus- 
band. These  may  be  reasons  why  she  sided  with  Philip  rather  than  with  the 
English  whom  her  husband  favored. 

1675]        THE  PRESENT  STATE  OF  NEW-ENGLAND  27 

gotten  about  Eight  or  Nine  Hundred  of  his  Neighbouring 
Indians,  and  likewise  Arms  them  compleat ;  ^  {i.  e.  Guns, 
Powder,  and  Bullets,)  but  how  many  he  hath  engaged  to  be 
of  his  Party,  is  unknown  to  any  among  us.  The  last  Spring 
several  Indians  were  seen  in  small  Parties,  about  Rehoboth 
and  Swansey,  which  not  a  little  affrighted  the  Inhabitants.^ 
Who  demanding  the  Reason  of  them,  wherefore  it  was  so? 
Answer  was  made,  That  they  were  only  on  their  own  Defence, 
for  they  understood  that  the  English  intended  to  Cut  them  off. 
About  the  20th  of  June  last.  Seven  or  Eight  of  King  Philip's 
Men  came  to  Swansey  on  the  Lords  Day,  and  would  grind  a 
Hatchet  at  an  Inhabitants  House  there;  the  Master  told 
them,  it  was  the  Sabbath  Day,  and  their  God  would  be  very- 
angry  if  he  should  let  them  do  it.  They  returned  this  Answer, 
They  knew  not  who  his  God  was,  and  that  they  would  do  it 
for  all  him,  or  his  God  either.  From  thence  they  went  to 
another  House,  and  took  away  some  Victuals,  but  hurt  no 
Man.  Immediately  they  met  a  Man  travelling  on  the  Road, 
kept  him  in  Custody  a  short  Time,  then  dismist  him  quietly; 
giving  him  this  Caution,  that  he  should  not  work  on  his 
God's  Day,  and  that  he  should  tell  no  Lies. 

These  Things  happening,  with  many  others  of  the  like 
Nature,  gave  the  Rehoboth  and  Swansey  Men  great  Cause  of 
Jealousies;  which  occasioned  them  to  send  to  Plimouth,  and 
to  the  Bay  (i.  e.  Boston)  for  some  Assistance,  in  Case  they 
should  need  it.  But  before  any  came  to  them,  they  of  both 
Towns  were  gathered  together  into  three  Houses,  Men,  Women, 
and  Children,  and  there  had  all  Provisions  in  common,  so  that 
they  who  had  Nothing  wanted  not.  Immediately  after, 
Notice  came  hereof  to  the  Governour  of  the  Massachusets 
Colony,  (Boston  being  Metropolis,  and  the  Honourable  John 
Leveret^  Governour  thereof.)  Drums  beat  up  for  Volunteers, 
and  in  three  Hours  Time  were  Mustered  up  about  an  Hundred 

^  Great  efforts  had  been  made  to  obtain  arms  and  ammunition  from  the 
Indians,  e.  g.,  at  Taunton  in  1671,  and  communication  between  Indians  and 
French  was  not  intimate  at  this  time.  It  is  doubtful  therefore  if  anything  like 
the  number  of  Indians  here  mentioned  were  armed  "compleat." 

^  Swansey  (or  Swansea),  "the  next  town  to  Philip's  coilntry,"  and  Rehoboth 
(or  Seaconke),  six  miles  away,  might  well  be  alarmed.  The  former  was  said  to 
consist  "of  forty  dwelling  houses,  most  of  them  very  fair  buildings." 

'  Leverett  is  the  more  usual  spelling. 


and  ten  Men,  Captain  Samuel  Mosely  being  their  Commander.^ 
This  Captain  Mosely  hath  been  an  old  Privateer  at  Jamaica, 
an  excellent  Souldier,  and  an  undaunted  Spirit,  one  whose 
Memory  will  be  Honourable  in  New-England,  for  his  many 
eminent  Services  he  hath  done  the  Publick.  There  were  also 
among  these  Men,  about  Ten  or  Twelve  Privateers,  that  had 
been  there  sometime  before:  They  carried  with  them  several 
Dogs,  that  proved  serviceable  to  them,  in  finding  out  the 
Enemy  in  their  Swamps;  one  whereof,  would  for  several  Days 
together,  go  out  and  bring  to  them  six,  eight,  or  ten  young 
Pigs  of  King  Philip's  Herds.  There  went  out  also  amongst 
these  Men,  one  Cornellis^  a  Dutchman,  who  had  lately  been 
Condemned  to  die  for  Piracy,  but  afterwards  received  a 
Pardon;  he  willing  to  shew  his  Gratitude  therefore,  went  out 
and  did  several  good  Services  abroad  against  the  Enemy. 

Plimouth  also  sent  out  several  Men  at  the  same  Time,  both 
Horse  and  Foot:  Also  most  Towns  in  all  the  United  Colonies 
thereabout  sent  out  some  more,  some  less,  as  they  were  in 
Number.  By  this  Time  the  Indians  have  killed  several  of 
our  Men,  but  the  first  that  was  killed  was  June  23,  a, Man  at 
Swansey,  that  he  and  his  Family  had  left  his  House  amongst 
the  Rest  of  the  Inhabitants;  and  adventuring  with  his  Wife 
and  Son,  (about  twenty  Years  old)  to  go  to  his  House  to  fetch 
them  Corn,  and  such  like  Things :  He  having  just  before  sent 
his  Wife  and  Son  away,  as  he  was  going  out  of  the  House,  was 
set  on  and  shot  by  Indians;  his  Wife  being  not  far  off,  heard 
the  Guns  go  off,  went  back:  They  took  her,  first  defiled  her, 
then  skinned  her  Head,  as  also  the  Son,  and  dismist  them  both, 
who  immediately  died.^  They  also  the  next  Day  killed  six 
or  seven  Men  at  Swansey,  and  two  more  at  one  of  the  Garri- 

1  Captain  Moseley  (or  Mosley)  was  not  the  only  aid  from  the  East  coming  in 
reply  to  Rhode  Island's  appeal.  Massachusetts  sent  Captains  Daniel  Henchman, 
Thomas  Prentice,  and  Nicholas  Paige  on  June  26,  and  the  forces  from  Plymouth 
under  Major  James  Cudworth,  Captains  Matthew  Fuller  and  Benjamin  Church 
reached  Taunton  June  21. 

2  The  full  name  is  Cornelius  Consert. 

3  Hubbard  mentions  "one  Jones"  as  among  the  first  six  persons  killed  in 
the  war,  but  omits  the  incidents  relating  to  the  family.  In  the  absence  of  cor- 
roborative evidence  we  shall  do  well  to  reject  the  details  here  given.  The  ravish- 
ing of  captured  white  women  was  not  the  practice  of  the  seventeenth-century 

1675]        THE  PRESENT  STATE  OF  NEW-ENGLAND  29 

sons;  and  as  two  Men  that  went  out  of  one  of  the  Garrisons 
to  draw  a  Bucket  of  Water^  were  shot  and  carried  away,  and 
afterwards  found  with  their  Fingers  and  Feet  cut  off,  and  the 
Skin  of  their  Heads  flayed  off. 

About  fourteen  Days  after  that,  they  sent  for  more  Help; 
whereupon  the  Authority  of  Boston,  made  Captain  Thomas 
Savage  the  Major  General  in  that  Expedition,  who  with  sixty 
Horse,  and  as  many  Foot,^  went  out  of  Boston;  having  prest 
Horses  for  the  Footmen,  and  six  Carts  to  carry  Provisions 
with  them:  Whereof  Mr.  John  Morse  was  Commissary  Gen- 
eral abroad,  and  Mr.  Nathaniel  Williams  Commissary  at 
Home. 2  They  Travelled  Day  and  Night  till  they  came  to 
their  Garrisons,  and  within  three  Days  after,  marched  Horse 
and  Foot  (leaving  Guards  in  the  Garrisons)  towards  Mount 
Hope,  where  King  Philip  and  his  Wife  was;  they  came  on 
him  at  unawares,  so  that  Philip  was  forced  to  rise  from  Dinner, 
and  he  and  all  with  him  fled  out  of  that  Land,  called  Mount 
Hope,  up  further  into  the  Countrey;  they  pursued  them  as 
far  as  they  could  go  for  Swamps,  and  killed  fifteen  or  sixteen 
in  that  Expedition,  and  returned,  and  took  what  he  had  that 
was  worth  taking,  and  spoiled  the  Rest,  taking  all  his  Cattel 
and  Hogs  they  could  find,  and  also  took  Possession  of  Mount 
Hope,  which  had  then  a  thousand  Acres  under  Corn,  which 
is  since  cut  down  by  the  English,  and  disposed  of  according 
to  their  Discretion. 

Cornellis  was  in  this  Exploit,  and  pursued  Philip  so  hard, 
that  he  got  his  Cap  off  his  Head,  and  now  weareth  it. 

About  three  Days  after,  the  General  (finding  Cornellis  to 
be  a  Stout  Man,  and  willing  to  venture,  his  Life  in  the  Cause 
of  the  English)  sent  him  with  twelve  Men  under  his  Command 
to  Scout  about,  with  Orders  to  return  in  three-Hours  on  Pain 
of  Death ;  in  his  Way  he  met  sixty  Indians  that  were  hailing 
their  Cannoues  a-shore,  he  set  on  them,  kllKng  thirteen,  and 
took  eight  alive,  pursues  the  Rest  as  far  ashecould  go  for  the 
Swamps;  then  he  returned  and  Burnt  all  those  Cannoues, 
about  forty  in  Number:  By  this  Time  Cornellis  and  his 
twelve  Men  (all  being  preserved)  returned  to  the  Camp,  but 

^  The  size  of  Captain  Savage's  force  varies  according  to  different  accounts 
from  that  here  given  to  380. 

2  John  Morse  and  Nathaniel  Williams  were  both  prominent  citizens  of  Boston. 


they  were  eight  Hours  absent:  Whereupon  a  Council  of  War 
was  called,  who  past  the  Sentence  of  Death  on  him,  for  ex- 
ceeding the  Order  given  him.  Immediately  was  also  Par- 
doned, and  received  thanks  for  his  good  Service  done  in  that 
Expedition;  and  was  in  a  short  Time  sent  out  on  the  like 
Design,  and  brought  Home  with  him  twelve  Indians  alive, 
and  two  Indians  Heads  {i.  e.,  the  Skin  with  the  Hair  on  it.) 

About  the  25th  of  July,  the  General  returned  with  twelve 
Men  to  guard  his  Person. 

Captain  Mosely  being  there,  and  plying  about,  found 
Eighty  Indians,  who  surrendered  themselves,  and  were  secured 
in  a  House  provided  for  them  near  Plimouth:  Thereupon 
came  to  Boston,  to  know  the  Pleasure  of  the  Authority  about 
them,  and  in  a  Days  Time  returned  with  this  Order;  he  should 
kill  none  that  he  took  alive,  but  secure  them  in  Order  to  a 
Transportation;  Wherefore  afterwards  there  were  Shipt  on 
board  Captain  Sprague^  an  Hundred  seventy  eight  Indians, 
on:the  28th  of  September,  bound  for  Cales.^ 

In  this  Time,  the  Indians  continued  daily  to  commit 
many  Acts  of  Hostility  on  the  English;  they  Burnt  Twenty 
three  Houses  at  Swansey,  and  killed  many  People  there,  and 
took  much  Cattle,  as  also  Burnt  the  Hay  and  Corn  in  great 
Quantities.  They  Burnt  near  thirty  Houses  in  Dartmouth,* 
(a  Place  in  New-Plimouth  Colony)  killing  many  People  after 
a  most  Barbarous  Manner;  as  skinning  them  all  over  alive, 
some  only  their  Heads,  cutting  off  their  Hands  and  Feet;  but 
any  Woman  they  take  alive,  they  Defile,  afterwards  putting 
her  to  Death  by  some  of  these  or  the  like  Ways.  They  have 
Burnt  most  of  the  Houses  in  Rehoboth,  Taunton,  and  Swansey; 
a  Party  of  Indians  came  to  Mendham,  which  is  Thirty-two 
Miles  from  Boston,  and  there  killed  five  or  six  Persons,  who 
being  pursued,  two  were  killed,  the  Rest  fled.^ 

^  This  statement  may  refer  to  the  return  of  Savage  to  Boston,  but  more 
probably  alludes  to  that  of  Cudworth  to  Scituate. 

2  Probably  Captain  Richard  Sprague  of  Charlestown,  Massachusetts. 

'  The  Indians  may  be  the  women  and  children  left  by  Philip  upon  his 
escape  from  the  swamp.     Cales  is  Cadiz  in  Spain. 

*  Dartmouth,  which  included  the  present  New  Bedford,  The  part  of  the 
town  suffering  most  is  now  known  as  South  Dartmouth. 

5  Mendon  was  surprised  on  July  14,  1675,  the  first  place  in  the  Massa- 
chusetts Bay  to  be  assaulted. 

1675]        THE  PRESENT  STATE  OF  NEW-ENGLAND  31 

Some  Part  of  our  Forces  afterwards  set  on  about  Five 
hundred  Indians,  not  far  from  Pocassit,  pursuing  them  into 
a  large  Swamp,  not  far  from  thence;  how  many  they  killed  is 
not  known,  in  regard  the  Indians  adventured  back  and  took 
their  dead  Men  away  with  them:  (as  they  commonly  do  if 
they  can  possibly.)  But  in  this  Fight  were  killed  King 
Philip's  Brother,  his  Privy  Councellor,  (being  one  formerly 
Educated  at  Cambridg)  and  one  of  his  chief  Captains;  the 
Heads  of  which  three  were  afterwards  brought  to  Boston. 
There  were  killed  in  this  Pursuit  six  Englishmen,  and  nine 
or  ten  wounded.^ 

This  Pocassit  Swamp,  is  judged  about  seven  or  eight  Miles 
long,  and  so  full  of  Bushes  and  Trees,  that  a  Parcel  of  Indians 
may  be  within  the  Length  of  a  Pike  of  a  Man,  and  he  cannot 
discover  them;  and  besides,  this  as  well  as  all  other  Swamps, 
is  so  soft  Ground,  that  an  Englishman  can  neither  go  nor 
stand  thereon,  and  yet  these  bloody  Savages  will  run  along 
over  it,  holding  their  Guns  cross  their  Arms  (and  if  Occasion 
be)  discharge  in  that  Posture. 

On  the  Lords  Day,  the  of  July,  an  Indian  came  to 
Dorchester,  (within  half  a  Mile  of  Mother  Georges  House)  to 
the  House  of  Mr.  Minor,  in  Sermon  Time,  and  there  were 
then  at  Home  the  Maid  Servant  and  two  young  Children,  she 
keeping  the  Door  shut  for  Safety;  the  Indian  when  he  saw  he 
could  not  come  in  at  the  Door,  went  about  to  come  in  at  the 
Window,  she  perceiving  his  Resolution,  took  two  Brass  Kettles, 
under  which  she  put  the  two  Children,  she  ran  up  Stairs  and 
charged  a  Musket  and  fired  at  the  Indian,  (he  having  fired  at 
her,  once  or  twice  and  mist  her,  but  struck  the  Top  of  one 
Kettle,  under  which  a  child  was)  and  shot  him  into  his  Shoulder; 
then  he  let  his  Gun  fall,  and  was  just  coming  in  at  the  Window, 
she  made  haste  and  got  a  Fire-shovel  full  of  live  Coles  and 
applied  them  to  his  Face,  which  forced  him  to  flie  and  escape : 
But  one  was  found  dead  within  five  Miles  of  that  Place  after- 
wards, and  was  judged  to  be  this  by  his  scalded  Face. 

1  No  other  contemporary  writer  gives  these  details  and  "N.  S."  unites 
several  occurrences  into  one  engagement.  Philip  had  a  brother  Sonconewhew 
who  signed  a  deed  for  him  in  1668  and  who  may  have  been  one  of  the  Indians 
educated  at  Cambridge.  Pocasset  was  in  modern  Tiverton  and  Little  Comp- 
ton,  Rhode  Island. 


These  Transactions  may  be  computed  to  end  with  July. 
Before  any  further  Progress  be  made  in  this  Relation^  it  may 
not  be  amiss  to  give  you  some  Account  of  what  concerns  our 
Neighbour  Indians  at  Peace  with  us. 

There  are  two  Potent  Sagamores,  that  are  in  Amity  with 
us:  The  one  is  Ninnicroft/  his  Territories  border  on  Con- 
necticot  Colony;  the  other  is  Unkus,  the  only  Christian  Saga- 
more among  them. 

This  Unkus,  and  all  his  Subjects  professing  Christianity, 
are  called  Praying  Indians.  In  the  first  Week  in  August,  the 
Authority  of  Boston  sent  an  Express  to  him,  to  require  him 
to  come  in  and  Surrender  himself.  Men,  and  Arms,  to  the 
English;  Whereupon,  he  sent  along  with  the  Messenger  his 
three  Sons,  and  about  Sixty  of  his  Men,  with  his  Arms,  to  be 
thus  disposed  of,  viz.  His  two  youngest  Sons,  (about  thirty 
Years  old)  to  remain  as  Hostages  (as  now  they  do  at  Cambridg) 
and  his  Eldest  Son  to  go  Captain  of  the  Men  as  Assistants  to 
the  English  against  the  Heathens,  which  accordingly  they  did. 
And  the  English  not  thinking  themselves  yet  secure  enough, 
because  they  cannot  know  a  Heathen  from  a  Christian  by  his 
Visage,  nor  Apparel:  The  Authority  of  Boston,  at  a  Council 
held  there  the  30th  of  August,  Published  this  following 

At  a  Council  held  in  Boston,  August  30,  1675. 

The  Council  judging  it  of  absolute  Necessity  for  the  Security 
of  the  English,  and  the  Indians  that  are  in  Amity  with  us,  that  they 
be  Restrained  their  usual  Commerce  with  the  English,  and  Hunting 
in  the  Woods,  during  the  Time  of  Hostility  with  those  that  are  our 

Do  Order,  that  all  those  Indians  that  are  desirous  to  Approve 
themselves  Faithful  to  the  English,  be  Confined  to  their  several 
Plantations  under-written,  until  the  Council  shall  take  further 
Order;   and  that  they  so  order  the  setting  of  their  Wigwams,  that 

^  Ninnicroft  or  Ninigret  was  chief  of  the  Eastern  Niantic  Indians,  seated 
between  the  Pawcatuck  River  and  Point  Judith;  their  chief  town  was  Wekapaug, 
now  Westerly,  Rhode  Island. '  The  Niantics  are  considered  a  division  of  the 
Narragansetts  and  Ninigret  professed  friendship  for  Rhode  Island.  For  Unkus 
see  ante,  p.  24.  His  best-known  sons  were  Oneko  (Owaneco)  and  Attawam- 
hood  or  Joshua. 

1675]        THE  PRESENT  STATE  OF  NEW-ENGLAND  33 

they  may  stand  Compact  in  some  one  Part  of  their  Plantations  re- 
spectively, where  it  may  be  best  for  their  own  Provision  and  Defence. 
And  that  none  of  them  do  presume  to  Travel  above  one  Mile  from 
the  Center  of  such  their  Dwelling,  unless  in  Company  with  some 
English,  or  in  their  Service  near  their  Dwellings;  and  excepting  for 
gathering  and  fetching  in  their  Corn  with  one  Englishman,  on  peril 
of  being  taken  as  our  Enemies,  or  their  Abettors:  And  in  Case  that 
any  of  them  shall  be  taken  without  the  Limits  abovesaid,  except  as 
abovesaid,  and  do  lose  their  Lives,  or  be  otherwise  damnified,  by 
English  or  Indians;  The  Council  do  hereby  Declare,  that  they  shall  ac- 
count themselves  wholly  Innocent,  and  their  Blood  or  other  Dammage 
(by  them  sustained)  will  be  upon  their  own  Heads.  Also  it  shall  not 
be  lawful  for  any  Indians  that  are  in  Amity  with  us,  to  entertain  any 
strange  Indians,  or  receive  any  of  our  Enemies  Plunder,  but  shall 
from  Time  to  Time  make  Discovery  thereof  to  some  English,  that 
shall  be  Appointed  for  that  End  to  sojourn  among  them,  on  Penalty 
of  being  reputed  our  Enemies,  and  of  being  liable  to  be  proceeded 
against  as  such. 

Also,  whereas  it  is  the  Manner  of  the  Heathen  that  are  now  in 
Hostility  with  us,  contrary  to  the  Practice  of  all  Civil  Nations,  to 
Execute  their  bloody  Insolencies  by  Stealth,  and  Sculking  in  small 
Parties,  declining  all  open  Decision  of  their  Controversie,  either  by 
Treaty  or  by  the  Sword, 

The  Council  do  therefore  Order,  That  after  the  Publication  of  the 
Provision  aforesaid.  It  shall  be  lawful  for  any  Person,  whether  Eng- 
lish or  Indian,  that  shall  find  any  Indians  Travelling  or  Sculking  in 
any  of  our  Towns  or  Woods,  contrary  to  the  Limits  above-named,  to 
command  them  under  their  Guard  and  Examination,  or  to  Kill  and 
destroy  them  as  they  best  may  or  can.  The  Council  hereby  declar- 
ing. That  it  will  be  most  acceptable  to  them  that  none  be  Killed  or 
Wounded  that  are  Willing  to  surrender  themselves  into  Custody. 

The  Places  of  the  Indians  Residencies  are,  Natick,  Punquapaog, 
Nashoba,  Wamesit,  and  Hassanemesit:  ^  And  if  there  be  any  that 
belong  to  any  other  Plantations,  they  are  to  Repair  to  some  one  of 

*"  By  the  Council. 

Edward  Rawson.  Seer. 

^  These  "Indian  Residences"  correspond  to  the  modern  Natick  (Natchick), 
"The  First  Praying  Town";  Punkapog  or  Punquapaog,  now  Canton,  called  by 
Gookin  "The  Second  Praying  Town";  Nashoba,  later  Lancaster,  now  Littleton; 
Wamesit,  included  in  old  Chelmsford,  now  in  Lowell,  and  Hassanemesit,  now 
Grafton.  All  these  refuges  were  in  the  Massachusetts  Bay  colony.  See  Mrs. 
Rowlandson  on  Praying  Indians,  post,  pp.  140,  152. 


Which  Company  of  Praying  Indians '^  marched  out  of 
Town,  (having  saluted  the  Governour  with  three  Volleys) 
and  were  appointed  to  march  in  the  Front,  which  they  did, 
and  met  with  several  Skirmishes,  in  which  they  Killed  some, 
and  about  Forty  five  more  Surrendred  themselves;  which 
were  shipt  off  amongst  those  Captain  Sprague  carried  away. 

Concerning  the  Narragansets,  Ninnicroft  is  their  Saga- 
more; his  Grand-father,  and  Father,  always  kept  Truce  with 
the  English,  but  he  now  gives  sufficient  Cause  to  think  other- 
wise of  him. 

The  Squaw  Sachem,  having  ran  very  far  in  her  Engage- 
ments with  King  Philip,  and  fearing  lest  she  should  be  taken, 
she  committed  her  Person  to  the  Possession  of  this  Ninnicroft, 
judging  herself  safe  by  Virtue  of  his  Protection;  where  she 
hath  continued  ever  since  July  last.  Whereupon  a  certain 
Number  of  Men  were  sent  by  the  Authority  of  Connecticot 
Colony  (John  Wenthrop  Governour)  to  the  Narragansets,^  to 
require  them  to  deliver  the  Queen,  and  withal  to  Ratifie  that 
long  Peace  they  had  maintained  with  the  English:  Whereupon 
the  Narragansets  concluded  a  Peace  with  them,  and  sent  a 
Hundred  Men  to  Connecticot  for  the  Assistance  of  the  Eng- 
lish. The  English  made  this  Agreement  with  them,  That  for 
every  Indians  Head-Skin  they  brought,  they  should  have  a 
Coat,  (i.  e.  two  Yards  of  Trucking  Cloth,  worth  five  Shillings 
per  Yard  here)  and  for  every  one  they  bring  alive  two  Coats; 
for  King  Philips  Head,  Twenty  Coats,  and  if  taken  alive. 
Forty  Coats:  These  went  out,  and  returned  in  Fourteen  Days 
Time,  bringing  with  them  about  Eighteen  Heads  in  all. 

Several  other  Sachems  of  the  Countries,  called  in  Indian, 
Nipmoog,^  came  to  an  English  Town  called  Brookfield  (but  in 
Indian,  Quawbawg),  during  the  Time  our  Garrison  was  there, 
and  told  them  they  were  Praying  Indians  (^.  e.  Christians) 

^  Oneko  and  his  following  of  Mohegans,  by  no  means  all  Christian  Indians. 

2  John  Winthrop,  jr.,  governor  of  Connecticut  1657,  1659-1676.  I  find  no 
other  contemporary  account  of  this  important  movement  by  Connecticut  unless 
it  be  identified  with  the  treaty  of  July  15.  There  is  however  no  record  of  spoils 
and  captives  in  connection  with  that  treaty. 

3  The  Nipmoog  or  Nipmuck,  i.  e.,  Fresh  Water,  Indians  had  no  clearly  de- 
fined location.  Roughly  they  extended  in  Massachusetts  east  of  the  Connecti- 
cut River  down  the  Blackstone  or  Nipmoog  River  and  over  a  section  east  of 
northern  Rhode  Island. 

1675]        THE  PRESENT  STATE  OF  NEW-ENGLAND  35 

and  that  they  would  be  quiet,  and  do  no  Harm  to  the  English; 
but  withal,  told  them,  that  for  their  own  Safety  they  could 
not  deliver  up  their  Arms:  But  the  Inhabitants  of  Brookfield 
thought  they  would  be  Faithful,  in  regard  they  were  Praying 
Indians,  took  their  Words  and  dismist  them. 

The  Authority  of  Boston,  with  the  Advice  of  the  Gover- 
nour  of  Connecticut,  as  also  of  Plimouth  Colonies,  then  sit- 
ting in  Council  for  several  Days  together  at  Boston,^  For  their 
better  Satisfaction,  sent  a  Party  of  thirty  Horse  under  the 
Command  of  Captain  Hutchison  and  Captain  Wheeler;  ^ 
when  they  were  come  to  Quawbawg,  they  sent  a  Party  of 
Horse  to  the  Nipmoog  Sachems  to  treat  with  them.  (For  you 
must  understand  that  Captain  Hutchison  had  a  very  consid- 
erable Farm  therabouts,  and  had  Occasion  to  employ  several 
of  those  Sachems  there,  in  Tilling  and  Plowing  his  Ground,  and 
thereby  he  was  known  by  Face  to  many  of  them.)  The  Sachems 
sent  this  Word,  they  would  speak  with  none  but  Captain 
Hutchison  himself;  Whereupon  Captain  Hutchison  and  Cap- 
tain Wheeler  sent  them  Word  they  would  come  to  them 
themselves:  Accordingly  the  Indians  appointed  the  Meeting 
at  such  a  Tree,  and  at  such  a  Time.  The  Time  being  come 
Captain  Hutchison,  Captain  Wheeler,  and  his  Company, 
(with  some  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Brookfield,  who  thought 
them  to  be  very  Honest,  therefore  took  no  Arms  with  them) 
went  to  the  Places,  but  the  Nipmoog  Indians  were  not  there. 
Whereupon  the  Guide  ^  that  conducted  them  through  the 
Woods,  brought  them  to  a  Swamp  not  far  off  the  appointed 
Place;  out  of  which  these  Indians  ran  all  at  once  and  killed 
Sixteen  Men,  and  Wounded  Several  others,  of  which  Wounds 
three  Weeks  after.  Captain  Hutchison  died,  when  his  Wife 
and  Son^  were  within  twelve  Miles  of  him  in  their  Journey  to 
see  him;    whose  Death  is  the  more  lamented,  in  that  his 

^  This  was  a  meeting  of  the  Commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies  begin- 
ning October  2,  1675. 

2  Captains  Edward  Hutchinson  and  Thomas  Wheeler.  Perhaps  the  best 
contemporary  account  of  the  battle  and  defence  of  Brookfield  is  in  Captain 
Wheeler's  True  Narrative  of  the  Lord's  Providences  (Cambridge,  1676);  see  post, 
p.  38. 

3  The  guides  were  Christian  Indians. 

*  Presumably  Elisha  Hutchinson,  grandfather  of  Thomas  Hutchinson  the 
governor  and  historian. 


Mother  and  several  others  of  his  Relations^  died  by  the  Hands 
of  the  Indians,  now  near  forty  Years  since. '^^ 

The  rest  that  escaped,  made  what  Haste  they  could  to  the 
Town  of  Brookfield,  they  made  Choice  of  the  Strongest  House 
there,  resolved  to  make  a  Garrison  of  it;  in  Order  thereunto, 
as  soon  as  they  could,  got  all  the  People  (about  eighty  in 
Number)  into  this  House.  The  Indians  pursued  them  close, 
and  in  four  Hours  Time  had  Burnt  twenty  and  odd  Houses  in 
Brookfield,  and  abode  there  about  three  or  four  Days,  shoot- 
ing Day  and  Night,  with  most  dreadful  Screechings  and  Yell- 
ings,  which  Signified  their  Triumph.  They  in  this  Time  en- 
deavoured to  set  the  Garrison  on  Fire  divers  Times,  but  by 
the  Providence  of  God  were  prevented;  once  by  a  Shower  of 
Rain,  another  Time  by  their  Diligence  within.  One  from 
within  stept  out  to  drink  some  Water  and  was  killed,  and  one 
more  killed  within.  The  Bruits  had  contrived  an  Engine 
with  many  Wheels  to  fire  the  Garrison  ten  or  twelve  Rod  off, 
and  had  loaded  it  with  Combustibles  therefore,  (and  News 
was  brought  to  Boston  that  they  were  all  Burnt,  but  it  was 
not  so)  and  had  assuredly  done  it,  had  not  Major  Willard^ 
come  to  their  Relief  with  a  flying  Army  of  Sixty  Horse,  at 
nine  or  ten  a  Clock  at  Night;  They  forced  their  Way  through 
the  Body  of  the  Indians,  and  fired  Apace  on  them  and  in  two 
Hours  Time  wholly  Routed  the  Indians  thence,  killing  several. 
Thus  Deliverance  was  wrought  by  a  mighty  Hand  for  them, 
when  they  had  no  outward  Reason  to  expect  any. 

During  the  Time  these  People  kept  themselves  in  that 
House,  two  Women  were  safely  delivered  of  two  Sons  apiece, 
who  in  a  Months  Time  brought  them  all  themselves  on  Foot 
to  Boston,  where  they  were  plentifully  relieved  out  of  the 
Church  Stock  there. 

There  are  also  another  Sort  of  Indians,  best  known  to  the 
Commonalty  of  Boston  by  the  name  of  Mr.  Elliots  Indians, 
or  Captain  Guggins   Indians.^    This   Mr.  Elliot,  you  must 

1  The  celebrated  Mrs.  Anne  Hutchinson,  murdered  by  the  Indians  at  Pelham 
Neck,  New  York,  in  1643. 

2  Simon  Willard,  father  of  Rev.  Samuel  Willard,  minister  of  the  Old  South 
Church  in  Boston  and  president  of  Harvard  College. 

'  Rev.  John  Eliot,  minister  of  Roxbury,  and  Apostle  to  the  Indians;  and 
Daniel  Gookin,  later  major-general,  who  cared  diligently  for  the  Indians,  and 
whose  writings  furnish  our  best  description  of  those  of  Massachusetts. 



understand;  is  the  Man  that  hath  by  his  own  great  Labour 
and  Study,  invented  the  Way  of  Printing  the  Indian  Language, 
and  hath  also  perfectly  translated  the  whole  Bible,  with  the 
Singing  Psalms  in  Meeter;  the  Assemblies  Catechism;  the 
Practice  of  Piety,  into  the  Indian  Language;  as  also  Written 
Several  Books,  very  profitable  for  understanding  the  Grounds 
of  Christian  Religion;  For  which  Pains  and  Labour,  he  de- 
serves Honour  from  all  such  who  are  well-wishers  to  Things  of 
the  like  Nature,  whose  Name  will  never  Die  in  New-England. 
A  Specimen  of  his  Translation  of  the  Bible  into  the  Indian 
Language,  is  as  foUoweth. 

Isaiah,  Chap.  23,  Ver.  1,  2,  3. 

O  O  Weanuln  Tyre.  O 
Onook  kenaau  Tarshishe  kuht 
oonogquog,newutche  mahchimoo, 
newaj  matta  wetuwomunoog, 
wanne  petutteaun:  wutch  Chit- 
timme  ohkeit  nag  wehteduwahu- 

2  Chequnappek  wadohkeo- 
gish  munohhanebtu,  ken,  Zidone 
anaquishaenuog  neg  quoshkod 
teacheg  keitoh,  kenumwame  chu- 

3  Kah  nashpe  mishe  nip- 
peash,  wuskannem  Sihor,  sepue 
kepenumoonk  ne  wutteashege- 
noom,  kah  noh  wutohtimoinne 
ahhut  kod  tauwompasimuk.^ 

The  burden  of  Tyre.  Howl 
ye  Ships  of  Tarshish;  for  it  is  laid 
waste,  so  that  there  is  no  house, 
no  entering  into  it :  from  the  Land 
of  Chittim  is  it  revealed  to  them. 

2  Be  still,  ye  Inhabitants  of 
the  Isle;  thou  whom  the  Mer- 
chants of  Zidon  that  pass  over  the 
Sea,  have  replenished. 

3  And  by  great  Waters  the 
Seed  of  Sihor,  the  Harvest  of  the 
River,  is  her  Revenue,  and  she  is 
a  Mart  of  Nations. 

This  Captain  Guggins  is  a  Captain  and  Justice  of  Peace  at 
Cambridg:  He  receives  Thirty  Pound  per  annum  from  the 
English,  to  sit  as  Judg  among  the  Indians,  to  Judg  any  Differ- 
ence (not  Capital)  among  themselves,  or  between  them  and 
the  English. 

Of  these  Indians,  thus  distinguished,  it  may  not  be  amiss 
to  give  a  brief  Account,  in  its  proper  Place. 

Now  it  falls  in  Course,  to  think  on  what  is  done  in  the 
Field  on  both  Sides. 

^  Corrected  iato  accord  with  the  edition  of  1663. 


On  Thursday,  the  5th  of  August,  being  Lecture  Day  at 
Boston,  was  ordered  by  the  Old  Church^  (of  which  the  Gov- 
ernour  is  a  Member)  to  be  observed  as  a  Fast  by  that  Church, 
which  accordingly  was  done:  And  at  the  Contribution  was 
then  collected  Sixty  Nine  Pound,  which  was  for  the  distressed 
Families  Relief.  And  on  that  very  Day  was  Captain  Hutch- 
inson's Company  so  defeated :  Which  Thing  was  taken  especial 
Notice  of,  by  all  those  who  desire  to  see  the  Hand  of  God  in 
such  sad  Providences,  which  did  occasion  another  Fast  to  be 
kept  by  Mr.  Mathers  Church,  at  the  North  Meetinghouse  the 
Wednesday  following.^ 

On  Wednesday,  the  12th  of  August,  was  appointed  a  Fast 
for  Mr.  Mathers  Church,  which  was  duly  observed ;  that  Day 
being  a  Court  Day  for  the  Council,  no  Magistrate  was  there, 
yet  notwithstanding  there  were  gathered  at  the  Contribution 
sixty  eight  Pound. 

Mr.  Mather  in  his  Sermon,  took  Occasion  too  in  speaking 
of  the  Benefit  of  Communion  with  God,  to  tell  us  that  there 
are  in  this  Colony  seventy  nine  gathered  Churches,  and  that 
to  this  Day  the  Indians  had  not  done  any  Dammage  to  any 
Thing  that  belonged  to  any  of  the  Places  where  these  Churches 

August  coming  on,  we  have  now  from  all  Parts  raised  more 
Men,  so  that  there  are  now  in  the  Field  in  several  Places,  six 
hundred  Horse  and  Foot:  Most  of  the  Army  were  not  far 
from  the  Swamp  wherein  King  Philip  with  all  his  People  were, 
they  resolved  to  compass  it,  which  they  did  once:  And  in 
their  second  Encounter,  forced  King  Philip  with  all  his  Retinue 
out  of  the  Swamp,  and  pursued  them;  in  their  Pursuit  they 
killed  his  Lieutenant  General,  with  about  twenty  (that  they 
saw)  of  his  Men,  and  the  English  had  not  the  Loss  of  one 
Man,  but  two  wounded.  We  having  all  this  while  a  Party  of 
Unkus's  Indians  in  the  Field  on  our  Side.' 

1  The  "Old  Church"  was  the  First  Church,  James  Allen,  minister.  Increase 
Mather  and  his  son  Cotton  officiated  at  the  Second  or  North  Church. 

2  The  defeat  mentioned  was  at  Quaboag  (Quabaog  or  Wickabaug)  Pond, 
Brookfield,  Massachusetts,  on  Monday,  August  2.  The  news  reached  Boston 
later,  which  may  have  caused  the  confusion  in  dates  given  by  "N.  S."  in  the  text. 
Wednesday,  the  fast  day,  fell  on  August  11. 

'  An  incorrect  impression  of  Philip's  escape  is  here  given.  Philip  had  been 
driven  from  Mount  Hope  June  28-29,  and  had  fled  to  Pocasset  swamp.    The 

1675]        THE  PRESENT  STATE  OF  NEW-ENGLAND  39 

About  the  15th  of  August,  Captain  Moseley  with  sixty- 
Men,  met  with  a  Company,  judged  about  three  hundred 
Indians,  in  a  plain  Place  where  few  Trees  were,  and  on  both 
Sides  Preparations  were  making  for  a  Battle;  all  being  ready 
on  both  Sides  to  fight.  Captain  Moseley  plucked  off  his  Peri- 
wig, and  put  it  into  his  Breeches,  because  it  should  not  hinder 
him  in  fighting.  As  soon  as  the  Indians  saw  that,  they  fell  a 
Howling  and  Yelling  most  hideously,  and  said,  Vmh,  Umh  me 
no  stawmerre  fight  Engismon,  Engismon  got  two  Hed,  Engismon 
got  two  Hed;  if  me  cut  off  un  Hed,  he  got  noder,  a  put  on  heder 
as  dis;  with  such  like  Words  in  broken  English,  and  away 
they  all  fled  and  could  not  be  overtaken,  nor  seen  any  more 
afterwards.  About  a  Week  after  this,  Capt.  Moseley  took 
two  Indians,  the  Father  and  his  Son,  and  willing  to  examine 
them  both  apart,  proceeded  thus:  Took  the  old  Man  and 
bound  him  to  a  Tree,  after  he  was  so  bound,  he  sent  away  the 
Son  by  a  File  of  Men  out  of  Sight;  the  old  Man  there  confessed 
he  was  a  Praying  Indian,  and  that  he  was  only  hunting  for 
Deer  thereabouts,  but  said  that  his  Son  was  one  of  those  Men 
that  wounded  Capt.  Hutchinson:  So  then,  after  they  had 
pumped  him  as  much  as  they  could,  they  fired  a  Gun  with  no 
Bullet  in  it  over  his  Head,  untied  him,  and  sent  him  another 
Way  with  a  File  out  Sight;  then  brought  they  his  Son,  bound 
in  like  Manner,  they  telling  him  that  they  had  shot  his  Father, 
and  would  shoot  him  also,  if  he  would  not  confess  what  he 
was,  and  what  he  knew:  He  fairly  told  them,  that  he  was  a 
Praying  Indian,  but  his  Father  made  him  go  with  him  to  the 
Nipmoog  Indians,  and  that  there  they  shot  three  or  four 
Times  a  Piece;  whereupon  they  then  brought  the  old  Man 
and  tied  him  to  his  Son,  and  Examined  them  together,  at 
Length  they  confest  they  were  both  among  the  Nipmoogs, 
and  that  the  Son  did  wound  Captain  Hutchison;  after  their 
Examination,  they  were  both  shot  to  Death. 

In  this  same  Week,  King  Philips  Men  had  taken  a  Young 

Nipmucks  had  attacked  Mendon  July  14,  one  day  prior  to  the  peace  with  the 
Narragansetts  made  by  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut.  A  union  of  Philip 
and  the  Nipmucks  was  the  one  thing  to  be  prevented,  but  he  escaped  on  Sunday, 
August  1.  The  death  of  Woonashum  or  Nimrod,  his  lieutenant,  and  the  scarcity 
of  provisions  in  the  camps,  were  insuflScient  compensation  for  this  misfortune. 
See  p.  63,  post. 


Lad  alive  about  fourteen  Years  old,  and  bound  him  to  a  Tree 
two  Nights  and  two  Days,  intending  to  be  Merry  with  him 
the  next  Day,  and  that  they  would  Roast  him  alive  to  make 
Sport  with  him;  but  God  over  Night,  touched  the  Heart  of 
one  Indian  so  that  he  came  and  loosed  him,  and  bid  him  run 
Grande,  {i.  e.  run  Apace)  and  by  that  Means  he  escaped. 

Towards  the  latter  End  of  August,  Captain  Moseley  took 
eight  Indians  alive,  and  sent  them  Prisoners  to  Boston,  who 
were  put  in  Prison  there;  these  were  of  the  Number  of  Mr. 
Elliot's  Indians;  (as  also  many  of  those  Indians  that  were 
shipt  off  by  Captain  Sprague,  for  the  Straits  and  Cales).  These 
Men  were  at  several  Times  tried  for  their  Lives,  and  con- 
demned to  die :  Mean  Time  Mr.  Elliot  and  Captain  Guggins,^ 
pleaded  so  very  hard  for  the  Indians,  that  the  whole  Council 
knew  not  what  to  do  about  them.  They  hearkened  to  Mr. 
Elliot  for  his  Gravity,  Age,  and  Wisdom,  and  also  for  that  he 
hath  been  the  chief  Instrument  that  the  Lord  hath  made  use 
of,  in  Propagating  the  Gospel  among  the  Heathen;  And  was 
their  Teacher,  till  the  Time  that  some  Indians  were  brought 
up  in  the  University  to  supply  his  place.  But  for  Captain 
Guggins,  why  such  a  wise  Council  as  they,  should  be  so  over- 
borne by  him  cannot  be  judged  otherwise  than  because  of  his 
daily  troubling  them  with  his  Impertinences  and  multitudinous 
Speeches,  in  so  much  that  it  was  told  him  on  the  Bench,  by  a 
very  worthy  Person  (Capt.  Oliver  2)  there  present,  that  he 
ought  rather  to  be  confined  among  his  Indians,  than  to  sit  on 
the  Bench;  his  taking  the  Indians  Part  so  much  hath  made 
him  a  Byword  both  among  Men  and  Boys.  But  so  it  was, 
that  by  one  and  two  at  a  Time  most  of  these  eight  Indians 
(and  four  more  sent  afterwards  on  the  same  Account)  were  let 
loose  by  Night,  which  so  Exasperated  the  Commonalty,  that 
about  the  10th  of  September,  at  nine  O'clock  at  Night,  there 
gathered  together  about  forty  Men  (some  of  Note)  and  came 
to  the  House  of  Captain  James  Oliver;  two  or  three  of  them 
went  into  the  Entry  to  desire  to  speak  with  him,  which  was  to 
desire  him  to  be  their  Leader,  and  they  should  joyn  together 
and  go  break  open  the  Prison,  and  take  one  Indian  out  thence 
and  Hang  him:  Captain  Oliver  hearing  their  Request,  took 
his  Cane  and  cudgelled  them  stoutly,  and  so  for  that  Time 

^  See  ante,  p.  36,  note  3.  ^  James,  son  of  Thomas  Oliver  of  Boston. 

1675]        THE  PRESENT  STATE  OF  NEW-ENGLAND  41 

dismist  the  Company;  which  had  he  but  in  the  least  coun- 
tenanced, it  might  have  been  accompanied  with  ill  Events 
in  the  End.  Immediately  Captain  Oliver  went  and  acquainted 
Mr.  Ting^  his  Neighbor,  (a  Justice  of  Peace)  and  they  both 
went  next  Morning  and  acquainted  the  Governour,  who 
thank'd  Captain  Oliver  for  what  he  had  done  last  Night,  but 
this  rested  not  here;  For  the  Commonalty  were  so  enraged 
against  Mr.  Elliot,  and  Captain  Guggins  especially,  that  Cap- 
tain Guggins  said  on  the  Bench,  that  he  was  afraid  to  go  along 
the  Streets;  the  Answer  was  made,  you  may  thank  yourself; 
however  an  Order  was  issued  out  for  the  Execution  of  that  one 
(notorious  above  the  rest)  Indian,  and  accordingly  he  was  led 
by  a  Rope  about  his  Neck  to  the  Gallows ;  when  he  came  there, 
the  Executioners  (for  there  were  many)  flung  one  End  over 
the  Post,  and  so  hoised  him  up  like  a  Dog,  three  or  four 
Times,  he  being  yet  half  alive  and  half  dead;  then  came  an 
Indian,  a  Friend  of  his,  and  with  his  Knife  made  a  Hole  in 
his  Breast  to  his  Heart,  and  sucked  out  his  Heart-Blood: 
Being  asked  his  Reason  therefore,  his  Answer,  Umh,  Umh  nu, 
Me  stronger  as  I  was  before,  me  be  so  strong  as  me  and  he  too, 
he  be  ver  strong  Man  fore  he  die. 

Thus  with  the  Dog-like  Death  (good  enough)  of  one  poor 
Heathen,  was  the  Peoples  Rage  laid  in  some  Measure,  but  in  a 
short  Time  it  began  to  work  (not  without  Cause  enough). 
About  the  beginning  of  September,  Captain  Hinksman^  was 
sent  out  Commander  of  one  hundred  Men,  and  were  to  meet 
together  at  Roxbury  Meeting-House-Yard ;  when  they  were 
there,  ready  to  March,  they  all  unanimously  resolved  not  to 
go  with  him,  but  if  Captain  Oliver  would  go,  they  would  go 
gladly;  whereupon  the  Council  sent  for  him  Home,  and  sent 
Captain  Lake  in  his  Room. 

On  Wednesday  August  25,  was  observed  a  Fast  at  Charles- 
Town  whereto  several  of  Boston  went,  there  was  gathered  that 
Day  Seventy  eight  Pound. 

1  Edward  Tyng.  The  Indian  mentioned  appears  to  have  been  "Little 
John,"  who  had  been  accused  of  a  murder  at  Taunton. 

2  Captain  Daniel  Henchman  of  Worcester.  He  was  not  sufficiently  blood- 
thirsty to  satisfy  the  popular  clamor  against  the  Indians.  The  change  in  com- 
manders appears  to  have  prevented  the  expedition.  Captain  Thomas  Lake 
was  killed  by  Indians  a  little  later  at  Arrowsick  Island  in  the  Kennebec. 


King  Philip  now  beginning  to  want  Money  (having  a  Coat 
made  all  of  Wampampeag,  {i.  e.  Indian  Money)  cuts  his  Coat 
to  Pieces,  and  distributes  it  Plentifully  among  the  Nipmoog 
Sachems  and  others,  as  well  as  to  the  Eastward  as  Southward, 
and  all  round  about.  This  gives  Occasion  to  suspect  that  the 
Narragansets  may  also  be  Bribed,  who  are  out  on  our  Side,  in 
that  they  follow  not  Orders  to  pursue  King  Philip  effectually. 

Captain  Lathrop,  and  Captain  Beers,^  being  at  Hadly, 
and  there  hearing  of  an  Indian  Castle  not  far  thence,  they 
marched  with  an  Hundred  and  eighty  Souldiers  thither,  who 
required  the  Indians  to  surrender  their  Arms;  the  Indians 
told  Captain  Beers,  that  they  would  the  next  Morning.  But 
the  Captains  with  their  Men  soon  made  themselves  Masters 
thereof,  forcing  them  into  a  Swamp,  having  killed  nine  or  ten, 
they  retreated. 

By  this  Time  the  Town  of  Deerfield  begins  to  be  in  Danger; 
Whereupon  Captain  Beers  with  eighty  Men  went  to  bring 
away  the  People,  the  Inhabitants  thereof,  the  Indians  having 
Burnt  twenty  five  Houses;  in  their  Way,  they  were  met  with 
by  a  Parcel  of  Indians  of  about  a  hundred  and  Sixty,  which 
the  English  got  the  better  of,  killing  near  Forty  Indians, 
having  lost  but  four  or  five  Englishmen  i^  But  immediately 
there  did  appear  the  greatest  Body  that  hath  at  one  Time  been 
seen  by  the  English,  and  fell  upon  Captain  Beers,  immediately 
killing  him  and  sixty  five  of  his  Men,  and  fifteen  escaped;' 
these  fifteen  ran  to  Captain  Moseley,  who  then  was  about  nine 
or  ten  Miles  off,  he  came  with  his  sixty  Men  and  gave  the 
whole  Body  of  the  Indians  Battel  (judged  about  one  thousand 
two  hundred),  for  three  Hours;  whereupon  after  having  killed 

1  Thomas  Lathrop  and  Richard  Beers. 

"This  "Sugar  Loaf  Hill"  fight  was  at  Deerfield,  Massachusetts,  August 
26,  1675.  Hadley,  near  the  Connecticut,  had  been  selected  as  English  head- 
quarters soon  after  the  affair  at  Brookfield.  Located  on  a  bend  of  the  river, 
Hadley  was  readily  defended  against  the  Indians,  easy  of  access  for  friends  and 
had  good  facilities  for  protecting  the  adjacent  country.  "  N.  S."  has  pressed  into 
small  compass  and  confused  events  covering  several  days.  More  correct  details 
are  in  Hubbard,  Mather,  and  the  Massachusetts  Archives. 

'  The  whole  account  is  exaggerated.  Hubbard  states  that  but  19  men  were 
killed  with  Captain  Beers,  and  the  number  of  Indians  is  overestimated.  The 
person  in  Captain  Mosely's  company  preserved  so  wonderfully  was  Robert  Dutch, 
a  townsman  of  Hubbard,  but  the  latter  does  not  mention  the  agency  of  an  In- 
dian in  this  preservation. 

1675]        THE  PRESENT  STATE  OF  NEW-ENGLAND  43 

several  of  the  Indians,  he  was  forced  to  Retreat,  and  continued 
Fighting  for  all  the  Time  that  he  and  his  Men  were  Retreat- 
ing nine  Miles;  Captain  Moseley  lost  out  of  his  Company  nine, 
and  thirteen  wounded.  The  next  Day  they  came  up  again, 
the  Indians  were  gone,  they  had  stript  the  dead  Men  of  all 
their  Clothes  and  Arms,  and  Horses;  amongst  which  dead, 
was  one  who  had  Life  in  him,  and  was  found  by  a  Friend 
Indian,  he  took  him  up  and  said,  Umh,  umh  poo  Ingismon, 
mee  save  yow  Life,  mee  take  yow  to  Captain  Mosee;  he  carries 
him  fifteen  Miles  the  Day  after  to  Captain  Moseley,  and  now 
this  Man  is  well  again  and  in  good  Health. 

Immediately  Orders  were  taken  at  Boston  for  the  sending 
out  new  Relief;  as  many  as  to  make  up  Captain  Moselys 
Company  an  Hundred  compleat,  were  forthwith  sent  away: 
They  are  fitting  out  an  Hundred  more  from  Connecticot, 
under  the  Command  of  Major  Treat,  and  Captain  Whiting ^ 
the  Minister  of  Hartford. 

{^eptember  10,  Eight  Indians  came  to  Boston  from  Ninni- 
croft,  in  an  Embassy,  having  a  Certificate  from  Captain 
Smith  an  Englishman,^  that  hath  a  large  Estate  thereabouts. 
They  dispatched  their  Business,  and  had  another  Pass,  tied 
at  the  End  of  a  Stick,  that  Englishmen  may  see  it  afar  off. 
They  were  going  out  of  Town  a  back  Way,  two  Men  met 
them  and  seized  on  him  that  had  the  Pass;  these  two  Men 
were  Brothers,  and  this  Indian  had  been  among  King  Philip's 
Indians,  and  these  two  Men  Swore  in  Court  that  that  was  the 
Man  that  killed  their  Brother,  they  knew  him;  whereupon 
two  Days  after  his  Trial  and  Confession,  he  was  Hanged  like 
the  other.' 

September  23.  About  ten  at  Night  we  had  an  Allarm 
given  us,  and  before  eleven  we  had  one  Thousand  two  Hun- 
dred Men  in  Arms,  and  dismist  by  twelve  that  Night:  The 
Occasion  was,  one  of  the  Watch  was  Drunk  about  thirty  Miles 
off  at  Mendham,  and  he  fired  a  Gun,  so  it  came  to  Boston; 
the  next  Morning  he  paid  ten  Shillings,  and  sate  Hours  in  the 

1  Robert  Treat  and  John  Whiting.  The  Commissioners  of  the  United 
Colonies  met  at  Boston  September  9,  1675,  declared  war  against  the  Indians, 
and  agreed  to  raise  1,000  soldiers,  one-half  to  be  dragoons. 

2  Richard  Smith,  of  Wickford,  Rhode  Island,  long  a  resident  of  the  Nar- 
ragansett  country. 


Stocks  for  his  being  Drunk,  and  afterwards  had  twenty  Lashes 
for  giving  a  false  AUarm. 

On  the  28th  Day  of  August,  happened  here  at  eleven  a 
Clock  at  Night,  a  most  violent  Storm  of  Wind  and  Rain,  the 
Like  was  never  known  before;  it  blew  up  many  Ships  together 
that  they  Bulged  one  another,  some  up  towards  Cambridge, 
some  to  Muddy-River,  doing  much  Hurt  to  very  many;  also 
it  broke  down  many  Wharffs,  and  blew  down  some  Houses 
thereupon.  The  Indians  afterwards  reported  that  they  had 
caused  it  by  their  Pawwaw,  {i.  e.  worshipping  the  Devil). 
They  farther  say,  that  as  many  Englishmen  shall  die,  as  the 
Trees  have  by  this  Wind  been  blown  down  in  the  Woods: 
But  these  Heathenish  Stories  are  consonant  to  their  Barbarous 
Crueltie,  and  ought  to  be  valued  accordingly,  by  all  who  own 
any  Thing  superiour  to  it  or  them. 

Several  Men,  some  whereof  are  Quakers,  will  not  go  out 
on  Command,  and  for  their  Disobedience  thereunto,  are 
forced  to  run  the  Gantelop.^ 

About  the  15th  of  September,  the  Authority  of  Boston 
sent  a  Party  to  Ninnicroft,  to  require  him  to  come  to  Boston, 
to  treat  concerning  the  delivery  [of  the]  Squaw  Sachem. ^  He 
sent  word  he  would  come,  provided  he  might  be  safely  re- 
turned back;  Captain  Smith  living  near  him,  offered  himself. 
Wife  and  Children,  and  Estate,  as  Hostages  therefor. 

Ninnicroft  seeing  this,  resolved  to  send  his  eldest  Son^ 
thither  (he  himself  being  very  aged.)  So  away  they  came, 
bringing  Captain  Smith  with  them;  when  they  came  to  Rox- 
bury,  they  sent  Word  to  Boston  they  were  come,  and  desired 
to  know  if  they  might  have  Admittance  into  Boston:  Word 
was  sent  them,  that  they  should  be  very  welcome.  In  Order 
thereto,  Captain  James  Oliver,  and  Captain  Clarke,^  were  or- 

^"Gantelop,"  or  gauntlet:  a  common  punishment  among  the  Indians.  It 
sometimes  cost  the  runner  his  Hfe,  as  he  ran  between  two  rows  of  men  equipped 
with  switches,  clubs,  or  even  stones,  and  little  mercy  was  shown. 

^  Weetamoo,  who  was  reported  as  having  gone  to  Ninigret  (see  ante,  p.  12, 
note  5,  and  p.  34),  and  who  married  his  son  Quinnapin. 

'Quinnapin  was  the  eldest  son  of  Ninnicroft  or  Ninigret,  but  he  did  not 
sign  the  treaty  of  October  18  at  Boston.  "N.  S."  confuses  him  with  Canonchet 
(Nanunteno),  the  "Great  Chief"  of  the  Narragansetts,  who  signed  in  behalf  of 
Quinnapin  and  others. 

*  Captain  Thomas  Clarke. 

1675]        THE  PRESENT  STATE  OF  NEW-ENGLAND  45 

dered  with  six  Files  of  Musquets  a  piece  to  meet  on  the  Neck, 
to  conduct  them  into  Town.  The  Indians  meeting  these  Cap- 
tains, thought  that  they  were  all  to  die  immediately;  some 
were  for  running  away,  and  some  not,  but  Captain  Smith 
being  with  them,  endeavoured  to  pacifie  them  as  well  as  he 
could.  When  they  met,  they  opened  to  the  Right  and  Left, 
and  gave  them  three  Volleys,  and  so  Guarded  them  to  the 
Governours  House.  The  next  Morning  this  Sagamore  with 
all  his  Retinue,  went  to  Captain  Oliver's  House,  to  give  him 
hearty  Thanks  for  Yesterday's  Kindness,  in  his  conducting 
them  safe  to  Town. 

The  Council  sat  every  Day  during  their  Abode  in  Boston, 
imtil  they  came  to  an  Agreement.  The  Narragansets^  by 
Degrees,  came  to  this  Agreement,  That  they  were  to  deliver 
the  Squaw  Sachem  within  so  many  Days  at  Boston;  and  the 
League  of  Peace  was  then  by  them  Confirmed,  which  was  much 
to  the  general  Satisfaction ;  but  yet  many  had  hard  Thoughts 
of  them,  fearing  they  will  at  last  prove  Treacherous:  They 
were  dismist  out  of  the  Town  in  Safety,  according  to  their 

The  Governour  and  Council  seeing,  and  seriously  consider- 
ing the  Misery  that  many  had  already  undergone,  and  that 
the  Country  was  like  to  be  in.  Issued  out  this  following  Order 
for  a  solemn  Fast  all  over  the  Colony;  which  was  performed 
with  a  very  great  Show  of  outward  Penitence,  and  (no  Ques- 
tion) with  much  inward  Affection  by  very  many :  The  Govern- 
our himself  beginning  the  Duty  of  the  Day,  with  a  most 
heavenly  Prayer. 

At  a  Council  held  in  Boston,  Sept.  17,  1675. 

It  pleased  the  Holy  God  (all  whose  Works  are  Truth  and  his 
Ways  Judgment)  for  our  Sins  whereby  he  hath  been  provoked,  in 
special  by  the  undervaluation  of  our  pleasant  Things;  great  un- 
thankfulness  for,  and  manifold  Abuses  of  our  wonderful  Peace,  and 
the  Blessings  of  it  in  this  good  Land,  which  the  Lord  hath  given  us; 

^  In  this  record  the  writer  includes  the  Niantics  among  the  Narragansetts, 
possibly  because  the  Squaw  Sachem  had  gone  to  Ninigret  for  protection.  The 
two  tribes  were  distinct,  although  Canonchet  of  the  Narragansetts  signed  the 
treaty  for  the  Niantic  leader. 


ill  Entertainment  of  the  Ministry  of  the  precious  Gospel  of  Peace; 
Leaving  our  first-Love,  dealing  falsly  in  the  Covenant  of  the  Lord 
our  God:  The  Apostacy  of  many  from  the  Truth  unto  Heresies, 
and  pernicious  Errours;  Great  Formality,  inordinate  Affection, 
and  sinful  Conformity  to  this  present  evil  vain  World:  ^  And  (be- 
side many  horrid  and  scandalous  Sins  breaking  forth  among  us, 
for  which  we  have  Cause  to  be  greatly  humbled  before  the  Lord) 
our  great  Unsensibleness  of  the  Displeasure  of  the  Lord  in  suffering 
these  Abominations  to  be  perpetrated,  together  with  our  Carnal 
Security,  and  Unquietness  under  the  Judgments  of  God  upon  us; 
our  abiding  very  much  unreformed,  notwithstanding  all  Warnings, 
and  Chastisements,  whereby  the  Lord  hath  been,  and  is  still  debating 
with  us;  we  having  greatly  incensed  him  to  stir  up  many  Adversaries 
against  us,  not  only  Abroad,  but  also  at  our  own  Doors,  (causing  the 
Heathen  in  this  Wilderness  to  be  as  Thorns  in  our  Sides,  who  have 
formerly  been,  and  might  still  be,  a  Wall  unto  us  therein  ;2  and  others 
also  to  become  a  Scourge  unto  us)  the  Lord  himself  also  more  imme- 
diately Afflicting  us  by  Diseases,  whereof  so  many  Children  in  some 
of  our  Towns  have  died  this  Summer,  His  not  going  forth  with  our 
Armies  as  in  former  Times,  but  giving  up  many  of  our  Brethren  to 
the  Mouth  of  the  devouring  Sword,  yea,  shewing  himself  Angry 
with  the  Prayers  of  his  People,  Threatning  us  also  with  Scarcity  of 
Provision  and  other  Calamities,  especially  if  this  present  War  with 
the  barbarous  Heathen  should  continue:  And  that  the  Lord  of  Hosts 
himself  withdraw  not  the  Commission  he  hath  given  to  the  Sword, 
and  other  Judgments  to  prevail  against  us. 

The  Governour  and  Council  of  this  Jurisdiction  therefore  (be- 
ing under  the  Sense  of  these  Evils,  and  also  of  the  distressed  State 
of  the  rest  of  the  Colonies  Confederate  with  our  selves,  and  of  the 
Churches  of  Christ  in  other  Parts  of  the  Christian  World,  in  this 
Day  of  Trouble,  Rebukes,  and  Blasphemy;  and  fearing  the  sad 
Issue,  unless  the  Lord  help  us  with  our  whole  Heart,  and  not  feignedly, 
to  turn  unto  himself)  Do  Appoint,  and  Order  the  seventh  Day  of  the 
next  Month,  to  be  a  Day  of  Publick  Humiliation,  with  Fasting  and 
Prayer,  throughout  this  whole  Colony;  that  we  may  set  ourselves 
sincerely  to  seek  the  Lord  rending  our  Hearts,  and  not  our  Garments 
before  Him,  and  pursue  the  same  with  a  thorough  Reformation  of 

^  These  accusations  refer  to  the  neglect  at  Plymouth  to  provide  for  the 
adequate  support  of  the  established  ministry  and  to  the  growth  of  the  Baptists, 
Episcopalians,  and  Friends,  as  well  as  to  the  lukewarmness  of  church  members. 

2  It  is  interesting  to  see  the  idea  of  the  Indians  forming  a  neutral  or  pro- 
tecting zone  between  the  colonists  and  the  French  set  forth  thus  early  in  American 

1675]        THE  PRESENT  STATE  OF  NEW-ENGLAND  47 

whatever  hath  been,  or  is  an  Image  of  Jealousie  before  the  Lord,  to 
offend  the  Eyes  of  his  Glory;  if  so  be  the  Lord  may  turn  from  his 
fierce  Anger,  that  we  perish  not.  We  do  therefore  require  all  the 
Inhabitants  of  this  Jurisdiction  to  forbear  Servile  Labour  upon  that 
Day,  and  that  they  apply  themselves  respectively  to  observe  the 
same,  as  is  Appointed, 

By  the  Council, 

Edward  Rawson,  Seer. 

On  the  1st  of  October,  News  came  to  Boston,  that  the 
Indians  had  Burnt  the  Farmhouse  of  Major  Pinchon,  scituate 
near  Springfield,  and  killed  much  Cattle,  and  Burnt  much 
Corn,  which  occasioned  his  Son  to  abide  Still  in  Boston  (he 
being  before  provided  to  go  for  London,  with  Captain  John 
Walley  in  the  John's  Adventure,  Mr.  Pinchons  own  Ship).  It 
is  judged  that  Major  Pinchons  Dammage  may  amount  to 
eleven  or  twelve  hundred  Pound  Sterling.  This  Day  also 
came  the  News  to  Mr.  Purchas  that  his  House  and  Goods 
were  Burnt,  his  Wife  and  Children  killed;  the  Latter  proved 
false:  He  was  also  bound  in  Capt.  Walley  for  London,  but 
remained  at  Boston  for  Sometime,  in  order  to  the  settling  his 
Family  there.  His  Loss  likewise  amounted  to  above  a  thou- 
sand Pound  Sterling.^ 

On  the  12th  of  October,  a  Body  of  Indians  came  to  Spring- 
field, who  immediately  fired  the  Town,  and  consumed  thirty- 
two  Houses,  and  almost  as  many  Bams,  with  their  Corn  and 

The  Indians  that  did  this  Mischief,  were  a  Company  of 
those  Sort  called  Prajdng  Indians,^  about  forty  in  Number, 
that  always  dwelt  near  to  Springfield,  and  at  that  Time  were 
confined  to  their  Town  and  about  a  Mile  about  it;  but  for 

^  Important  correspondence  of  John  Pynchon  from  September  30  to  Octo- 
ber 17,  1675  (Massachusetts  Archives,  vol.  67)  throws  much  light  on  these  events 
near  Springfield.  Pynchon's  house  was  on  Stony  Brook,  now  in  Connecticut,^ but 
then  a  part  of  the  Springfield  district.  Thomas  Purchase  lived  near  the  mouth 
of  the  Androscoggin  River  in  the  district  of  Maine.  Captain  Walley  was 
later  a  distinguished  colonel  in  Sir  William  Phips's  expedition  of  1690  against 

"^  Certain  writers  speak  of  this  mischief  as  due  to  colonial  neglect  and  done 
by  preying  rather  than  by  Praying  Indians.  Hubbard  places  a  part  of  the  blame 
upon  the  English,  and  the  closing  words  of  this  narrative  illustrate  one  view  of 
the  Indians  in  which  "N.  S."  may  have  shared. 


their  usual  Civility  Sake,  were  permitted  daily  to  have  Con- 
verse with  the  Town  about  what  Business  they  had,  and  at 
Mid-night  they  did  their  Exploit.  The  Neighbouring  Towns 
hearing  it,  and  that  it  was  done  by  them,  Rose  without  any 
Commander  or  Leader,  and  slew  all  of  them  they  could  find, 
which  was  about  thirty. 

Likewise  Tidings  came  this  Day  from  the  Eastward,  that 
they  have  killed  twenty  Men  within  this  ten  Days;  wherefore 
here  is  this  20th  of  October,  marched  forty  Men  out  of  Boston, 
for  their  Relief. 

The  Narragansets,  we  fear  more  and  more  every  Day,  will 
be  perfidious  to  us,  the  Tinie  being  past  that  they  should  have 
dehvered  Squaw  Sachem  at  Boston.^  Our  Fears  are  the 
more  increased,  as  well  in  that  we  understand  several  of  them 
appear  up  and  down  in  Arms;  however  here  is  a  Levie  now 
coming  out  for  a  thousand  Englishmen  to  wait  on  them, 
which  we  hope  may  reduce  them  to  good  Order,  as  well  as 
recover  Squaw  Sachem  out  of  their  Hands;  which  if  she  be 
but  taken  by  the  English,  her  Lands  will  more  than  pay  all 
the  Charge  we  have  been  at  in  this  unhappy  War. 

October  28,  This  Day  by  Advice  from  Hatfield,  we  have 
this  particular  Account  of  what  happened  there. 

On  Wednesday  the  19th  of  October,  a  Party  of  Indians 
about  seven  Miles  off  Hatfield  in  the  Woods,  made  several 
great  Fires,  to  make  the  English  think  they  were  there,  but  as 
soon  as  ever  they  had  set  Fire  to  the  Wood,  they  came  directly 
towards  Hatfield,  and  about  two  Miles  from  Hatfield  they  lay 
in  Bushes  by  the  Way  Side  undiscoverable,  thinking  to  cut 
off  the  EngHsh  in  their  Way  to  the  Fires:  About  Noon,  they 
of  Hatfield  sent  ten  Horsemen  well  armed,  to  scout  out  and 
see  what  is  the  Matter  in  the  Woods;  and  in  their  Way  the 
Indians  at  once  shot  down  nine  of  them,  and  the  other  re- 
turned to  Hatfield  to  carry  the  News:  Capt.  Samuel  Moseley 
(being  then  not  far  from  thence,  with  sixty  Men,)  was  imme- 
diately sent  for,  who  presently  came.  By  four  a  Clock,  there 
were  come  into  the  Town  above  seven  hundred  Indians  armed, 
and  immediately  set  Fire  in  three  Places  to  the  Town,  but  by 
Care  were  soon  quenched;   Capt.  Moseley  presently  engaged 

1  As  already  noted,  the  Squaw  Sachem  was  with  the  Niantics  and  not  with 
the  Narragansetts. 

1675]        THE  PRESENT  STATE  OF  NEW-ENGLAND  49 

five  hundred  of  these  Indians,  whilst  two  hundred  and  more 
other  Indians  were  at  the  other  End  of  the  Town  endeavour- 
ing to  Fire  it.^  There  was  also  another  Captain,  with  about 
sixty  Men  not  far  off,  who  hearing  the  Guns,  came  immediately 
thither  and  set  on  the  other  Party  of  two  hundred  and  odd; 
but  the  two  English  Captains  soon  joyned  together,  and  they 
had  a  Fight  with  those  seven  hundred  and  odd  Indians,  for 
near  two  Hours  Time,  till  they  could  see  no  longer.  In  this 
Fight  we  lost  only  three  Men,  and  we  judg  we  may  have 
killed  above  an  hundred  Indians,  we  forced  the  Rest  in  great 
disorder  to  nm  away.  We  forced  them  over  a  large  River, 
who  in  their  Swimming  over,  lost  all  their  Arms  and  Ammuni- 
tion, and  several  were  Drowned,  as  was  seen  the  next  Day. 
This  Fight  doth  much  discourage  them,  and  encourage  our 
English:  there  were  ten  Men  wounded  of  ours  in  the  Fight, 
but  none  Mortally  we  hope.^ 

Care  now  is  taken  to  satisfie  the  (reasonable)  desires  of  the 
Commonalty,  concerning  Mr.  Elliot's  Indians,  and  Capt. 
Guggin's  Indians.  They  that  wear  the  Name  of  Praying 
Indians,  but  rather  (as  Mr.  Hezekiah  Ushur^  termed  Preying 
Indians)  they  have  made  Preys  of  much  English  Blood,  but 
now  they  are  all  reduced  to  their  several  Confinements;  which 
is  much  to  a  general  Satisfaction  in  that  Respect. 

Dated  from  Boston  Novemb.  10,  1675. 


1  have  here  enclosed  you  as  large  an  Account  as  I  can  at 
Present  of  the  State  of  this  Wilderness,  in  Respect  to  the 
Heathens:  I  must  confess,  I  was  the  willinger  to  take  a  little 
the  more  Pains  in  the  collecting  thereof,  for  the  Sakes  of  those 
with  you,  who  wish  us  well.    Which  if  it  may  answer  its 

1  Captain  Samuel  Mosely  and  Captain  Jonathan  Poole  were  the  two  officers 
in  charge  at  the  different  ends  of  the  town.  Hatfield  is  opposite  Hadley  on  the 
Connecticut  River. 

2  Freegrace  Norton,  one  of  Major  Appleton's  sergeants,  was  shot  at  the  side 
of  his  superior  officer,  the  wound  proving  mortal.  Major  Appleton  barely  escaped 
a  like  fate. 

3  Hezekiah  Usher,  bookseller  in  Boston. 


intended  End  therein,  the  Labour  in  Writing  will  be  well 
bestowed.  You  may  expect  more  from  me  as  there  is  Occa- 
sion, meanwhile  I  am, 

Your  Friend  and  Servant. 

Psal  80,  7,  8,  9,  10,  11, 12,  13, 14. 


ENGLAND,  BY  N.   S.,   1676 

ENGLAND,   1676 

A  Continuation  of  the  State  of  New-England;  Being  a  Farther 
Account  of  the  Indian  Warr,  And  of  the  Engagement  betwixt 
the  Joynt  Forces  of  the  United  English  Collonies  and  the 
Indians,  on  the  19th  of  December,  1675,  With  the  true  Num- 
ber of  the  Slain  and  Wounded,  and  the  Transactions  of  the 
English  Army  since  the  said  Fight.  With  all  other  Passages 
that  have  there  Hapned  from  the  10th  of  November,  1675,  to 
the  Sth  of  February  1671.  Together  with  an  Account  of  the 
Intended  Rebellion  of  the  Negroes  in  the  Barbadoes. 

Licensed  March  27,  1676.    Henry  Oldenburg. 

London:  Printed  by  T.  M.  for  Dorman  Newman,  at  the  Kings 
Armes  in  the  Poultry,  1676.^ 

Boston,  February  the  9th,  1675.2 

My  Last  to  you  was  of  the  10th  of  November  past,' 
(which  in  regard  we  have  had  much  Westerly  Wiads  since)  I 
hope  ere  this  Time  you  have  received;  according  to  the  best 
Information  I  had  or  could  procure,  I  made  bold  to  acquaint 
you  with  Sundry  Passages,  that  before  the  Date  thereof,  came 
to  pass  amongst  us;  I  also  sent  you  two  of  our  Orders  in  Print 
by  Order  of  the  Council  here;  The  one  for  the  Confinement 
of  our  Neetop  (i.  e.  Friend)  Indians,  the  other  for  a  general 
Fast  throughout  this  Collony;^  By  the  one  you  may  see  the 

^  Title-page  of  the  original. 

2  This  (meaning  February  9,  1676,  N.  S.)  is  an  erroneous  date  prefixed  by 
the  printer.  The  proper  date  is  apparently  December  21,  1675;  see  the  begin- 
ning of  the  next  letter. 

3  The  date  here  given  connects  this  piece  with  the  preceding  narrative. 
See  ante,  p.  49. 

*  See  Proclamation  for  Fast,  ante,  pp.  45-47.  Neetop  is  Indian  for  "friend." 
The  confinement  of  the  friendly  Indians  was  on  islands  in  Boston  harbor. 



great  Care  our  Authority  hath,  as  well  to  make  a  Distinction 
visible,  betwixt  our  Friends  the  Christian  Indians,  and  our 
Enemies  the  Heathens,  as  also,  to  secure  the  one  from  In- 
juries, and  to  lay  the  other  open,  and  make  them  liable  to  the 
Hand  of  Justice :  By  the  other  you  may  see  what  Fear  of  the 
immediate  Hand  of  God  upon  us  our  Magistrates  have;  and 
truly  Sir,  we  have  great  Cause  to  bless  the  Lord  for  that  we 
have  such  Magistrates  and  Councellors  that  we  are  so  well 
assured  do  aime  at  the  Glory  of  God,  and  the  Peace  and  Wel- 
fare of  his  People  in  this  Wilderness,  that  however  the  mighty 
Hand  of  God  is  lifted  up  upon  us,  and  he  hath  given  Commis- 
sion to  the  Sword  to  destroy,  yet  we  are  well  satisfied  there  is 
Nothing  wanting  that  lyeth  within  the  reach  of  their  Wisdom 
or  Strength:  Wherefore  in  the  midst  of  our  Troubles  we  com- 
fort ourselves  in  this,  that  we  are  satisfied  they  do  what  in 
them  lyeth:  I  hope  in  some  short  Time  I  may  hear  of  your 
receipt  thereof. 

Sir,  In  my  Last  I  also  gave  you  (at  First)  an  Account  of 
the  Reasons  of  the  Rise  and  Original  of  these  unhappy  Wars, 
in  which,  my  Information  was  not  so  Perfect,  but  that  there 
was  somewhat  amiss;  although,  at  that  Time,  the  Account 
thereof  was  generally  received,  and  the  Alteration  is  not  much, 
only  in  some  few  particular  Circumstances:  Wherefore,  that 
you  might  be  the  more  Certain  thereof,  I  shall  give  you  an 
Account  wherein  I  missed,  Thus :  About  six  Years  since  one 
Sosoman^  (an  Indian  Schollar  and  Minister)  having  spent 
some  Years  in  the  Study  of  Divinity,  being  by  that  Time 
judged  capable  of  Preaching  the  Gospel,  was  by  the  Authority 
of  Plymouth 2  sent  to  Preach  to  King  Philip;  he  with  some 
seeming-kind  of  Devotion,  heard  him  for  a  while  at  several 
Times;  and  however  his  Zeal  was  in  outward  Appearance,  yet 
all  that  Time,  and  a  good  while  before,  he  with  several  of  his 
own  Men,  had  a  Conspiracy  to  cut  off  the  English  thereabouts, 
and  scrupled  not  to  make  the  Business  known  to  Sosoman,';as 
supposing  he  might  be  of  great  use  to  him,  in  carrying  on  that 
bloody  Design;  Whereupon  this  Sosoman  soon  after  maizes 
this  Thing  known  to  the  Governor  of  New  Plymouth  CoUony, 
Josiah  Winslow  Esq.  King  Philip  suspecting  he  either  would 

^  See  p.  7,  note  2,  ante. 

*  A  doubtful  statement  as  to  the  action  of  Plymouth. 

1675]  STATE  OF  NEW-ENGLAND  55 

divulge,  or  had  already  made  known  this  Secret  to  the  English, 
took  Councel  to  kill  this  Sosoman,  wherefore  in  Order  there- 
unto, one  Day,  as  he  sat  fishing  by  a  Riverside,  two  or  three 
Indians  came  and  barbarously  Murthered  him  in  the  Place; 
Whereupon  as  soon  as  the  Governor  and  Councel  of  Pljonouth 
heard  thereof,  sent  and  took  the  said  Murtherers;  as  also  a 
small  Party  went  to  King  Philip  and  brought  him  and  most  of 
his  chief  Men  ^  to  Plymouth,  and  there  Examined  them,  and 
had  several  Meetings  in  Consultation  about  the  Business; 
but  King  Philip  behaved  himself  very  uncivilly  (like  a  Heathen) 
however  due  Proof  could  not  be  produced  against  him,  and  he 
nor  his  Men  not  having  yet  shed  any  English  Blood,  after  his 
entring  into  a  League  of  Peace  with  the  English,  was  dismist; 
only  the  Murtherers  after  a  legal  Condemnation  were  Hanged.^ 
Here  lies  the  Occasion  of  our  present  Difference,  which  I  have 
made  bold  to  acquaint  you  of.  Sir,  towards  the  close  of  my 
Last  to  you,  I  gave  you  an  Account  of  what  was  done  at  Hat- 
field the  19th  of  October  last;  in  which  Fight  the  Heathens 
were  so  put  to  it,  that  they  were  forced  to  go  to  their  last 
Refuge,  that  is,  the  Narragansets,  who  I  wrote  you  Word  we 
feared  every  Day  more  and  more  would  Prove  perfidious  to  us; 
wherefore  the  Authority  of  the  United  CoUonies  having  In- 
telligence that  King  Philip  with  his  whole  Retinue,  as  well 
Women  and  Children,  etc.,  did  Harbour  themselves  imder  the 
Protection  of  Ninicroft,  who  is  the  King  of  the  Narragansets, 
as  also  hearing  that  that  same  Sachem,  that  came  to  Boston 
about  the  End  of  September  last,  (being  Ninicroft's  Eldest 
Son)  is  since  Marryed  to  the  Squaw  Sachem;  which  Marriage 
doth  signifie  a  near  Alliance;  and  also  seeing  that  what  that 
Sachem  did  agree  unto  with  our  Authority,  when  in  Boston, 
is  not  at  all  regarded  by  them,  (for  that  Sachem  sent  Word 
when  he  came  Home  into  his  own  Country,  that  Ninicroft 
would  not  agree  to  what  he  had  done.)^ 

1  By  another  account  Philip  "came  downe  of  his  own  accord"  to  Plymouth. 

"  See  p.  8,  note  3,  ante,  and  p.  25. 

3  The  writer  confuses  Ninnicroft  (Ninigret)  with  Canonchet,  the  leading 
chief  of  the  Narragansetts  and  the  brains  of  the  war  on  the  Indian  side.  It  was 
the  latter  who  came  to  Boston  and  signed  for  himself  and  others  the  treaty  of 
October  18,  1675,  and  who  later  refused  to  keep  the  treaty,  which  led  to  the  prac- 
tical declaration  of  war  by  the  United  Commissioners  on  November  2.    So  also 


These  Things  so  falling  out  near  the  same  Time,  put  our 
Authority  then  in  Councel  upon  some  Necessity  of  finding 
out  a  speedy  Way  to  Remedy  the  same,  But  notwithstanding 
their  Perfidiousness  hitherto,  yet  about  three  Weeks  after, 
five  Sachems  came  together  from  Ninicroft  to  Boston,  and 
engaged^  that  our  Enemies,  entertained  by  them,  should  be 
delivered  up  Instantly;  but  Nothing  being  done  of  what  they 
promised,  the  Commissioners  of  the  United  CoUonies,  sitting 
in  Councel  here,  (the  several  Considerations  here  exprest, 
with  Others  moving  them  thereto)  in  the  first  Place  published 
this  following  Remonstrance  (here  inserted  verbatim)  ^  and 
ordered  a  Body  of  Souldiers,  Horse  and  Foot  to  march  hence; 
in  order  thereunto,  on  the  10th  of  this  Instant  December,  six 
Companies  of  Foot  and  Horse  marched  hence  unto  Seaconck: 
The  Number  of  the  Soulders  were  thus;  Of  Massachusetts  and 
Plimouth  CoUonies  700  Foot  and  200  Horse,  and  Connecticot 
CoUony  having  300  Foot  and  100  Horse  ready  to  meet  them  at 
New  London,^ — whereof  Governour  Josiah  Winslow  is  gone 
out  General:  From  Massachusetts  CoUony  is  gone  out  in 
Command,  Major  Appleton  of  Ipswich,  Captain  James  Oliver, 
Captain  Samuel  Moseley,  and  Captain  Nath.  Davenport  of 
Boston,  Captain  Johnson  of  Roxbury,  Captain  Gardner  of 
Salem,  and  Captain  Thomas  Prentice,  Captain  of  the  Horse. 
These  were  commanders  of  those  seven  Companies  that 
marched  hence. 

The  16th  Instant  we  had  Advice  from  them,  that  the 
Enemy  had  burnt  Mr.  Jeremiah  BaU's*  House  at  Narragansett, 
and  kUled  18  Men,  Women,  and  Children  that  were  in  it, 
and  that  they  had  taken  55  Indians,  and  killed  ten  more  and 

it  was  Quanopin  or  Quinnapin  who  married  the  Squaw  Sachem,  as  will  appear  in 
Mrs.  Rowlandson's  Narrative,  pp.  125,  150,  "post. 

^  Not  a  new  treaty  but  an  addition  to  that  of  October  18. 

2  See  the  document  at  the  end  of  this  piece. 

3  Over  150  Indians  were  with  the  Connecticut  forces.  As  to  Rhode  Island, 
Callender  says:  "It  must  be  observed  that  though  the  Colony  was  not,  as  they 
ought  to  have  been,  consulted,  yet  they  not  only  afforded  Shelter  and  Protection 
to  the  flying  English  .  .  .  but  they  likewise  furnished  some  of  the  Forces  with 
Provisions  and  Transports." 

*  Jeriah  or  Jireh  Bull  who  kept  a  garrison  house  on  Tower  Hill  at  Petta- 
quamscut,  between  the  present  Wakefield,  Rhode  Island,  and  Narragansett  Pier, 
is  probably  the  person  meant.  A  better  estimate  reduces  the  loss  to  fifteen  persons. 

1675]  STATE  OF  NEW-ENGLAND  57 

burnt  150  Wigwams  with  the  Loss  of  four  of  our  Men,  and  as 
many  Wounded.  This  Exploit  was  performed  by  Captain 
Prentice,  a  Captain  of  the  Horse.  The  Weather  now  being 
extream  Cold,  having  both  Frost  and  Snow  in  most  Places 
two  Foot,  in  many  Places  three  Foot  deep,  we  have  as  yet  had 
Nothing  like  to  a  Field  Battel  with  the  Indians,  save  that 
Fight  we  had  at  Hatfield  of  which  I  gave  you  an  Account  in 
my  Last,  until  these  Soulders  went  out  Last;  since  which  Time, 
by  several  Posts  coming  Daily  thence,  as  also  by  private 
Letters,  I  have  this  Account  of  this  Fight  in  particular.  On 
Saturday  the  19th  Instant,  the  General  mustered  up  the  whole 
Army  in  November,  as  before,  having  with  them  three  Minis- 
ters, viz.  Mr.  Dudley,  Mr.  Buckley  and  Mr.  Samuel  Nowell, 
at  Capt.  Smith's^  House,  (the  same  Capt.  Smith  I  told  you 
in  my  Last  that  came  to  Boston  with  Ninnicroft's  Eldest  Son 
a  Sachem)  whose  Dwelling  is  about  fom-  Miles  off  the  Narra- 
gansetts  Dwellings,  and  is  now  the  strongest  Garrison  in  those 
Parts)  and  having  given  Orders  for  a  March,  according  to 
Discretion,  marched  towards  the  Narragansets  Country  (or 
Town)  where  finding  no  Indians,  they  were  at  a  Stand,  not 
knowing  which  Way  to  go  in  Pursuit  of  the  Indians;  but  how- 
ever during  their  Stay,  their  Capt.  Prentice  with  his  Company 
discovered  some  Place  under  Ground,  wherein  was  Indian 
Corn  laid  up  in  Store  by  them;  this  encouraged  them  to  look 
further;  Whereupon  in  their  Search  they  found  several  good 
Quantities  of  that  Grain  in  like  Manner,  which  afterwards 
was  conveyed  to  the  Garrison.  In  the  Afternoon  of  that 
Saturday,  some  of  the  Souldiers  accidently  espied  an  Indian^ 
alone,  whom  they  took  and  carried  to  the  General,  who  upon 
his  Refusal  to  answer  to  those  Questions  demanded,  was 
ordered  to  be  Hanged  forthwith;  Whereupon  the  Indian  to 
save  his  Life,  told  them  where  the  whole  Body  of  the  Indians 
were  together,  as  well  King  Philip,  and  all  other  Confederate 
Sagamores  and  Sachems  with  their  whole  Retinue,  as  also 
the  whole  Body  of  the  Narragansets,  being  joyned  all  in  a 
Body  in  November,  about  4500  Indian  Men,  besides  Wives 
and  Children :  Whereupon,  keeping  this  Indian  for  their  Guide, 

^  Samuel  Dudley,  Gershom  Bulkley,  Richard  Smith. 

2  Known  to  the  English  as  Peter.     The  ensuing  battle  is  known  in  New 
England  history  as  the  Great  Swamp  Fight, 


they  having  Provisions  with  them,  marched  all  Night,  the 
Indians  being  then  16  Miles  distant  from  them,  and  that 
Night  there  fell  a  very  hard  Snow  two  or  three  Foot  deep, 
and  withal  an  extream  hard  Frost,  so  that  some  of  our  Men 
were  frozen  in  their  Hands  and  Feet,  and  thereby  disabled  for 
Service.  The  next  Day,  about  Noon,  they  come  to  a  large 
Swamp,  which  by  Reasons  of  the  Frost  aU  the  Night  before, 
they  were  capable  of  going  over  (which  else  they  could  not 
have  done).  They  forthwith  in  one  Body  entered  the  said 
Swamp,  and  in  the  Midst  thereof  was  a  Piece  of  firm  Land,  of 
about  three  or  four  Acres  of  Ground,  whereon  the  Indians 
had  built  a  Kind  of  Fort,^  being  Palisado'd  round,  and  within 
that  a  Clay  Wall,  as  also  felled  down  Abundance  of  Trees  to 
lay  quite  round  the  said  Fort,  but  they  had  not  quite  finished 
the  said  Work.  The  General  placed  Capt.  Moseley  in  the  Front, 
to  enter  the  Fort,  and  the  Rest  of  the  Companies  were  placed 
according  to  Discretion.  In  their  March  they  met  with  three 
Indians  sent  out  as  Scouts,  whom  they  shot  dead  at  Sight 
thereof:  as  soon  as  ever  the  Indians  saw  our  Army  coming, 
they  shot  as  fast  as  ever  they  could,  and  so  our  Men  did  the 
like.  Before  our  Men  could  come  up  to  take  Possession  of  the 
Fort;  the  Indians  had  shot  three  Bullets  through  Capt.  Daven- 
port, whereupon  he  bled  extreamly,  and  immediately  called 
for  his  Lieutenant,  Mr.  Edward  Ting,  and  committed  the 
Charge  of  the  Company  to  him,  and  desired  him  to  take  care 
of  his  Gun,  and  deliver  it  according  to  Order,  and  inmiediately 
died  in  the  Place;  his  Company  were  extreamly  grieved  at  his 
Death,  in  Regard  he  was  so  courteous  to  them;  for  he  being 
Commander  of  that  Company,  belonging  to  Cambridge  and 
Watertown  etc.  was  a  Stranger  to  most  of  them;  and  at  the 
same  Time  that  he  came  to  take  Possession  of  his  Company,  he 
made  a  very  civil  Speech  to  them,  and  also  gave  them  free 
Liberty  to  choose  their  Serjeants  themselves,  which  pleased 

^  This  fortress  of  the  Narragansetts  is  in  the  present  town  of  South  Kings- 
town, Rhode  Island.  The  fort  stood  upon  an  island  between  the  present  Charles 
River  and  Usquepaug  River,  and  is  marked  by  a  monument  visible  from  the  Shore 
Line  railroad  near  West  Kingstown  station.  See  A  Record  of  the  Ceremony  and 
Oration,  etc.,  printed  by  the  Society  of  Colonial  Wars  (1906).  It  was  built  under 
the  direction  of  "Stone-wall  John,"  an  Indian  engineer,  referred  to  later  (p. 
59)  as  a  blacksmith,  possibly  aided  by  Joshua  Tift  or  Teft,  a  renegade  white 

1675]  STATE  OF  NEW-ENGLAND  59 

them  very  well,  and  accordingly  did  so ;  and  it  is  very  probable 
the  Indians  might  think  that  Capt.  Davenport  was  the  Gen- 
eral, because  he  had  a  very  good  Buff  Suit  on  at  that  Time, 
and  therefore  might  shoot  at  him.  In  a  short  Time  our 
Forces  entred  the  Fort,  Captain  Mosely  being  in  the  Front, 
the  Indians  knowing  him  very  well,  many  directed  their  shot 
to  him,  as  he  afterwards  told  the  General  that  he  believed  he 
saw  50  aim  at  him:  As  soon  as  he  and  they  had  entred  the 
Fort,  he  espied  a  Heap  of  above  50  Indians  lay  dead  in  a 
Corner,  which  the  Indians  had  gathered  together;  as  soon 
as  ever  our  Men  had  entred  the  Fort,  the  Indians  fled,  our 
Men  killed  many  of  them,  as  also  of  their  Wives  and  Chil- 
dren, amongst  which  an  Indian  Black-Smith^  (the  only  Man 
amongst  them  that  fitted  their  Guns  and  Arrow-heads;)  and 
amongst  many  other  Houses  burnt  his,  as  also  demolished 
his  Forge,  and  carried  away  his  Tools;  they  fought  with  the 
Indians,  and  pursued  them  so  long  as  was  advantageous  to 
them;  then  the  General  gave  Order  to  Soimd  a  Retreat,  which 
was  done  according  to  Order.  The  Retreat  was  no  sooner 
beaten,  and  the  Souldiers  were  in  a  Marching  Posture,  before 
they  were  got  all  out  of  the  Fort,  a  thousand  fresh  Indians  set 
on  our  Men,  but  in  an  Hour's  Time  the  Indians  were  forced 
to  Retreat  and  Flie.  Our  Men  as  near  as  they  can  judge,  may 
have  killed  about  600  Indian  Men,  besides  Women  and  Chil- 
dren. Many  more  Indians  were  killed  which  we  could  have 
no  Account  of,  by  Reason  that  they  would  carry  away  as  many 
dead  Indians  as  they  could.  Our  Men  before  they  had  been 
set  on  by  the  fresh  Indians,  had  set  fire  to  most  of  the  Wig- 
wams in  and  about  the  Fort  (which  were  near  1000  in  all,) 
how  many  were  burnt  down  they  could  not  tell  positively, 
only  thus;  That  they  Marched  above  three  Miles  from  the 
Fort  by  the  Light  of  the  Fires.^  Here  is  an  Account  of  the 
Number  of  English-Men  slain  by  the  Indians  in  this  Engage- 

^  If  the  reference  is  to  "Stone-wall  John,"  it  may  be  stated  that  he  was  not 
killed  at  this  time  but  by  Connecticut  forces  under  Major  John  Talcott,  July 
2,  1676.     See  p.  96,  -post. 

2  Improbable  under  the  weather  conditions.  Our  writer  gives  round  num- 
bers in  this  account  and  probably  does  not  underestimate  the  size  of  the  Indian 
forces.  He  was  not  on  the  field,  and  neither  Mather  nor  Hubbard  gives  these 
details  nor  places  the  numbers  of  men  so  high. 




A  List  of  the  Number  of  the  English  Slain  and  Wounded  in  the 
Battel  with  the  Indians,  on  the  19th  of  December,  1675. 

Of  the  Massuchusets. 

Slain.  Wounded. 

In  the  Company  of 
Major  Appleton 
Capt.  Moseley's 
Capt.  Oliver's 
Capt.  Johnson's 
Capt.  Gardner's 
Capt.  Davenport's 






Wounded,    whereof   some   are 

since  dead. 

Of  Connecticot. 

Major  Treat's  Com'y 
Capt.  Sealey's 
Capt.  Marshal's 
Capt.  Waite's 

Of  Plymouth. 

Capt.  Bradford) 

Capt.  Corum^   ) 


Lost  in  the  Woods 







Captains  Slain. 

Capt.  Davenport 
Capt.  Johnson 
Capt.  Gardner 
Capt.  Marshal 

Capt.  Gallop,  who  Commanded 
Uncas's  Indians. 


Captain  Bradford,  shot  in  the 

Captain  Sealy,  Mortally  as  is 

Captain  Mason. 
Captain  White. 

Lieutenants  Wounded. 

Lieut.  Savage, 
Lieut.  Ting, 
Lieut.  Swan, 
Lieut.  Upham. 
Wounded  and  Slain  in 

all      -      -      -     -     207^ 

We  wanting  good  Accommodation  for  our  Wounded  Men, 
our  General  ordered  them  to  be  removed  to  Road-Island, 
where  they  have  good  Quarters  provided,  and  care  taken  for 
their  Recovery.  Ninigret,  the  old  Sachem  of  the  Narragansets, 
hath  lately,  with  a  small  Party  of  Indians  seperated  himself 
from  the  Rest  of  his  People,  disownmg  their  Actions,  and  all 

^  Captain  John  Gorham. 

2  Another  estimate  gives  the  English  loss  as  6  captains  and  80  men  killed, 
and  150  men  wounded. 

1675]  STATE  OF  NEW-ENGLAND  61 

that  jojni  with  King  Philip,  and  professes  himself  a  true  Friend 
to  the  English  Interest.^ 

It  may  not  be  amiss  to  acquaint  you  that  the  Night  before 
the  Fight  was,  and  all  that  Day,  and  the  Night  after,  there 
fell  such  an  extraordinary  Snow  that  the  like  hath  not  been 
known  for  many  Years;  and  in  Regard  that  we  had  no  Post 
come  from  our  Army  for  four  or  five  Days,  many  Fears  arose 
amongst  us  that  our  Men  were  lost  either  by  the  Enemy,  or  the 
Snow,  which  made  many  an  Heart  ake  amongst  us.  But  so 
it  was,  that  which  we  feared  would  spoil  us,  did  very  much 
disable  the  Enemy;  for  we  having  burnt  down  almost  all 
their  Wigwams,  as  also  all  their  Corn  that  we  could  find,  they 
thereby  have  less  Shelter  and  less  Subsistance  left  them,  which 
Misery  of  theirs  is  much  aggravated  by  that  great  Snow. 

The  Fight  being  over,  our  Men  Retreated  to  Mr.  Smith's 
House,  where  the  Noble  General  gave  Order  that  the  Wounded 
and  Sick  should  first  of  all  be  cared  for,  which  was  done  ac- 
cordingly; and  that  they  might  have  the  better  Accomodation 
in  the  House  the  General  hunself  lay  in  a  Barn  belonging  to 
the  said  House.  Care  is  now  taken  to  raise  a  thousand  Men 
more  to  attend  the  General,  which  will  suddenly  march; 
What  the  Issue  will  be  the  Lord  knows.  King  Philip  supposing 
that  Hatfield,  a  Town  on  Conecticot  River,  was  very  thin  of 
Men;  he  drew  together  seven  or  800  of  his  Indians,  among 
which  they  had  several  Horses,  and  suddenly  entred  the 
Town  on  the  19th  of  October,  1675,  which  after  they  had  set 
on  Fire  in  three  Places,  they  divided  themselves  into  two 
Bodies  and  began  to  act  several  Cruelties  on  the  Inhabitants. 
The  Enghsh  by  their  Dihgence  soon  quenched  the  Fires;  and 
making  up  a  Body  of  200  Men,  most  of  which  were  newly 
come  into  the  Town,  they  feU  on  the  Indians  with  a  great 
Deal  of  Fury,  and  after  two  Hours  Fight,  compelled  the 
Indians  to  leave  the  Town  with  more  Hast  than  they  entred; 
the  Enghsh  having  slain  about  100  Indians,  with  very  Httle 
Loss  to   themselves,  2  pursued   the  Rest  to  the  River-side, 

^  Captain  Bradford  remained  at  Newport  over  a  month,  writing  to  Plym- 
outh on  January  20,  1676,  that  Ninigret  had  buried  the  English  dead  and  wished 
a  reward  in  powder  for  his  work.     See  p.  65,  post. 

2  There  are  better  accounts  of  this  Hatfield  raid  by  Mather,  Brief  History, 
and  by  Hubbard.  The  number  of  Indians  killed  as  given  by  our  author  is  at 
least  fivefold  the  truth. 


where  many  were  drowned  that  could  not  swim  to  the  farther 
Side.  After  this  Fight,  PhiHp  and  his  Indians  fled  to  the 
Narragansets,  which  caused  the  Counsel  of  the  Massachusets 
to  pubHsh  in  Print  this  Remonstrance  before  spoken  of.^ 


To  our  Brethren  and  Friends,  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Colony  of  the 


Although  you  cannot  be  Ignorant  how  studious  this  Govern- 
ment hath  been  to  preserve  Peace  in  this  Colony,  and  hath  taken  up 
and  Compromised  diverse  Quarrels  that  have  Risen  between  our 
Selves,  our  Neighbours,  and  the  Indians;  And  thereby  at  several 
Times  prevented  those  Calamities  wherewith  we  are  now  Pressed, 
Yet  to  satisfie  you  that  the  same  Mind,  and  the  same  Endeavours 
are  continued  in  the  present  Government,  we  have  thought  it  neces- 
sary to  let  you  understand  the  Rise  and  Progress  of  our  present 
Troubles,  with  our  Endeavours  to  have  prevented  the  same. 

In  June  last,  we  were  Certified  by  our  Friends  and  Confederates 
of  Plimouth,  that  Philip  the  Sachem  of  Mount  Hope  was  in  Arms, 
and  had  solicited  all  the  Indians  to  joyn  with  him  against  the  Eng- 
lish; and  withal  they  desired  our  Assistance  to  Suppress  him;  Which 
we  by  the  Articles  of  Confederation  could  not  deny,  and  therefore 
applied  ourselves  to  Raise  some  Force  for  their  Assistance :  but  were 
still  desirous  to  prevent  a  War  with  the  Indians;  and  therefore  upon 
a  former  Experience  of  a  good  Effect  wrought  upon  the  said  Philip, 
we  resolved  to  use  the  same  Means,  viz.  sending  Messengers  from 
hence  to  Philip  to  Treat  with  him,  hoping  of  the  hke  Issue,  which 
upon  the  like  Case  about  four  Years  since  we  by  Gods  good  Hand 
obtained.2  But  our  Messengers  arriving  at  Swanzy,  in  their  Way 
towards  Philip,  found  divers  English  Murthered  on  the  Road,  and 
were  informed  by  the  English  there,  of  divers  Hostilities  of  the 
Indians,  which  rendered  our  Design  and  their  Negotiation  hopeless: 
Upon  which  they  returned,  and  informed  us  as  abovesaid,  whereupon 
our  Forces  began  their  March  in  Aid  of  our  Friends  at  Plymouth; 
and  having  driven  Philip  from  his  Country,  we  being  informed  that 
the  Narragansets  harboured  his  Women,  and  aided  him  with  Men, 

^Plymouth  issued  a  Justification  for  taking  up  Arms  similar  to  the  one 
here  given  (Plymovih  Colony  Records,  X.  362-363).  Massachusetts  certainly  was 
not  eager  for  war  at  this  time,  whatever  may  have  been  the  wish  of  Plymouth. 

2  The  reference  is  to  the  treaty  of  Taunton  already  described.  A  reference 
to  the  so-called  treaty  of  July  15  with  the  Narragansetts  occurs  a  few  lines  later, 
and  this  is  followed  by  a  mention  of  the  treaty  with  the  Conunissioners  entered 
into  at  Boston  by  Canonchet  on  October  18,  1675. 

16751  STATE  OF  NEW-ENGLAND  63 

we  ordered  our  Souldiers  to  march  to  Narraganset,  in  order  to  keep 
them  quiet,  and  prevent  their  succouring  or  harbouring  the  Enemy: 
Where,  after  some  Delay,  they  were  drawn  to  consent  to  our  De- 
mands, promising  neither  to  Entertain  nor  assist  our  Enemies,  which 
they  since  confirmed  in  a  Treaty  with  the  Commissioners  of  the 
Colonies:  Further  engaging  that  they  would  deliver  all  those  of 
Philip's  Party,  that  upon  his  Rout  near  Scatoneck,i  or  since,  were 
fled  to  them;  but  have  failed  in  every  Particular.  You  may  also 
take  notice.  That  before  any  of  our  Souldiers  marched  to  Mount 
Hope,  we  were  very  careful  to  understand  the  State  of  the  Nipnet' 
Indians,  to  prevent  Philip's  Design,  and  secure  those  Indians,  and 
therefore  dispatched  two  Messengers  well  known  to  them,  to  certifie 
them  of  Phihp's  Motion  and  of  our  Design  to  keep  Amity  and  Friend- 
ship with  them,  according  to  the  Covenants  made  with  them  long 
since,  no  Ways  Violated  on  our  Part.  And  by  the  said  Messengers 
received  fair  Returns  from  the  most  of  them,  being  in  10  or  12  Plan- 
tations. Someof  these  pretended  Fear  of  us:  For  their  further  Satis- 
faction (when  our  Forces  were  sent  out  against  Philip)  we  to  satisfie 
and  secure  them,  sent  them  by  Ephraim  Curtice,  a  Declaration' 
under  the  Publick  Seal,  that  we  had  no  Design  or  Intent  to  disturb 
them,  or  any  other  Indians  that  would  remain  in  their  Plantations 
peaceably:  which  Message  and  Messenger  was  evilly  treated  by 
many  of  them  there  Assembled,  and  the  Messenger  much  endangered 
by  the  Younger  Men  and  not  with  any  Satisfaction  by  their  Sachems, 
as  the  Event  shewed,  though  at  that  Present  more  moderately 

Soon  after  this  Dispatch,  and  before  Philips  flying  from  Pocas- 
set,  and  March  up  towards  the  Nipnet  Country;  Some  of  the  said 
Nipnet-Indians  Assaulted  and  slew  divers  of  our  People  at  Mendam;  * 
whereupon  Captain  Hutchinson  with  a  small  Guard,  was  sent  up 
to  the  said  Nipnet-Indians,  (if  possible  to  keep  them  quiet)  who 
arriving  at  Quabaog,  whereabouts  was  a  Randezvous  of  the  Indians, 
and  having  sent  to  them,  they  promised  to  meet  him  in  a  certain 
Place,  whither  he  at  the  Time  repairing,  found  not  the  Indians,  and 
being  incouraged  by  the  English  of  Quabaog,  that  the  Indians  were 
peaceable,  etc.  he  advanced  forward  towards  the  Place  of  the  Indians 
Randezvous,  to  Treat  with  them:  But  in  the  Way,  was  by  Ambus- 

^  Seekonk,  August  1. 

2  Better  known  as  the  Nipmoogs  or  Nipmucks,  although  but  a  part  of  the 
Indians  so  called  are  here  intended. 

3  Ephraim  Curtis  was  a  young  trader  of  Quamsigamug  or  Worcester,  Massa- 
chusetts, and  a  noteworthy  scout  and  hunter. 

*For  the  conflicts  at  Mendon  and  Quabaog  (Brookfield),  see  pp.  35,  36, 


cado  treacherously  way-laid,  by  which  himself,  and  several  others 
were  wounded  and  slain,  the  English  of  Quabaog  immediately  As- 
saulted, and  the  Town,  except  one  House,  totally  destroyed;  at  which 
Time,  as  we  understand,  Philip  also  with  his  broken  Party  came  up 
to  the  said  Indians,  and  upon  the  first,  or  immediately  before  the 
arrival  of  the  Forces,  we  sent  up  for  the  Relief  of  those  of  Quabaog, 
Philip  and  his  whole  Crew  retreated  (as  we  then  feared,  and  after- 
wards were  informed)  towards  Conecticot-River,  from  whence  Re- 
cruiting himself  with  Ammunition  from  Albany,^  and  with  Men, 
partly  from  the  treacherous  Indians  about  Hadly  and  Springfield, 
to  have  prosecuted  his  first  Design  to  Ruine  and  destroy  the  English. 
And  notwithstanding  all  the  Opposition  of  our  Forces,  hath  done 
much  Mischief  and  spoil;  and  since  the  Repulse  he  received  at  Hat- 
field,2  withdrew  into  the  Nipnet-Country,  and  since  that  (as  we 
understand)  towards  the  Narragansets,  who  we  do  conclude,  have 
favoured,  abetted,  and  assisted  him  therein;  and  by  entertaining 
and  harbouring  our  Enemies,  have  dealt  falsely  and  perfidiously 
with  us;  whereby  we  find  our  selves  necessarily  Ingaged,  with  the 
Consent,  Advice  and  Assistance  of  the  Rest  of  the  Colonies,  in  a 
War  with  them,  as  well  as  with  Philip,  unless  they  prevent  the  same 
by  a  timely  Complyance  and  Performance,  and  Security  for  the 
Future:  for  the  managing  and  carrying  on  whereof,  we  hope  for, 
and  expect  (as  we  have  hitherto  had)  the  Assistance  of  all  his  Majes- 
ties Subjects  of  this  Colony  in  their  respective  Capacities,  in  the  just 
Defence  of  the  Glory  of  God,  the  Honour,  Defence  and  Safety  of  our 
King,  Country,  and  our  Selves,  from  the  Subtlety,  Rage,  and  Treach- 
erous Attempt  of  our  Barbarous  Enemies. 

Dated  in  Boston,  the  7th  of  December,  Anno  Christi,  1675, 
Annoque  Domini  Caroli  Secundi  Regis  Angl.  Scot.  Fran,  et  Hiber. 
Defensoris  Fidei,  etc.  27th.3 
By  the  Council 

Edward  Rawson,  Secret. 

1  The  New  York  Council  on  January  17,  1675/6,  resolved  "to  write  to  the 
Governor  of  Boston  to  vindicate  this  Government  from  an  Aspersion  in  a 
printed  Paper  of  Decemr.  the  7th  last  past,  wherein  was  set  forth  that  Philip  in 
his  Flight  was  supplyde  with  Ammunition  from  Albany  whereby  he  was  enabled 
to  prosecute  his  bloody  Designe  against  the  English." 

^2  For  the  encounters  at  Springfield  and  Hatfield,  see  pp.  47-49,  ante. 

3 "  And  in  the  twenty-seventh  year  of  our  lord  Charles  the  Second  King  of 
England,  Scotland,  France,  and  Ireland,  Defender  of  the  Faith." 

1676]  STATE  OF  NEW-ENGLAND  65 

Boston  in  New  England,  February  the  Sth,  1675/6. 

My  last  Letter  to  you  beared  Date  the  21st  of  December, 
1675/  wherein  I  gave  you  a  true  Account  of  the  State  of  our 
Affairs  in  New  England,  particularly  of  the  Engagement  of 
our  Forces  with  the  Indians  on  the  19th  of  December,  1675, 
And  the  Number  of  the  Slain  and  Wounded.  I  shall  now 
continue  my  InteUigence  according  to  your  Request,  and  my 
Promise,  and  give  you  a  true  Account  of  all  Transactions 
here  (worth  your  Information)  since  the  foresaid  19th  of 

Our  wounded  Men  (thanks  be  to  God)  are  most  of  them 
pretty  well  recovered,  and  only  Captain  Sealy  is  dead  that  I 
can  hear  of.^  By  some  Indian-Prisoners,  lately  taken,  we 
are  certainly  informed  that  they  had  355  Men  killed  outright, 
besides  several  burnt  in  their  Wigwams,  with  Women  and 
Children  and  180  wounded,  many  of  which  are  since  dead, 
particularly  Sachem  Quanepins  Brother,  who  was  a  Man  of 
great  Command  among  the  Indians.  That  Night  the  Indians 
left  the  Place  where  the  fight  was,  and  retreated  five  Miles 
farther  into  the  Country.  Ninecroft  an  old  Sachem  in  that 
Country,  who  hath  hitherto  continued  Neuter,  and  neither 
assisted  the  Indians  nor  us,  sent  some  of  his  Men  the  next 
Day,  and  Buried  the  dead  Indians,  and  as  many  of  the  Eng- 
lish as  were  left  behind  dead. 

On  the  23.  and  24.  of  December,  the  Indians  sent  some 
Commissioners  to  our  General  to  Treat  of  Peace,  which  they 
had  no  Mind  to  conclude;  but  we  soon  perceived  it  was  only 
to  prevent  our  falling  upon  them,  and  to  gain  themselves  more 
Time  to  remove  their  Army  and  Provisions  twenty  Miles  far- 
ther into  the  Country,  to  some  Rocks  where  we  could  not 
get  at  them  without  great  Danger.  Although  our  General 
knew  this,  he  was  desirous  to  keep  the  Treaty  on  Foot  by 
Reason  the  Forces  of  the  CoUony  of  Connecticot  had  left  our 

^  This  plainly  refers  to  the  previous  letter,  of  which  December  21  is  the 
proper  date. 

2  Captain  Robert  Sealy  of  Stratford,  Connecticut,  died  shortly  after  the 
fight.  The  estimates  of  the  Indians'  loss  range  from  one  thousand,  as  given  by 
Hubbard,  to  forty,  an  Indian  estimate. 


Army/  and  went  Home  to  Recruit,  and  those  Supplies  from 
Boston,  that  are  daily  expected,  not  being  yet  arrived,  our 
Army  was  not  in  a  Condition  to  make  any  new  Attempts  on 
the  Enemy;  but  had  not  the  Connecticot  Forces  left  our 
Army,  we  had  Hopes  that  we  might  have  compelled  the  Enemy 
to  yield  to  our  Mercy.  During  this  Time  our  Forces  foraged 
the  Country,  and  brought  in  great  Quantities  of  Indian  Com 
to  the  Army. 

About  the  beginning  of  January,  the  Forces  from  Boston 
that  were  sent  to  reinforce  our  Army  arrived  at  Narraganset, 
where  our  Army  then  lay:  the  extreme  Coldness  of  the  Season 
had  mightily  incommoded  them  in  their  March;  they  lost 
Eleven  of  their  Men  on  their  March,  that  were  frozen  to 
Death  and  brought  many  others  sick  and  disheartened  with  the 
extreme  Coldness  of  the  Season.  They  were  joj^ully  received 
by  the  Army;  and  soon  after  them  the  Connecticot  Forces 
came  to  the  Army,  having  reinforced  their  Companies  with 
some  fresh  Men;  and  brought  with  them  Unkus  an  old  Sa- 
chem, who  dwelt  in  the  Connecticot  Jurisdiction;  he  brought 
with  him  some  Companies  of  his  own  Indians  to  the  Assist- 
ance of  the  English. 

The  Winter  being  now  broke  up,  and  the  Snow  and  Ice  aU 
gone,  our  Army  consisting  in  all  of  1600  Men^  began  their 
March  to  the  Rocks,  where  the  Indians  were  fled  for  Protec- 
tion, but  in  their  Way,  they  had  Intelligence  that  300  Indians 
had  been  at  Patuxit,  an  EngHsh  Plantation  on  the  Narraganset 
Bay,  where  they  had  burnt  Mr.  Carpenters  Corn  and  Hay, 
and  all  his  Houses,  except  his  dwelling  House,  which  likewise 
they  had  set  on  Fire,  but  it  was  again  quenched  by  some  Eng- 
lish that  were  in  it.  They  likewise  drove  away  with  them 
180  Sheep,  50  Head  of  large  Cattle,  and  15  Horses:  Besides, 
they  took  much  Cattel  from  young  Mr.  Harris,'  and  killed  a 
Negro  Servant  of  his;  and  having  done  this  Mischief,  returned 
Home  with  their  Booty. 

^  Massachusetts  complained  that  the  abrupt  leave-taking  of  the  Connecti- 
cut troops  created  a  very  difficult  situation,  but  the  southern  colony  had  suffered 
more  severely  than  either  of  her  New  England  neighbors.  "Supplies,"  below, 
means  reinforcements. 

2  This  estimate  is  high,  considering  the  losses  of  the  campaign  and  the  with- 
drawal of  the  Connecticut  men. 

» William  Carpenter,  jr.,  of  Providence,  and  Andrew  Harris. 

1676]  STATE  OF  NEW-ENGLAND  67 

Our  Army  being  arrived  in  Bumham's  Country,  an  Indian 
Sachem/  we  burnt ^his  Town,  and  had  a  small  Reincounter 
with  some  of  his  Indians,  where  we  wounded  his  chief  Cap- 
tain Quaqualh  on  the  Knee,  and  killed  five  of  his  Men,  and 
had  four  of  our  Connecticot  Men  wounded. 

Our  Scouts  brought  in  Prisoner  one  Tift,^  a  Renegadoe 
Enghsh  Man,  who  having  received  a  deserved  Punishment 
from  our  General,  deserted  our  Army,  and  fled  to  the  Enemy, 
where  had  good  Entertainment,  and  was  again  sent  out  by 
them  with  some  of  their  Forces;  he  was  shot  in  the  Knee  by  our 
Scouts,  and  then  taken  before  he  could  discharge  his  Musket, 
which  was  taken  from  him  and  found  deep  charged,  and  laden 
with  Slugs.  He  was  brought  to  our  Army,  and  tryed  by  a 
Counsel  of  War,  where  he  pretended  that  he  was  taken  Prisoner 
by  the  Indians,  and  by  them  compelled  to  bear  Arms  in  their 
Service;  but  this  being  proved  to  be  false,  he  was  condemned 
to  be  hanged  and  Quartered,  which  was  accordingly  done. 

Our  Army  beat  the  Indians  from  the  foresaid  Rocks,  and 
pursued  them  almost  as  far  as  Quabog,  in  which  Pursuit  we 
killed  about  60  or  70  of  them,  and  found  many  of  the  Matts 
scattered  in  the  Way,  with  which  they  cover  their  Houses, 
which  we  suppose  they  could  not  carry  with  them  by  Reason 
of  our  close  Pursuit.  Some  Prisoners  taken  from  them,  in- 
form us,  that  their  Body  consists  of  4000,  whereof  1800  were 
fighting  Men,  half  of  which  wanted  Arms,  that  they  were  in 
great  Want  of  Powder,  and  greater  want  of  Provisions.' 

Provision  growing  scarce  in  our  Army,  and  the  Enemy 
having  cleansed  the  Country  of  Things  that  might  tend  to  our 
ReHef,  our  General  resolved  to  pursue  them  no  farther,  but 
to  hasten  homewards,  which  accordingly  was  done  with  what 
Speed  we  could;  but  the  Scarcity  of  Victuals  daily  encreasing, 
we  were  forced  to  kill  several  of  our  Horses  for  our  Sustenance. 
Our  General  dismist  the  Connecticot  Men,  and   sent   them 

^  The  Indian  "Bumham,"  or  Pumham,  had  his  headquarters  on  the  site  of 
the  present  Warwick,  Rhode  Island;  his  country  was  Warwick  and  West  War- 

2  The  story  of  Joshua  Tift  is  more  fully  detailed  by  Hubbard.  See  also 
p.  58,  note  1,  ante. 

3  The  route  taken  was  northwest  from  Wickford  and  Warwick,  Rhode 
Island,  to  Woodstock,  Connecticut,  and  thence  to  Quabaog  or  Brookfield, 


Home  the  nearest  Way,  and  old  Unkus  and  his  Indians  along 
with  them.  They  proved  very  faithful  in  our  Service/  and 
were  well  treated  by  us.  Our  General  having  left  60  Men 
in  Garrison  at  Mr.  Smiths  House  at  Narraganset,  where  the 
Fight  was  on  the  19th  of  December,  came  Home  by  the  Way 
of  Marlborough:  Many  of  our  Souldiers  are  troubled  with  the 
Flux,  of  which  our  General  is  one. 

King  Philip  hath  not  yet  been  at  Narraganset,  as  we 
feared,  but  is  retired  with  his  Men  near  Albany,^  where  he 
hath  kept  his  Winter  Quarters.  We  very  much  fear  the  In- 
dians falling  on  our  Out  Towns  this  Spring,  which  if  they 
should,  would  extremely  damnify  us. 

Our  Friend  Mr.  H.  0.^  went  out  again  into  the  Army, 
before  he  was  cured  of  his  old  Wound,  and  hath  received 
another  on  his  Elbow-joynt,  which  we  fear  will  cause  him  to 
lose  his  Arm,  if  not  his  Life.  Our  Enemies  are  yet  very  un- 
merciful, sparing  no  Persons  Life  that  they  can  Master. 

I  see  no  likelihood  of  any  Peace,  but  much  fear  our  Wars 

are  far  from  an  End.    Our  Trade  to  Virginia  is  quite  decayed, 

not  one  Vessel  having  gone  from  here  thither  since  the  Wars 

began,  but  by  a  small  Vessel  arrived  here  from  thence,  we 

are  informed  that  the  Indians  have  faUen  unexpected  on  the 

English,  and  destroyed  many  of  them,  and  done  much  harm 

with  very  little  Loss  to  themselves,^  but  this  Report  finds 

very  little  Credit  with  us;  by  the  next  shipping  I  shall  (God 

wiUing)  give  you  a  farther  Account  of  our  Affairs,  and  in  the 

mean  Time  shall  neglect  no  Opportunity  of  informing  myself 

of  the  Transactions  of  those  Parts,  being  sensible  how  much 

you  have  obliged       ,^       ^  .     ,  ,    ,  .   ^  ^^   ^ 

•^  ^  Your  Friend  to  his  Power  N.  S. 


1  Thought  it  needful  to  acquaint  you  that  on  the  21th  day 
of  March,  Anno  1621,  the  EngHsh  made  a  League  of  Peace 

^  There  exists  no  adequate  account  of  the  services  of  Uncas  and  his  men,  to 
whom  was  due  most  of  whatever  success  attended  this  expedition. 

2  Philip's  winter  quarters  were  at  Scattacook  (Schaghticoke),  about  twenty 
miles  north  of  Albany.     See  p.  87,  post. 

3  Humphrey  Osland  may  be  the  person  mentioned. 

*  Bacon's  Rebellion,  so  called,  and  other  disorders  were  giving  Virginia 
trouble  at  this  period,  the  outbreak  of  the  Indians  coming  in  1675. 

1639]  STATE  OF  NEW-ENGLAND  69 

with  Massasoiet/  who  was  Grand  father  to  the  present  King 
PhiHp,  on  the  following  Terms  and  Conditions, 

1.  That  neither  he  nor  any  of  his  should  injure  or  do  hurt  to 
any  of  our  people. 

2.  That  if  any  of  his  did  any  harm  to  any  of  ours,  that  then  he 
should  send  the  Offender  unto  us  for  punishment. 

3.  That  if  any  English  took  any  Goods  belonging  to  the  said 
Massasoit,  or  any  of  his  Indians,  they  should  restore  them  again: 
and  he  obliged  himself  to  do  the  like. 

4.  That  if  any  of  the  Neighbours  of  the  said  Massasoiet  should 
make  war  against  him,  the  English  should  assist  him:  and  he  obliged 
himself  to  assist  the  English  on  the  like  occasion. 

5.  That  he  should  inform  his  Neighbours  and  Confederates  of 
these  Covenants,  that  they  might  be  careful  of  wronging  either 

6.  That  where  any  of  his  Indians  came  amongst  the  English, 
they  should  have  no  Bows  or  Arrows,  or  any  other  Arms  with  them. 

7.  That  in  so  doing,  our  Soveraign  Lord  King  James  should 
esteem  him  as  his  Friend  and  Ally. 

These  Articles  were  agreed  on  to  the  good  satisfaction  and 
content  of  both  Parties,  and  Massasoiet  was  content  to  become 
the  Subject  of  our  Soveraign  Lord  King  James,  his  Heirs  and 
Successors,  and  gave  to  the  English  aU  the  Lands  adjacent, 
and  to  their  Heirs  for  ever. 

On  the  25th  day  of  September,  in  the  year  1639,  this  great 
Sachem  Massasoiet,  with  Moanam  his  Son,  came  personally 
to  the  Court  held  at  Plimouth  in  New-England,  and  desired 
that  the  League  and  Confederacy  formerly  made  with  the 
Government  of  Plimouth,  might  stand  and  remain  inviolable, 
and  the  said  Massasoiet  and  his  Son  Moanam  did  faithfully 
promise  to  keep  and  observe  the  Covenants  and  Conditions 
therein  expressed  and  contained;  and  that  neither  of  them 
should  needlesly  or  unjustly  raise  any  quarrel,  or  do  any  wrong 
to  other  Natives,  or  provoke  them  to  War  against  them;  and 
that  neither  of  them  should  give,  sell,  or  convey  any  of  their 
Lands,  Territories,  or  Possessions  whatsoever,  to  any  person 
or  persons  whomsoever,  without  the  privity  and  consent  of 
the  Government  of  Plimouth:   All  which  conditions  the  said 

^  Father,  not  grandfather. 


Massasoiet  and  Moanam  his  Son,  for  themselves  and  their 
Successors;  did  then  faithfully  promise  to  observe  and  keep; 
and  the  whole  Court,  in  the  name  of  the  whole  Government 
for  each  Town  respectively,  did  then  ratifie  and  confirm  the 
aforesaid  ancient  League  and  Confederacy;  and  also  did  further 
promise  to  the  said  Massasoiet  and  to  Moanam  his  Son,  that 
they  shall  and  will  from  time  to  time  defend  them  and  their  Suc- 
cessors when  need  and  occasion  shall  require,  against  aU  such  as 
shall  rise  up  against  them,  to  wrong  or  oppress  them  unjustly. 
Anno  1662.  There  being  occasion  of  some  suspition  of  a 
Plot  intended  by  the  Indians  against  the  English,  Philip,  the 
Son  of  the  aforesaid  Moanam,  and  Grandson  of  Massasoiet, 
and  now  the  implacable  Enemy  of  the  English,  made  his  per- 
sonal appearance  at  the  Court  held  at  Plimouth,  August  the 
6th;  and  did  there  earnestly  desire  the  continuance  of  that 
amity  and  friendship  that  had  formerly  been  between  the 
Governours  of  Plimouth  and  his  Deceased  Father  and  Grand- 
father; and  for  that  end  the  said  Philip  doth  for  himself  and 
his  Successors,  desire  that  they  might  for  ever  remain  subject 
to  the  King  of  England,  his  Heirs  and  Successors;  and  doth 
faithfully  promise  and  engage  that  he  and  his  will  truly  and 
exactly  observe  and  keep  inviolable  such  conditions  as  have 
formerly  been  by  his  Predecessors  made;  and  particularly, 
that  he  will  not  at  any  time  needlesly  or  unjustly  provoke  or 
raise  war  with  any  of  the  Natives,  nor  at  any  time  give,  sell, 
or  any  way  dispose  of  any  Lands  to  him  or  them  appertaining, 
to  any  Strangers,  or  to  any  without  our  privity  or  appoint- 
ment; but  will  in  all  things  endeavour  to  carry  it  peaceably 
and  inoffensively  towards  the  English.  And  the  said  Court 
did  then  also  express  their  willingness  to  continue  with  him 
and  his  the  abovesaid  Friendship ;  and  do  on  their  part  promise 
that  they  will  afford  them  such  friendly  assistance  by  advice 
and  otherwise,  as  they  justly  may;  and  we  will  require  our 
English  at  all  times  to  carry  it  friendly  towards  them :  in  wit- 
ness whereof,  the  said  Philip  the  Sachem  hath  set  to  his  hand ; 
as  also  his  Unkle,  and  witnessed  unto  by  sundry  other  of  his 
chief  men. 

(  John  Sousamen.  The  Mark  Ph  of  Philip, 

Witness,  s  The  Mark  t?d  of  Francis  the      alias  Metacom. 

t  Sachem  of  Nauset. 

1675]  STATE  OF  NEW-ENGLAND  71 

Likewise  in  the  year  1621  several  of  the  Indian  Sachems, 
besides  Massasoiet  before-named,  came  unto  the  Government 
of  New  Plimouth,  and  acknowledged  themselves  to  be  the 
Loyal  Subjects  of  our  Soveraign  Lord  King  James,  and  sub- 
scribed unto  a  writing  to  that  purpose  with  their  own  hands; 
the  tenour  of  which  said  writing  foUoweth,  with  their  names 
annexed  thereunto,  some  judicious  persons  conceive  it  may  be 
of  use  in  succeeding  Ages,  if  not  in  ours;  I  think  it  convenient 
here  to  insert  it. 

September  the  13th,  1621. 

Know  all  men  by  these  Presents,  that  we  whose  Names  are 
under  written,  do  acknowledge  our  selves  to  be  the  Loyal  Subjects 
of  King  James,  King  of  Great  Brittain,  France,  and  Ireland,  De- 
fender of  the  Faith,  etc.  In  Witness  whereof,  and  as  a  Testimonial 
of  the  same,  we  have  Subscribed  our  Names  or  Marks  as  foUoweth. 

Obquamehud.  Nattawahunt.  Quadaquinta. 

Cawnacome.  Counbatant.  Huttamoiden. 

Obbatinna.  Chikkitabak.  Apannow. 

The  Original  Instruments  signed  with  their  own  hands, 
and  the  chief  of  their  men,  still  remain  on  Record  in  the  Regis- 
ter of  the  Court  of  New  Plimouth. 

In  the  said  year,  1621,  the  Narraganset  Indians  sent  a 
Messenger  to  the  Governour  of  Plimouth  with  a  bundle  of 
Arrows  tyed  together  with  a  Snakes  skin,  which  he  understood 
was  a  threatning  and  a  challenge.  Upon  which  the  Govern- 
our sent  them  this  Answer;  That  if  they  loved  War  rather 
than  Peace,  they  might  begin  when  they  would;  he  had  done 
them  no  wrong,  neither  did  he  fear  them,  nor  should  they  find 
him  unprovided;  and  by  another  Messenger  sent  the  Snakes 
skin  back  with  Bullets  in  it,  but  they  would  not  receive  them, 
but  sent  them  back  again;  but  the  Indians  were  better  ad- 
vised than  to  quarrel  with  the  English  at  that  time. 

Barhadoes,  Spickes-Bay,^  November  the  SOth,  1675. 

My  Last  to  you  was  an  Information  of  a  bloody  Tragedy 
intended  against  his  Majestie's  Subjects  here  in  this  Island,  by 

^  Now  called  Speight's  Bay,  on  the  northwest  side  of  this  West  Indian 


the  Heathen  the  Negroes,  which  was  by  the  Providence  of 
God  miraculously  discovered  eight  Days  before  the  intended 
Murder  should  have  been  acted.  The  Manner  of  the  Discovery 
was  thus:  A  Negro  Man  belonging  to  Mr.  Hall  Senior,  being 
absented  from  his  said  Master,  among  several  other  Negroes 
who  had  a  Hand  in  the  Plot :  In  a  Council  among  them,  they 
did  contrive  that  the  Negroes  belonging  to  each  several  Plan- 
tation, should  in  the  Dead  Time  of  the  Night  fall  on  at  the 
Sound  of  the  Allarm,  which  was  to  be  given  in  one  Hour,  and 
at  several  Places  through  the  Island,  which  Negroes  so  allotted 
was  to  kill  their  Masters  and  Mistresses  with  their  Overseers; 
this  foresaid  Negroe  of  Mr.  Halls  (though  one  of  the  chief 
Plotters)  yet  having  a  Respect  to  his  Master,  would  by  no 
Means  consent  to  the  killing  of  his  Master,  and  upon  Refusal 
was  much  threatened;  and  being  afraid  of  his  Life,  makes  his 
Escape  and  returns  Home;  and  one  Day,  which  was  a  little 
before  the  Prosecution  of  the  Murder,  was  over-heard  (telling 
the  Plot  to  his  Countrymen)  by  a  Negro  Woman,  who  waited 
and  attended  on  her  Mistress,  which  the  Negro  Woman  im- 
mediately reveals.  The  Negroe  Man  being  taken  to  Examina- 
tion, confessed  the  whole  Truth,  which  was  immediately  told 
the  Governour,  who  appointed  some  Captains  to  raise  their 
Companies  for  depressing  the  Rebels,  which  accordingly  was 
done,  and  Abundance  taken  and  apprehended  and  since  put 
to  Death,  and  the  Rest  kept  in  a  more  stricter  Manner;  yet 
Jethuran-like,  we  have  kicked  against  God,  and  slighted  the 
Mercy  of  so  great  a  Deliverance.^  The  Manner  of  their 
Proceedings  I  wrote  to  you  more  at  large;  and  as  the  Lord 
did  deliver  us  from  the  Tyranny  and  barbarous  Cruelty  of 
Savage  Heathens,  and  we  still  remaining  obstinate,  and  refus- 
ing to  return  to  him  by  Repentance;  the  Lord  hath  taken 
us  into  his  own  Hand  to  chastise  us,  which  Chastisements 
lyeth  very  heavy  on  the  poorer  Sort,  and  none  of  the  Rich 

Sir,  upon  the  last  Day  of  August  last,  about  six  of  the 
Clock  in  the  Afternoon,  there  did  arise  a  Violent  Storm  of 
Wind  and  Rain  out  of  the  North-west,  and  continuing  between 
the  North  and  the  South  so  violent,  that  before  the  Hour  of 
Twelve  at  Night,  there  was  not  twenty  Houses  standing  in 

"•  "But  Jeshurun  waxed  fat  and  kicked."     Deuteronomy  xxxii.  15. 

1675]  STATE  OF  NEW-ENGLAND  73 

our  Parish/  in  which  there  is  above  three  hundred  Famihes, 
and  those  that  did  stand,  much  damnified;  our  Neighbouring 
Parishes  tasting  of  the  same  Cup.  There  is  killed  outright, 
(by  the  falling  of  Houses)  in  this  Parish,  thirty-seven,  and 
many  more  is  since,  with  the  Violence  of  the  Wind  and  Cold, 
dead,  and  many  lying  in  their  Beds  of  Sickness;  and  as  to  our 
Ships,  all  drove  Ashore  to  Pieces,  except  one  of  the  Kings 
Men  at  War,  which  went  to  Sea,  and  returning  next  Day  after 
the  Storm  was  ceased,  did  protest  to  the  Governour,  that 
twenty  Leagues  off  there  was  no  Storm,  for  he  carried  his 
Top-sail  half  Mast  high. 

Our  Fellow-subjects  in  New-England ^  have  the  28th  of 
the  same  Month,  tasted  of  the  same  Cup,  and  was  very  hard 
put  to  it  this  last  Summer  by  one  King  Philip  an  Indian  King, 
who  hath  Revolted  without  Cause  given  him  by  the  English, 
neither  will  he  shew  any  Reason  why;  but  being  by  an  Em- 
bassador from  the  Governour  of  Boston,  demanded  why  he 
would  maintain  the  War,  refused  to  Treat  with  the  Embas- 
sador, telling  him.  The  Governour  was  but  a  Subject,  and  that 
he  would  not  Treat  except  his  Brother  King  Charles  of  Eng- 
land were  there.  There  is  Abundance  of  Families  destroyed, 
besides  those  kill'd  in  the  War;  but  it  is  very  much  hoped 
this  Winter  they  will  be  Routed;  the  Reason  is,  because  they 
have  no  Woods  or  Bushes  to  shelter  in,  which  is  a  great  Help 
to  a  Flying  Army,  such  as  they  are,  for  they  will  not  bide  any 
pitch  Battel.  Our  Brethren  in  Virginia  had  been  hard  put 
to  it  this  last  Summer,  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  Relief  of 
New-England  and  New- York,  which  makes  it  the  harder  with 
us  here :  pray  God  mend  it.^  By  the  tempestuous  Wind,  and 
the  violent  raging  of  the  Sea,  which  hath  much  overflowed  our 
Banks,  and  incroacht  upon  the  Land,  here  are  many  Houses 
lost;  among  which  mine  was  in  Number,  where  I  saved  Nothing 
to  cover  us  from  the  Violence  of  the  Storm  but  what  was  on 

^  Speight's  Town  is  in  the  parish  of  St.  Peter. 

2  This  is  the  only  paragraph  of  the  section  referring  to  New  England. 
Philip's  classification  of  himself  with  King  Charles  was  made  in  1671  when  the 
Indian  chief  was  in  Boston.  Whether  or  not  "G.  W."  had  been  in  Boston  at  the 
time  of  the  incident  mentioned,  or  had  learned  of  it  by  letter  the  editor  is  unable 
to  say,  as  he  is  to  state  the  person  writing  over  the  initials  "G.  W." 

3  The  editor  has  found  no  statement  as  to  the  character  of  the  aid  to  Vir- 
ginia here  mentioned. 


our  Backs.    Pray  God  that  I  may  make  a  sanctified  Use  of 
the  Chastisement,  because  the  Lord  hath  not  given  over  our 
Life  to  Death.     So  having  no  more  at  Present,  but  my  Serv-, 
ice  to  your  Self  and  good  Lady,  I  rest  your  humble  Servant, 

G.  W. 

I  forbear  to  tell  or  to  write  to  you  of  the  strange  Accidents, 
as  the  removing  of  whole  Frames,  great  Timber  Trees  many 
Yards  from  their  proper  Stations,  by  the  Violence  of  the  Storm; 
if  I  should,  it  would  be  counted  Ridiculous,  but  I  leave  it  to 
the  Relation  of  others.  Wind-mills  down  in  this  Parish  16, 
much  damnified  12,  indeed  none  standing  but  stone  Mills  in 
the  Parish,  but  what  must  be  pull'd  down.  Churches  down 
nine.  Such  another  Blow  will  bring  Barbadoes  near  the 


STATE  OF  NEW-ENGLAND,  BY  N.  S.,   1676. 

STATE  OF  NEW-ENGLAND,  BY  N.  S.,  1676. 

A  New  and  Further  Narrative  of  the  State  of  New-England; 
being  a  Continued  Account  of  the  Bloudy  Indian  War. 
From  March  till  August  1676,  Giving  a  Perfect  Relation 
of  the  Several  Devastations,  Engagements,  and  Transactions 
there;  As  also  the  Great  Successes  Lately  obtained  against 
the  Barbarous  Indians,  The  Reducing  of  King  Philip,  and 
the  Killing  of  one  of  the  Queens,  etc.,  Together  with  a  Cata- 
logue of  the  Losses  in  the  whole,  sustained  on  either  Side 
since  the  said  War  began,  as  near  as  can  be  collected. 

Licensed  October  13.    Roger  UEstrange. 

London:  Printed  by  F.  B.  for  Dorman  Newman  at  the  Kings 
Arms  in  the  Poultry,  1676.^ 

For  the  better  understanding  some  Indian  Words,  which 
are  necessarily  used  in  the  following  Narrative,  the  Reader 
is  desired  to  take  Notice, 

That  a  Swamp  signifies  a  Moorish  Place,  overgrown  with 
Woods  and  Bushes,  but  soft  like  a  Quagmire  or  Irish  Bogg, 
over  which  Horse  cannot  at  all,  nor  English  Foot  (without 
great  Difficulty)  passe. 

A  Sachem  is  a  King,  Prince,  or  Chief  of  an  ancient  Family, 
over  whom  he  is  an  absolute  Monarch. 

A  Squaw  Sachem  is  a  Princess  or  Queen. 

Wigwams  are  Indian  Huts  or  Houses. 

Boston,  July  22,  1676. 

Having  presumed  in  Two  former  Letters  to  give  you  a 
faithfull  Account  of  the  Original  Occasion  (as  near  as  I  could 
Discover)  and  sad  Progresse  of  the  cruel  Wars  between  us 

^  Title-page  of  the  original. 



and  our  Barbarous  Enemies,  the  Indians;  I  thought  (having 
this  other  Opportunity)  your  Curiosity  might  expect,  at  least 
(from  that  Knowledge  I  have  for  many  Years  had  of  your 
courteous  Disposition)  was  assured  your  Good  Nature  would 
Pardon,  the  Trouble,  of  a  Further  Relation  of  material  Occur- 
rences which  have  since  happened  amongst  us,  the  rather  for 
that  I  remember  my  self  under  the  voluntary  Obligation  of  a 
Promise  so  to  do. 

My  Last  (which  I  hope  you  Received)  was  of  the  9th  of 
February,  167|:  And  seriously  at  that  Time  my  Hand 
Trembled,  and  my  Heart  almost  fainted,  when  my  Mind  re- 
flected on  our  present  Miseries,  and  revolved  for  the  Future 
what  might  be  the  Issue  of  that  Deluge  of  Calamity  which 
threatned  us.  The  Dispensation  we  lay  under  was  Cloudy 
and  Affrighting,  Fresh  Messengers  (like  Job's  Servants) 
howrly  arriving  to  bring  the  Doleful  Tidings  of  New  Massa- 
cres, Slaughters  and  Devastations  committed  by  the  Brutish 
Heathens;  and  certainly  it  cannot  but  deserve  both  Wonder 
and  Commiseration,  that  these  Parts  which  were  not  many 
Moneths  since  hardly  to  be  Parrallel'd  for  Plenty  and  Security, 
are  now  almost  destroyed  and  laid  Waste  by  the  savage  Cruel- 
ties of  a  Bloody  (and  sometimes  Despicable)  Enemy;  who  are 
now  become  so  well  furnisht  with  Arms  and  Ammunition  (by 
the  base  Treachery  we  fear  of  some  of  our  Neighbours)^  so 
instructed  in  Discipline  by  Experience,  and  heightened  in 
Pride  by  unexpected  Successe,  That  unlesse  our  God  (whose 
tender  Mercies  are  over  all  his  Works)  in  Compassion  to  the 
English  Nation  in  this  Wildernesse,  wonderfully  appear  for 
our  Deliverance,  Nothing  could  be  expected  but  an  utter 
Desolation;  and  of  this  his  gracious  Dealing  towards  us,  we 
have  lately  had  several  Instances,  our  Forces  being  crowned 
with  Successe,  and  the  Enemy  put  to  Flight,  or  so  far  divided 
and  discouraged,  that  great  Nimabers  have  surrendered  them- 
selves when  by  our  own  Strength  or  outward  Circumstances 
we  could  least  expect  it.  But  that  I  may  set  down  Things  in 
some  Method,  I  shall  reassume  the  Narritive  of  our  Troubles, 
where  I  left  off  in  my  last  Letter,  and  relate  the  most  consider- 
able Actions  from  that  Time,  in  the  same  Order  as  they  hap- 

1  The  Dutch  and  French. 


After  that  sharp  Fight  on  the  19  of  [December],  whereof  I 
formerly  gave  you  the  Particulars,  our  wounded  Men  (in 
Number  about  150)  being  drest,  were  sent  into  Rhode  Island, 
as  the  best  Place  for  their  Accommodation,  where  accordingly 
they  were  kindely  received  by  the  Governour  and  others,  only 
some  churlish  Quakers  were  not  free  to  entertain  them,  until 
compelled  by  the  Governour.  Of  so  inhumane,  peevish  and 
untoward  a  Disposition  are  these  Nabals,^  as  not  to  Vouchsafe 
Civility  to  those  that  had  ventured  their  Lives,  and  received 
dangerous  Wounds  in  their  Defence. ^  As  for  the  Indians 
that  survived  the  Battell,  they  forsook  their  New-built  Fort, 
and  that  Swamp  where  the  Fight  hapned,  and  posted  them- 
selves in  a  Swamp  twenty  Miles  distant  from  thence;  The 
W^eather  being  extreme  cold,  and  the  Snow  so  deep,  that  we 
could  not  for  some  Time  march  in  Pursuit  of  them:  yet  still 
kept  Scouts  abroad  daily  to  observe  their  Motions,  and  thereby 
hindred  them  from  coming  to  the  Sea-side;  kiUed  and  took 
Prisoners  divers  of  them,  as  they  were  found  straggling;  and 
burnt  great  Numbers  of  their  Wigwams  (or  Houses:)  And 
being  reinforced  with  some  Additionall  Forces  from  Boston 
and  Plimouth,  together  with  a  Bark  laden  with  Provision,  we 
resolved  to  set  upon  them  again  with  the  first  Opportunity; 
and  in  Order  thereunto  marched  to  Potuxit,  where  we  under- 
stood, that  two  Nights  before  the  Indians  had  assaulted  a 
Gentleman's  House  ^  about  Break  of  Day  with  much  Violence, 
and  wounded  two  Men  in  it,  striving  to  Fire  the  House  several 
Times,  by  tying  Pine-splinters  [on]  long  Poles,  in  a  Bunch  fired, 
and  held  upon  the  Shingles;  but  those  within  prevented  that 
Stratagem  from  taking  Effect,  beat  off  the  Assailants,  and 
found  one  of  them  left  dead  upon  the  Place;  But  the  Out- 
Houses  and  Hay  the  Indians  burnt,  and  drove  away  all  the 

^An  allusion  to  the^churlish  Nabal  of  I  Samuel  xxv. 

2  The  feeling  between  Massachusetts  and  Rhode  Island  needs  no  emphasis 
after  this  passage.  It  must  be  remembered  that  Rhode  Island  was  not  in  the 
New  England  Confederation;  that  she  suspected  Plymouth  of  desiring  the 
Narragansett  lands;  and  that  many  thought  the  war  unrighteous.  On  the  other 
hand,  Massachusetts  had  little  use  for  men  who  would  not  fight  for  their  rights, 
and  less  for  those  who  appeared  to  disregard  the  needs  of  men  injured  in  such 

3  The  attack  upon  the  Carpenter  house  has  been  mentioned  before,  p.  66, 
ante,  but  not  in  so  great  detail. 


Sheep  and  Cattell :  we  marched  after  them  with  all  convenient 
Expedition,  and  came  to  the  Swamp  where  they  had  been, 
but  most  of  them  were  then  fled,  having  by  their  Scouts  dis- 
covered the  Advance  of  our  Men,  yet  our  Horse  killed,  and 
took  many  of  them,  following  the  Pursuit,  till  our  Horses  were 
tired,  our  Men  faint,  and  our  Victuals  spent:  Insomuch  that 
several  Horses  were  killed  and  eaten,  whereof  the  General 
(the  worthy  Josiah  Winslow,  Esquire,  Governor  of  New 
London),^  eat  his  Part,  and  in  all,  as  well  hardships  and 
dangers,  was  not  wanting  to  encourage  his  Men  by  his  own 
valiant  Example:  but  finding  it  both  vain  and  hazardous  to 
march  farther  after  this  fljdng  Rabble  of  barbarous  Heathens, 
who  we  heard  were  then  got  together,  about  5000  Men,  Women 
and  Children,  towards  Quobage;  our  Army  left  the  Chace, 
and  having  placed  a  Garrison  of  about  seventy  Men,  in  Cap- 
tain Smith's  (a  strong)  House,  within  four  Miles  of  the  Narra- 
gansets  Dwellings,  marched  homewards  to  Marleborough,  and 
from  thence  to  Boston,  where  they  were  disbanded  in  December.^ 
But  upon  this,  the  Indians  began  to  appear  abroad  again, 
as  mischievous  as  ever;  For  the  very  next  Week'  they  set 
upon  Lancaster  Town,  killed  several  People,  and  carried  away 
many  Prisoners;  such  Houses  as  were  fortified,  defended  them- 
selves, but  the  greatest  Part  of  the  Town  they  fired  and  plun- 
dered; and  had  destroyed  the  whole  Place,  had  not  Captain 
Wadsworth,  upon  hearing  of  the  Guns,  come  with  great  Ex- 
pedition from  Sudbury,  with  a  Party  to  their  Relief.  After 
this  they  cut  off  a  Farm-house  near  Sudbury,  killed  seven 
People  in  a  barbarous  Manner,  and  carried  some  away  cap- 
tive. Three  hundred  of  them  set  upon  the  Town  of  Maides- 
field,^  and  burnt  at  least  fifty  Houses,  killed  and  took  divers 

*  Plymouth. 

2  In  the  account  on  p,  67,  ante,  the  total  number  of  Indians  was  given 
as  4,000,  of  whom  1,800  were  fighting  men.  The  reader  of  to-day  knows  also 
that  the  Indians  were  as  destitute  of  provisions  as  the  whites.  Finally  the  troops 
were  disbanded  in  Boston  in  February  and  not  in  December. 

'Although  warning  of  this  attack  was  given  by  James  Wiser,  an  Indian, 
Lancaster  was  surprised  on  February  10.  The  house  of  Rev.  Joseph  Rowland- 
son  was  burned  and  his  wife  and  children,  except  one,  were  carried  away  by  the 
Indians.     Mrs.  Rowlandson's  story  is  given  on  pp.  112-167,  post. 

*  Medfield,  February  21.  The  attack  at  Sudbury,  February  1,  was  upon  the 
family  of  Thomas  Eames.  , 




of  the  Inhabitants;  being  all  surprised  before  they  were  aware : 
For  the  subtle  Indians  near  Daybreak,  came  about  the  Houses 
privately  and  lay  close  in  the  Fences;  And  as  People  came 
out  of  their  Houses  shot  them  down.  Upon  this  the  Governour 
of  Massachuset  sent  out  about  Five  hundred  or  six  hundred 
Men  under  the  Conduct  of  Major  Thomas  Savadge  and  Cap- 
tain Mosely,  as  next  in  command  to  him,  who,  having  Intelli- 
gence by  a  Girl  that  had  made  her  Escape,^  that  the  Indians 
were  in  three  Towns  beyond  Quoboge,  marched  thither,  where 
they  joyned  Major  Treat^  with  the  Connecticot  Forces;  but 
the  Enemy  were  fled :  only,  skulkingly  out  of  the  Woods,  they 
shot  one  of  Capt.  Mosely's  Men  and  wounded  one  or  two 
more.  But  their  main  Body  being  closely  pursued,  dispersed 
and  ran  into  Woods  and  Swamps,  so  that  it  was  impossible 
for  our  Men  to  come  up  with  them,  and  therefore  marched 
away  for  Hadley  and  Northampton,  to  secure  them  and  the 
other  Towns  in  those  Parts,  and  by  a  special  Providence  came 
very  seasonably;  for  within  two  Days  after  his  Arrival, 
Northampton  (though  fortified  round)  was  assaulted,  the  Cen- 
tinel  Surprised  and  slain,  and  the  Enemy  entred  the  Forti- 
fications: Being  ignorant  (as  it  is  supposed)  of  any  Recruits 
newly  come  thither,  but  found  such  warm  Entertainment,  that 
though  they  had  kindled  their  Fire,  they  durst  not  stay  to 
roast  their  Breakfast,  but  were  forced  to  fly  with  great  Con- 
fusion; we  having  lost  only  three  Men,  and  the  Enemy  above 
twenty,  as  was  judged,  though  the  Number  could  not  be  cer- 
tainly known;  it  being  their  Custome  to  carry  off  their  Dead 
always  with  them,  if  possible.  The  next  Day  they  appeared 
about  a  thousand  strong,  whereupon  the  Major  drew  out  his 
Forces,  and  pursued  them  to  their  usual  Place  of  Rendevouz 
near  Deerfield;  But  they  would  not  abide  his  coming  up  with 
them,  but  fled  dispersedly  into  the  Woods,  where  he  was  able 
to  do  little  or  no  Execution  upon  them. 

The  Councill  of  Boston  (to  the  great  Surprise  of  many 
People)  refusing  to  maintain  the  Narraganset  Garrison  raised 
by  the  United  Colonies,  lodged  as  aforesaid  in  Mr.  Smith's 
House,  they  having  eat  and  destroyed  what  they  could, 
quitted  the  said  House,  those  of  the  Soldiers  that  belonged 

1  Mary  Sheppard,  who  had  been  taken  prisoner  February  12. 

2  Major  Robert  Treat,  mentioned  ante,  pp.  43  and  60. 



to  Connecticot  hiring  a  Boat  to  transport  them  to  Pawcatucke, 
fearing  to  march  through  the  Narraganset  Country  and  those 
of  the  Massachusets  and  Phmmouth  went  to  Seacunicke.  But 
the  very  next  Day  after  their  Departure,  the  Indians  came  and 
burnt  the  said  Garrison-house  (one  of  the  most  dehghtf  ul  Seats 
in  New  England)  and  another  House  of  the  said  Capt.  Smiths 
at  Sawgaw,  together  with  all  the  Houses  at  Narraganset;^ 
and  the  Day  following  assaulted  Warwick  with  so  unhappy  a 
Successe,  that  they  burnt  most  of  the  Houses  there,  and  indeed 
ruined  all  but  four,  which  during  the  present  Danger  were 
kept  by  their  Owners  with  their  Friends  and  Servants  as  Gar- 
risons; out  of  which  there  was  a  Sally  made  with  twenty  Men, 
who  with  the  Losse  of  one  of  their  Number,  killed  ten  of  the 
Indians,  yet  could  not  preserve  the  Rest  of  the  Town,  nor 
hinder  them  from  carrying  from  thence  a  considerable  Booty 
of  Cattel. 

The  14th  of  March,  the  savage  Enemy  set  upon  a  consid- 
erable Town  called  Groughton,^  and  burnt  Major  Wilberds 
House  first  (who  with  his  Family  removed  to  Charls  Town) 
and  afterwards  destroyed  sixty-five  Dwelling-houses  more 
there,  leaving  but  six  Houses  standing  in  the  whole  Town, 
which  they  likewise  furiously  attempted  to  set  on  Fire;  But  be- 
ing fortified  with  Arms  and  Men  as  Garrisons,  they  with  their 
Shot,  killed  several  of  the  Enemy,  and  prevented  so  much 
of  their  Designe;  Nor  do  we  hear  that  any  Person  on  our  Side 
was  here  either  slain  or  taken  Captive;  But  the  very  next 
Day  two  Men  coming  from  Malbury  ^  to  Sudbury,  were  set 
upon  in  the  Woods  by  a  great  Number  of  Indian  Women  armed 
with  Clubs,  Pieces  of  Swords,  and  the  like,  who  by  their  Num- 
bers having  over-mastered  the  two  poor  Travellers,  that  had 
Nothing  but  small  Sticks  to  defend  themselves  with,  beat  out 
their  Brains,  and  cut  off  their  privy  Members,  which  they 
carried  away  with  them  in  Triumph;  so  vain  it  is  to  expect 
any  Thing  but  the  most  barbarous  Usage  from  such  a  People 
amongst  whom  the  most  milde  and  gentle  Sex  delight  in 

^Pawcatucke  or  Paugatuck  is  Westerly,  Rhode  Island;  Seacunicke  is 
Seekonk,  Massachusetts,  and  Sawgaw  is  near  Wickford,  Rhode  Island. 

2  The  date  of  this  attack  upon  Major  Simon  Willard  at  Groton  is  usually 
given  March  13.     One  writer  makes  it  March  7. 

3  Marlborough. 


Cruelties;  and  have  utterly  abandoned  at  once  the  two  proper 
Virtues  of  Womankinde;  Pity  and  Modesty. 

Their  next  Attempt  (I  mean  of  any  considerable  Body  of 
the  Indians)  was  upon  a  Town  called  Nashaway,^  which  they 
set  Fire  to,  and  burnt  down  to  the  Ground;  there  was  little 
Resistance  made  here,  People  endeavoring  rather  to  escape 
their  Fury  by  Flight  than  Opposition;  and  yet  they  killed 
many,  burnt  the  Town  down  to  the  Ground,  and  took  no  lesse 
than  five  and  fifty  Persons  into  their  merciless  Captivity. 
And  that  you  may  perceive  the  malicious  Hatred  these  In- 
fidels have  to  Religion  and  Piety,  it  may  be  observed,  how 
they  endeavored  to  signalize  their  Cruelty,  and  gratifie  their 
enraged  Spleen,  chiefly  on  the  Promoters  of  it;  For  of  these 
55  Captives,  the  Minister  of  the  Towns  Relations  made  up 
no  lesse  than  seventeen,  viz:  Mrs.  Rowlinson^  the  Minister's 
Wife,  and  his  three  Children,  and  two  Sisters  of  her  own,  with 
seven,  and  the  other  with  four  Children.  As  they  were  lead- 
ing them  away  in  this  lamentable  Condition,  one  of  the  Sisters 
being  big  with  Childe,  going  into  the  Woods  to  be  privately 
delivered,  the  Indians  followed  and  in  a  jeering  Manner,  they 
would  help  her,  and  be  her  Midwives,  and  thereupon  they  bar- 
barously ript  up  her  Body,  and  burnt  the  Child  before  her 
Face,  and  then  in  a  merciful  Cruelty,  to  put  her  out  of  her 
Pain,  knockt  her  o'th  Head.  There  was  a  Report  that  they 
had  forced  Mrs.  Rowlinson  to  marry  the  one  eyed  Sachem, 
but  it  was  soon  contradicted;  for  being  a  very  pious  Woman 
and  of  great  Faith,  the  Lord  wonderfully  supported  her  under 
this  Affliction,  so  that  she  appeared  and  behaved  her  self 
amongst  them  with  so  much  Courage  and  majestick  Gravity, 
that  none  durst  offer  any  Violence  to  her,  but  on  the  contrary 
(in  their  rude  Manner)  seemed  to  show  her  great  Respect; 
But  who  can  expresse  the  Sorrows  of  her  Husband,  the  Min- 
ister and  his  Brother,  when  returning  from  Boston,  presently 
after  the  Engagement,  they  found  aU  their  Goods  destroyed, 
their  Houses  laid  in  Ashes,  and  their  dear  Wives  and  Children 
thus  miserably  captivated:  this  was  a  fit  Scene  for  Faith  and 
Patience  to  be  exercised  in.  In  such  a  Junction  of  Affairs  a 
Man  had  need  have  a  God  to  go  to  for  Support,  and  an  Interest 

^  Lancaster;  see  p.  80,  ante,  and  pp.  118-121,  post. 
*  Mrs.  Joseph  Rowlandson. 


in  Christ  to  yield  him  Consolation.  Mr.  Rowlinson,  after 
much  Pains  and  Trouble  ransomed  his  Wife  for  Twenty 
PoundS;  and  got  her  out  of  their  Hands,  but  his  Children 
and  the  Rest  (if  living)  remain  still  in  that  most  wretched 

About  the  same  Time  one  Mr.  Clarke's  Wife,  Children, 
and  all  his  Family  at  his  Farm  House  two  Miles  from  Plimouth 
were  surprized  and  killed,  except  one  Boy,  who  was  knockt 
down,  and  left  for  Dead,  but  afterwards  taken  up  and  revived. 
The  House  they  plundered  of  Provisions  and  Goods  to  a  great 
Value.  Eight  compleate  Arms,  30  L  of  Powder,  with  an  answer- 
able Quantity  of  Lead  for  Bullets,  and  150  I.  in  ready  Money; 
the  said  Mr.  Clark  himself  narrowly  escaping  their  Cruelty 
by  being  at  that  Instant  at  a  Meeting.^ 

Sunday  the  26th  of  March  was  sadly  remarkable  to  us  for 
the  Tidings  of  a  very  deplorable  Disaster  brought  unto  Bos- 
ton about  5  a  Cloak  that  Afternoon,  by  a  Post  from  Dedham, 
viz.,  that  Captain  Peirce  [of]  Scituate,^  in  PHmmouth  Colony, 
having  Intelligence  in  his  Garrison  at  Seaconicke,  that  a 
Party  of  the  Enemy  lay  near  Mr.  Blackstones,^  went  forth 
with  63  English  and  twenty  of  the  Cape  Indians,  (who  had  all 
along  continued  faithful,  and  joyned  with  them;)  and  upon 
their  March,  discovered  rambling  in  an  obscure  woody  Place, 
four  or  five  Indians,  who,  in  getting  away  from  us,  halted,  as 
if  they  had  been  lame  or  wounded.  But  our  Men  had  pursued 
them  but  a  little  Way  into  the  Woods,  before  they  found  them 
to  be  only  Decoys  to  draw  them  into  their  Ambuscade:  for 
on  a  Sudden,  they  discovered  above  500  Indians,  who  in  very 
good  Order,  furiously  attacqued  them,  being  as  readily  re- 
ceived by  ours.     So  that  the  Fight  began  to  be  very  fierce  and 

^  The  massacre  at  William  Clarke's  house  was  on  March  12. 

*  Captain  Michael  Pierce.  The  Indians  declared  later  that  Pierce  had 
attacked  them  on  their  way  to  Plymouth  and  that  no  injury  to  Rhode  Island  had 
been  intended. 

3  William  Blackstone  was  a  clergyman  of  the  Church  of  England,  who  had 
come  out  to  Massachusetts  Bay  in  1623,  and  is  famous  as  the  first  white  inhabi- 
tant of  Boston,  and  the  sole  occupant  of  that  peninsula  when  Winthrop  arrived. 
In  1634  he  removed  with  his  library  to  a  place  he  called  Study  Hill,  now  Lons- 
dale, Rhode  Island,  on  Blackstone  River,  continued  there  his  recluse  life,  and 
died  there  May  26,  1675.  A  few  weeks  later  his  house,  library,  and  papers  were 
destroyed  by  the  Indians. 


dubious,  and  our  Men  had  made  the  Enemy  begin  to  retreat ; 
but  so  slowly  that  it  scarce  deserved  that  Name,  when  a  fresh 
Company  of  about  400  Indians  came  in;  so  that  the  English 
and  their  few  Indian  Friends  were  quite  surrounded,  and  beset 
on  every  Side.  Yet  they  made  a  brave  Resistance,  for  above 
two  Hours:  during  all  which  Time  they  did  great  Execution 
upon  the  Enemy,  whom  they  kept  at  a  Distance,  and  them- 
selves in  Order.  For  Captain  Pierce  cast  his  63  English  and 
20  Indians  into  a  Ring,  and  fought  Back  to  Back,  and  were 
double-double  Distance,  all  in  one  Ring,  whilst  the  Indians 
were  as  thick  as  they  could  stand,  thirty  deep.  Overpowered 
with  whose  Numbers,  the  said  Captain,  and  55  of  his  English, 
and  ten  of  their  Indian  Friends  were  slain  upon  the  Place; 
which,  in  such  a  Cause,  and  upon  such  Disadvantages,  may 
certainly  be  stiled  The  Bed  of  Honour.  However,  they  sold 
their  worthy  Lives  at  a  gallant  Rate;  it  being  aflfirmed  by 
those  few  that  (not  without  wonderful  Difficulty,  and  many 
Wounds,)  made  their  Escape,  that  the  Indians  lost  as  many 
Fighting  Men,  (not  counting  Women  and  Children,)  in  this 
Engagement,  as  were  killed  at  the  Battle  in  the  Swamp,  near 
Narraganset,  mentioned  in  our  last  Letter,  which  were  generally 
computed  to  be  above  three  Hundred. 

The  same  Day,  some  Christians  going  to  a  Meeting  at 
Springfield,  with  a  small  Guard,  were  ambuscaded  by  eight 
Indians,  and  a  Man  and  Woman  slain;  and  the  Rest,  suppos- 
ing the  Enemies  Number  to  have  been  greater  than  it  was,  for 
in  Truth,  our  Men  were  twice  as  many,  yet  struck  with  Terror, 
fled,^  and  left  two  Women  and  two  Children  to  the  Enemies 
Mercy,  whom  they  carried  away  Captive,  greatly  insulting  [ex- 
ulting] that  so  few  of  them  should  make  so  many  English  fly. 
Of  this  Accident  Major  Savage  of  Hadley,  being  immediately 
advertised  by  a  Post  sent  specially  on  that  Occasion,  dispatcht 
a  Party  of  Horse  to  pursue  the  Enemy,  and  the  next  Morning 
found  their  Track,  and  soon  after  discovered  them;  who, 
seeing  our  Men  approach,  took  the  two  poor  Infants,  and  in 
the  Sight  both  of  their  Mothers  and  our  Men,  tossed  them  up 
in  the  Air,  and  dasht  their  Brains  out  against  the  Rocks, 
and  with  their  Hackets  [Hatchets]  knockt  down  the  Women, 

1 A  rumor  that  Philip  himself  with  over  a  thousand  warriors  was  in  the 
neighborhood  may  have  caused  the  terror  here  mentioned. 


and  forthwith  fled.  The  Place  being  exceeding  rocky,  and  a 
Swamp  just  by,  our  Horse  could  not  follow  them,  and  on  Foot 
were  not  able  to  overtake  them;  so  that  the  bloudy  Villains, 
for  the  Present,  escaped  deserved  Vengeance;  yet  it  pleased 
God,  that  both  the  Women  revived,  and  being  come  again  to 
their  Understanding,  one  of  them  declared  that  she  knew 
every  Particular  Person  of  these  eight  Indians,  and  that  they 
advised  them  to  put  all  the  Men  they  could  light  upon  to 
Death  but  to  save  as  many  Women  and  Houses  as  they  could, 
for  them. 

On  Tuesday  following,  the  barbarous  Infidels  destroied  sixty 
and  six  Houses,  besides  Barns  and  Buildings  in  Seaconicke,^ 
but  we  do  not  hear  of  any  Person  there  slain.  On  Wednes- 
day, they  stormed  Providence,  and  consumed  the  greatest 
Part  of  the  Houses;  but  without  taking  away  the  Life  of  any 
Person,  except  one  Wright,  of  whom  it  is  reported,  that  he 
was  a  Man  of  a  singular  and  sordid  Humour;  of  great  Knowl- 
edge in  the  Scriptures,  but  of  no  particular  professed  Sect  or 
Perswasion;  one  that  derided  Watches,  Fortifications,  and  all 
publick  Endeavours  and  Administrations  for  the  common 
Safety;  insomuch,  that  after  all  Alarms  round  about,  he  re- 
fused to  bring  in  any  of  his  Goods,  (which  were  of  considerable 
Value,)  or  to  shelter  himself  in  any  Garrison,  but  presumed 
he  should  be  safe  in  his  own  House,  where  the  Enemy  found 
and  butchered  him.  It  is  further  credibly  related  concerning 
him,  that  he  had  a  strange  Confidence,  or  rather  Conceit, 
that  whilst  he  held  his  Bible  in  his  Hand,  he  looked  upon 
himself  as  secure  from  all  kinde  of  Violence;  and,  that  the 
Enemy,  finding  him  in  that  Posture,  deriding  his  groundless 
Apprehension,  or  Folly  therein,  ripped  him  open  and  put  his 
Bible  in  his  Belly. 

But  indeed  the  Reason  that  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Town 
of  Seaconicke  and  Providence  generally  escaped  with  their 
Lives,  is  not  to  be  attributed  to  any  Compassion  or  Good 
Nature  of  the  Indians,  (whose  very  Mercies  are  inhumane 
Cruelties,)  but,  (next  to  God's  Providence,)  to  their  own  Pru- 
dence in  avoiding  their  Fury,  when  they  found  themselves  too 
weak  and  unable  to  resist  it,  by  a  timely  Flight  into  Rhode 

^That  part  of  Seekonk  constituting  Rehoboth,  Massachusetts,  burned 
apparently  March  28,  1676.    Providence  suffered  further  on  June  29. 


Island/  which  now  became  the  common  Zoar,^  or  Place  of 
Refuge  for  the  Distressed;  yet  some  remained  till  their  com- 
ing to  distroy  the  said  Towns;  as,  in  particular,  Mr.  Williams, 
at  Providence,^  who  knowing  several  of  the  Chief  Indians 
that  came  to  Fire  that  Town,  discoursed  with  them  a  con- 
siderable Time,  who  pretended  their  greatest  Quarrel  was 
against  Plimmouth;  and  as  for  what  they  attempted  against 
the  other  Colonies,  they  were  constrained  to  it,  by  the  Spoil 
that  was  done  them  at  Narraganset.  They  told  him  that 
when  Capt.  Pierce  engaged  them  near  Mr.  Blackstone's  they 
were  bound  for  Plimouth.  They  gloried  much  in  their  Suc- 
cess, promising  themselves  the  Conquest  of  the  whole  Coun- 
try, and  rooting  out  of  all  the  English.  Mr.  Williams  reproved 
their  Confidence;  minded  them  of  their  Cruelties,  and  told  them 
that  the  Bay,  viz.,  Boston,  could  yet  spare  ten  thousand  Men; 
and  if  they  should  destroy  aU  them,  yet,  it  was  not  to  be 
doubted,  our  King  would  send  as  many  every  Year  from  Old 
England,  rather  than  they  should  share  the  Countrey.  They 
answered  proudly,  that  they  should  be  ready  for  them,  or  to 
that  Effect;  but  told  Mr.  Williams  that  he  was  a  good  Man, 
and  had  been  kinde  to  them  formerly,  and  therefore  would 
not  hurt  him.^ 

About  the  latter  End  of  March  came  Advice  from  New 
York,  that  the  Indians,  in  a  Bravado,  had  released  two  Eng- 
lish Captives,  and  sent  them  down  thither  to  give  Information 
of  what  they  had  seen,  which  was,  that  being  carried  with  a 
Party  three  Days  Journey  towards  the  North-East,  from  the 
Place  where  King  Philip  lay,  (which  was  between  thirty  and 
fourty  English  Miles  from  Albany)  ,5  He  came  up  to  an 
Indian  Rendevouz,  made  by  a  mighty  Sachem  near  Hossicke- 
River,^  towards  Canada,  where  one  of  them  told  one  and 

^  "Rhode  Island"  means  specifically,  as  it  usually  means  in  writings  of  that 
period,  the  island  of  that  name,  on  which  Newport  is  situated,  as  distinguished 
from  Providence  Plantations. 

2  Gen.  xix.  20-22.  3  Roger  Williams. 

^  A  somewhat  different  account  of  the  meeting  between  Williams  and  the 
Indians  given  by  Backus,  the  historian  of  the  Baptists,  states  that  the  elder 
Indians  warned  Williams  against  venturing  among  the  younger  warriors,  upon 
which  he  returned  to  the  garrison. 

^  Philip's  place  of  retreat  during  the  preceding  winter — Schaghticoke. 

^  Hoosic. 


twenty  hundred  Men,  compleat;  and  the  Indians  themselves 
drawing  out  into  three  Ranks,  (that  he  might  view  them 
the  Better,)  made  him  tell  them  over  three  Times;  who, 
he  said,  were  generally  well  armed,  with  good  Firearms, 
and  most  of  them  young  Men;  few  so  old  as  forty.  And, 
that  amongst  them  there  were  about  500  of  those  with 
Straws  about  their  Noses,  commonly  called  French  Indians. 
That  neither  King  Philip  nor  that  Party,  consisting  of  about 
four  Hundred,  were  then  with  them  and  that  the  said  Philip's 
own  Men  were  not  above  one  Hundred;  himself  being  very 
sickly,  and  having  but  little  Esteem  or  Authority  amongst 

One  of  the  said  released  Prisoners  declared  further,  that 
from  that  Rendevouz  he  returned  with  the  Rest  towards 
Albany,  being  afterwards  given  by  the  North  Indians  to  the 
MahicandersV;  or  River  Indians,  (who  have  been  always  sus- 
pected to  be  too  kinde  to  those  bloody  Ones  of  the  North.) 
And  also  affirms  that  the  said  North  Indians,  at  the  said 
Rendevouz,  in  a  vapouring  Manner,  declared,  that  their  In- 
tent was,  first  to  destroy  Connecticot  this  Spring,  then  Boston 
in  the  Harvest,  and  afterwards  the  Dutch,  (meaning  what  the 
Dutch  had  here.) 

About  the  same  Time  also,  there  was  much  Discourse  and 
Consultation  about  a  Project  for  giving  these  Northern  In- 
dians that  thus  infested  and  harassed  New  England,  a  Diver- 
sion, by  engaging  the  Mohucks^  (another  Sort  of  Indians, 
inhabiting  towards  New- York,  and  formerly  inveterate  En- 
emies to  these,)  against  them  on  the  other  Side.  And  it  was 
certainly  reported,  that  the  Governour  of  New  York  would, 
upon  request,  and  reasonable  Proposalls,  freely  make  use  of 
his  Interest  amongst  that  People,  (which  is  very  great,)  for 
effecting  so  good  a  Design.  Yea,  the  Pequod  Sachem,  who 
always  has  continued  friendly  and  faithful  to  the  English,  ven- 
turing his  Men  on  all  Occasions,  (who  have  done  very  good 
Service,)  seemed  much  to  wonder  that  we  did  not  carry  it 
on;  affirming  that  the  said  Mohucks  were  the  only  Persons 
likely  to  put  an  End  to  the  War,  by  hindering  the  Enemy 
from  Planting;  and  forcing  them  down  upon  us.  But  this 
Counsell,  (for  I  know  not  what  good  Reasons  of  Some  amongst 

1  Mohegans.  ^  Mohawks. 


us,)  was  not  thought  fit/  (at  least  for  the  Present,)  to  be  so 
vigourously  pursued,  as  Some  expected:  But  to  proceed  with 
the  Narrative. 

On  the  second  of  April,  Maj.  Savage,  Capt.  Mosely,  Capt. 
William  Turner,  and  Capt.  WhitpoU  ^  with  300  Men,  marched 
from  Marleborow  to  Quoboge,  where  they  had  ordered  the 
Connecticot  Forces  to  attend  their  coming.  And  accordingly 
the  Parties  being  joined,  endeavoured  to  finde  out  the  Enemy, 
and  give  them  Battel;  but  these  Heathens  being  like  Wolves, 
and  other  Beasts  of  Prey,  that  commonly  do  their  Mischiefs 
in  the  Night,  or  by  Stealth,  durst  not  come  forth  out  of  the 
Woods  and  Swamps,  where  they  lay  skulking  in  small  Com- 
panies, being  so  light  of  Foot  that  they  can  run  away  when 
they  list,  and  pass  Boggs,  rocky  Mountains  and  Thickets, 
where  we  could  by  no  Means  pursue  them.  Only  now  and 
then  we  met  with  some  Straglers  before  they  were  aware. 
Ajid  one  Time  marching  towards  Northampton,  had  a  brisk 
Dispute  with  a  small  Party  who  fell  upon  our  Rear;  but  we 
quickly  repelled  them,  and  killed  about  20,  in  a  hot  Pursuit 
after  them,  without  the  Losse  of  one  Man  on  our  Side,  and 
but  one  wounded. 

About  the  same  Time,  Maj.  Palmer,^  having  been  scour- 
ing the  Narragansets  Country,  brought  in  30  of  the  Enemy, 
and  60  of  Ninnicrofts  People,  which  were  about  30  fighting 
Men,  who  delivered  up  themselves  to  our  Protection.  We 
kept  their  Wives  and  Children  safely,  as  Hostages,  and  made 
the  Men  go  abroad  with  our  Parties,  who  did  us  great  Service 
in  clearing  the  Woods.  Likewise  the  Pequods  and  Mohegins, 
(who  proved  a  good  Guard  to  New  London,  Norwich,  and  the 
River's  Mouth,)  brought  in  27  of  the  Enemy  and  much  Plunder. 

April  the  6  John  Winthrope,  Esq.  a  Member  of  the  Royal 
Society,  and  Governour  of  Connecticot  Colony,  having  like 
a  faithful  Patriot,  served  his  Country,  dyed  at  Boston,  of  a 
natural  Distemper,  after  about  eight  Days  Sickness,  and  was 

^The  correspondence  between  the  governments  of  Connecticut  and  New 
York  regarding  this  proposed  stirring  up  of  the  Indians  against  each  other  re- 
flects little  credit  on  either  party.     Little  wonder  the  plan  "was  not  thought  fit." 

2  Captain  John  Whipple.  Further  information  as  to  Captain  Turner  is  on 
p.  95,  post 

'  Major  Edward  Palmes,  according  to  Hubbard. 


there  interred  in  his  Fathers  Tomb,  with  an  universal  Lamen- 
tation, and  all  the  Honours  that  our  Distresses  and  Distractions 
would  allow.  And,  though  it  be  usually  said  Inter  arma  silent 
MuscB,  yet  could  not  all  our  martial  Confusions  wholly  strike 
our  Muses  dumb,  upon  so  worthy  an  Occasion,  (enough  to 
make  our  Country  bathe  itself  in  Tears,  as  it  hath  lately  done  in 
Bloud,)  but  they  appeared  in  Publique  to  pay  a  Funeral  Tribute 
to  his  honourable  Dust,  in  a  no  lesse  ingenious  than  passionate 
and  mournfuU  Elegy  upon  him,  printed  here  at  Boston.^ 

The  next  Day  the  Governour  intended  to  have  marched 
out  with  about  three  hundred  English  of  his  own  Colony, 
and  50  Cape-Indians,^  and  all  Things  were  in  a  Readiness 
accordingly;  but  not  being  supplied  with  any  Assistance  from 
us,  he  wanted  Soldiers  to  secure  his  own  Towns,  if  they  should 
be  attacqued  suddenly  by  the  Indians,  (who  lie  in  Wait  for 
such  Opportunities,)  during  his  Absence,  and  therefore  was 
forced  to  let  fall  his  Designe,  and  continue  at  Home. 

The  11  of  April,  Capt.  Denison,^  with  an  100  English 
Volunteers,  belonging  to  CorinectTcbt  Colony,  and  as  many 
Indians,  of  whom  some  were  Mohegins,  some  Pequods,  and 
some  of  Ninnicrofts  Men,  that  had  revolted  from  him;  the 
said  friendly  Indians  being  commanded  by  the  young  Sachem 
Unkus,  whose  Father,  (the  only  Christian  Sagamore,)  hath 
during  all  this  War  continued  faithful;  upon  their  March, 
ranging  the  Narraganset  Countrey  near  Potuxit,  they  fell  upon 
a  Party  of  the  Enemy,  commanded  by  that  famous  but  very 
bloudy  and  cruel  Sachem,  Quononshot,  otherwise  called  Myan- 
tonomy,  whom  the  English  formerly  presented  with  a  rich 
Lac't  Coat.^    They  fought  very  obstinately  a  considerable 

*  Benjamin  Thompson's  A  Funeral  Tribute  to  the  Honourable  Dust  of  that 
Most  Charitable  Christian,  Unbiassed  Politician,  and  unimitable  Pyrotechnist  John 
Winthrope  esq.,  a  broadside  (Boston,  John  Foster,  1676),  of  which  only  one  copy 
is  known.  The  elegy  was  included  in  Thompson's  New  England's  Tears  for  her 
present  Miseries,  and  is  prefixed  to  the  1677  edition  of  Hubbard's  Indian  Wars. 

2  Indians  from  Cape  Cod. 

"  CapjaJn  George  Denison.  For  Ninnicroft  (Ninigret)  and  Uncas  see  pp. 
24,  S2fante. 

*  Quononshot  or  Canonchet  is  identified  by  "N.  S."  with  Myantonomy 
(Miantonomo),  but  the  former  was  the  son  of  the  latter,  who  had  been  killed  by 
Uncas,  at  the  instance  of  the  English,  in  1643.  The  "Lac't  Coat"  had  been  given 
at  the  treaty  in  Boston  the  preceding  October. 


Time,  but  at  last,  our  Men,  with  very  small  Losse,  obtained 
the  Victory;  killed  above  50  of  the  Enemy  on  the  Place,  and 
took  40  more  alive;  and  amongst  the  Rest  that  insolent 
Sachem,  Myantonomy  himself,  together  with  another  Sachem, 
and  several  other  of  his  chief  Counsellors  and  Friends.  The 
said  Myantonomys  Carriage  was  strangely  proud  and  lofty, 
after  he  was  taken.  Being  examined  why  he  did  foment  that 
War,  which  would  certainly  be  the  Destruction  of  him  and  all 
the  Heathen  Indians  in  the  Country,  etc.  He  would  make 
no  other  Reply  to  any  Interrogatories,  but  this; — That  he  was 
born  a  Prince,  and  if  Princes  came  to  speak  with  him  he  would 
answer,  but  none  present  being  such,  he  thought  himself 
obliged  in  Honour  to  hold  his  Tongue,  and  not  hold  Discourse 
with  such  Persons,  below  his  Birth  and  Quallity.  He  told  them 
he  wisht  rather  to  die  than  to  continue  under  Confinement;^ 
that  all  he  desired  was  not  to  be  tortured,  but  presently  be 
put  to  Death;  which  he  requested  might  be  done  by  young 
Unkus,  that  aided  us;  as  acknowledging  him  his  fellow  Prince; 
yet,  withall,  threatned,  he  had  2,000  Men  would  revenge  his 
Death  severely.  Wherefore,  our  Forces,  fearing  an  Escape, 
put  the  stoutest  Men  to  the  Sword,  biit_preserved  Myanton- 
omy till  they  returnedLto^tonington^  where  bur  InHiari  l^Hends 

and  most  of  the  English  Soldiers,  declaring  to  the  Commanders 
their  Fear,  that  the  English  should,  upon  Conditions,  release 
him,  and  that  then  he  would,  (though  the  English  might  have 
Peace  with  him,)  be  very  pernicious  to  those  Indians  that  now 
assisted  us.  The  said  Indians,  (on  these  Considerations,  and  the 
Mischiefs,  and  Murthers  he  had  done,  during  this  War,)  [were] 
permitted  to  put  him  to  Death.  And,  that  all  might  share  in 
the  Glory  of  destroying  so  great  a  Prince,  and  come  under  the 
Obligation  of  Fidelity  each  to  other,  the  Pequods  shot  him, 
the  Mohegins  cut  off  his  Head  and  quartered  his  Body,  and 
the  Ninnicrofts  Men  made  the  Fire  and  burned  his  Quarters; 
and  as  a  Token  of  their  Love  and  Fidelity  to  the  English, 
presented  his  Head  to  the  Council  at  Hartford. 

About  the  same  Time  we  had  Information  from  an  Indian 
Spy,  taken  by  our  Army,  that  the  Enemy  had  a  Designe,  on 
the  next  Day,  to  fall  upon  the  Garrison,  and  some  few  Houses 

^  Canonchet  was  offered  his  life  "upon  condition  of  compliance  with  the 
English,"  but  refused  the  terms. 


that  remained  at  Marlborough,  to  revenge  the  Death  of  one 
of  their  eminent  Men  that  was  slain  when  they  were  last  there : 
(His  Name  being  concealed.)  Upon  which,  our  Major  Gen- 
eral, who  was  sent  to  meet  Major  Savage,  and  accompany 
him  and  his  Forces  to  Boston,  commanded  Capt.  Moseley  and 
another  Captain,  with  their  Companies,  thither,  to  abide  and 
expect  the  Enemy,  24  Hours;  but  they  not  coming  in  that 
Time,  our  said  Forces  were  called  Home  and  disbanded,  to 
the  Dissatisfaction  of  some  People,  who  thereupon  feared  the 
like  fatall  Consequences,  that  but  a  little  before  attended  the 
like  Occasion.  Nor  were  such  their  Apprehensions  vain,  for 
within  four  Days  afterwards  News  arrived  at  Boston  that  all 
the  Houses  at  the  said  Town  of  Maryborough  (except  the 
Garrison)  were  destroied. 

April  20.  Capt.  Wadsworth^  of  Dorchester,  being  designed 
with  an  100  Men  to  repair  to  Marlborough,  to  strengthen  the 
Garrison,  and  remove  the  Goods,  etc.,  there;  did  accordingly 
this  Evening  march  with  about  70  Men  from  Sudbury  the 
Rest  of  his  Men  not  appearing.  The  Enemy  who  were  about 
a  1000  strong  lay  near  his  Passage,  but  kept  themselves  un- 
discovered, and  permitted  him  to  passe  them  in  the  Night, 
but  in  the  Morning  assaulted  and  burned  most  of  the  Houses 
in  Sudbury  (save  those  that  were  ingarrisoned :)  Upon  which 
the  Town  of  Concord  receiving  the  Alarm,  12  resolute  young 
Men  hastened  from  thence  to  their  Neighbour's  Relief,  but 
were  waylaid,  and  11  of  them  cut  off;  But  by  the  Time  Capt. 
Wadsworth  was  come  to  Marlborough,  the  Alarm  and  News  of 
this  Disaster  overtook  him,  and  although  he  had  marched  all 
the  Day  and  Night  before,  and  his  Men  much  wearied,  yet  he 
hastened  back  againe  and  was  accompanied  by  Capt.  Brockle- 
bank,2  Commander  of  the  Garrison  at  Marleborough,  with 
what  small  Number  he  durst  spare  out  of  his  Garrison.  When 
they  arrived  within  a  Mile  and  a  half  of  Sudbury,  the  Enemy, 
having  hid  themselves  behind  the  Hills,  sent  forth  two  or  three 
to  cross  the  March  of  our  Forces,  and  being  seen,  to  counter- 
feit themselves  affrighted  and  fly,  thereby  to  trapan  our  Men 
into  their  Ambuscade,  which  mischievous  Designe  succeeded 

1  Captain  Samuel  Wadsworth  of  Milton,  a  town  created  from  Dorchester 
in  1662. 

^  Captain  Samuel  Brocklebank  of  Rowley. 


according  to  their  Wishes,  for  our  Men  pursuing  them,  and 
being  not  above  80  in  Number,  and  those  miserably  tired  as 
well  with  tedious  Marches  as  for  want  of  Sleep,  were  suddenly- 
set  upon,  and  on  every  Side  encompassed  with  the  Enemy, 
being  about  a  1000  strong;  yet  not  at  all  dismaied  with  their 
Numbers,  nor  dismal  Shouts,  and  horrid  Yellings,  ours  made 
a  most  couragious  Resistance;  and  having  gained  the  Top  of 
a  Hill,  they  from  thence  gallantly  defended  themselves  with 
the  Loss  of  five  Men  near  four  Hours;  the  cowardly  Savages 
disheartened  with  the  Sight  of  so  many  of  their  Fellows  slain 
in  the  first  Attacque,  not  daring  to  venture  close  upon  them, 
yet  (that  we  may  not  think  these  Barbarians  altogether  un- 
acquainted with  Stratagems,  nor  so  Silly  as  to  neglect  any 
Advantages,)  at  last  they  set  the  Woods  on  Fire  to  the  Wind- 
ward of  our  Men,  which  by  Reason  of  the  Winde  blowing  very 
hard  and  the  Grass  being  exceeding  dry,  burnt  with  a  terrible 
Fierceness,  and  with  the  Smoak  and  Heat  was  like  to  choak 
them;  so  that  being  no  longer  able  at  once  to  resist  the  ap- 
proaching Fire,  and  the  cruel  Enemy,  they  were  forced  to  quit 
that  advantagious  Post  in  Disorder;  which  the  Indians  taking 
Advantage  of  came  on  upon  them  like  so  many  Tigers,  and 
dulling  their  active  Swords  with  excessive  Numbers,  obtained 
the  Dishonour  of  a  Victory;  our  two  Captains  after  incompa- 
rable Proofs  of  their  Resolution  and  Gallantry,  being  slain  upon 
the  Place;  together  with  most  of  their  Men;  but  those  few 
that  remained,  escaped  to  a  Mill,  which  they  defended  till 
Night,  when  they  were  hapily  rescued  by  Capt.  Prentice,  who 
coming  in  the  Day  hastily,  though  somewhat  too  late  to  the 
Relief  of  Capt.  VVadsworth,  having  not  above  Six  Troopers 
that  were  able  to  keep  Way  with  him,  fell  into  a  Pound  or 
Place  near  Sudbury  Towns  End,  where  all  Passages  were 
stopt  by  the  Indians;  and  had  not  Captain  Cowell  ^  (who  in 
his  Return  from  Quoboge  had  avoided  the  Common  Rode 
providentially),  at  that  Instant  come  thither  with  about  thirty 
Dragoons  (who  were  forced  to  fight  their  Way  through)  and  two 
Files  of  Men  sent  from  a  Garrison  to  secure  another  Passage, 
which  the  Enemy  hastned  to  stop  against  Capt.  Cowell,  both 
the  said  Capt.  Prentice  and  his  Men,  and  the  Remainder  of 
the  said  Captain  Wadsworths  Men  in  the  Mill,  had  been  all 

1  Captain  Edward  Cowell  of  Boston. 


killed  or  taken  alive:  nor  did  Captain  Cowell  lose  above  six 
or  seven  of  his  Men  in  this  Engagement:  but  so  insolent  were 
the  Indians  grown  upon  their  first  Successe  against  Captain 
Wadsworth,  that  they  sent  us  Word,  to  provide  Store  of  good 
Chear,  for  they  intended  to  dine  with  us  upon  the  Election  Day.^ 
But  for  preventing  any  Danger  that  might  happen  on  that 
Occasion,  the  following  Order  was  printed  and  published. 

At  a  Council  held  at  Boston,  April  21  1676. 

For  the  Prevention  of  such  Mischiefs  as  may  be  designed  by  the 
common  Enemy,  and  the  Securing  of  the  several  Plantations  upon 
the  Day  of  Publike  Election  now  drawing  near: 

It  is  Ordered,  That  the  Committees  of  Militia  in  each  Town, 
do  take  effectual  Care  that  the  Trained  Soldiers  be  in  Arms  upon 
that  Day,  and  keep  Watch  and  Ward  with  all  Diligence,  under  the 
Command  of  one  Commission-OflScer  at  least,  or  some  other  meet 
Person  where  no  Commission-Officer  is  to  be  had.  Which  Com- 
mander so  employed  for  that  Day  in  every  Town,  is  also  strictly  re- 
quired to  forbid  and  prevent  all  Rudeness  by  Playing,  Drinking,  or 
otherwise;  and  for  the  better  Execution  of  this  Order,  The  Com- 
mittees of  Militia  aforesaid  shall  take  some  meet  Course  for  the 
seasonable  Publishing  the  same  to  their  several  Towns;  that  such  of 
them  as  are  Freemen,  may  (as  many  of  them  as  may  be)  timely  put 
in  their  Votes  by  Proxy,  which  for  this  extraordinary  Season  is  most 
advisable,  and  hereby  recommended  to  them  to  do :  All  Soldiers  and 
Inhabitants  being  hereby  enjoyned  and  Commanded  in  all  Respects 
to  yield  Obedience  accordingly. 

By  the  Council, 

Edward  Rawson,  SecW. 

April  26.  Captain  Hinskman^  having  received  Commis- 
sion and  Instruction,  did  then  march  for  Major  Wilberds 
Funerall  (who  died  in  his  Bed  in  Peace,  though  (jrod  had  hon- 
oured him  with  severall  signal  Victories  over  our  Enemys  in 
War)  to  Charles-Town,  and  from  thence  to  Concord,  the  Place 
of  Rendevouz.    From  Mr.  Woodcock's  Garrison^  we  hear 

^  By  the  charter,  election  day  was  the  last  Wednesday  in  Easter  term;  this 
year,  May  3,  1676. 

2  Captain  Daniel  Henchman  of  Worcester,  Massachusetts. 

^  Woodcock's  Garrison  was  on  the  old  stage  road  from  Providence  to  Boston, 
about  30  miles  from  the  latter  city.  The  attack  mentioned  was  on  April  27,  and 
John  Woodcock's  son  Nathaniel  was  killed. 


that  himself  and  two  of  his  Sons,  and  some  other  Men  being 
gone  out  to  Labour  in  the  Field,  were,  about  this  Time  sur- 
prised; one  of  his  Sons  and  another  Man  being  killed,  and 
himself  and  the  other  Son  dangerously  (though  it  pleased  God, 
not  mortally)  wounded;  so  that  there  were  only  five  sound 
Persons  left  to  keep  Garrison,  besides  the  old  Woman  and 
three  Daughters,  and  yet  (through  Mercy)  it  has  always  held 

May  the  First,  Captain  Dennison  with  his  Volunteers  and 
Indians  fell  upon  a  Party  of  the  Enemy,  and  killed  Six  and  20 
of  them,  and  took  fifty  Captives;  Also  we  had  Advice,  that 
the  Pequods  and  other  friendly  Indians,  had  carried  many 
Prisoners  to  New-London;  that  some  had  voluntarily  surren- 
dered themselves  to  the  Magistrates  of  Connecticot-Colony, 
and  more  came  in  from  the  Sachem  of  Penny-cook.^ 

About  a  Fortnight  afterwards,  the  forementioned  Captain 
Turner,^  by  Trade  a  Taylor,  but  one  that  for  his  Valour  has 
left  behinde  him  an  Honourable  Memory,  hearing  of  the  In- 
dians being  about  Twenty  Miles  above  them  at  Connecticot 
River,  drew  out  a  Party  at  Hadly  and  Northampton,  where 
there  was  a  Garrison,  and  marching  all  Night,  came  upon 
them  before  Day-break,  they  having  no  Centinels  or  Scouts 
abroad,  as  thinking  themselves  secure,  by  Reason  of  their 
remote  Distance  from  any  of  our  Plantations :  Ours  taking  this 
Advantage  of  their  Negligence,  fell  in  amongst  them,  and  killed 
several  hundreds  of  them  upon  the  Place;  they  being  out  of 
any  Posture  or  Order  to  make  any  formidable  Resistance, 
though  they  were  six  Times  superiour  to  us  in  Number:  But 
that  which  was  almost  as  much,  nay  in  some  respect  more 
considerable  than  their  Lives,  We  there  destroied  all  their 
Ammunition  and  Provision,  which  we  think  they  can  hardly 
be  so  soon  and  easily  recruited  with,  as  possibly  they  may  be 
with  Men.  We  likewise  here  demolisht  Two  Forges  they  had 
to  mend  their  Armes;  took  away  all  their  Materialls  and  Tools, 
and  drove  many  of  them  into  the  River,  where  they  were 

^The  Pennacook  tribe  was  a  part  of  a  group  of  Indians  living  along  the 
Merrimac  River  and  known  as  Pawtuckets.  The  Pennycook  division  were 
seated  near  Concord,  New  Hampshire,  and  their  Sachem  was  Wanalancet. 

2  Captain  William  Turner;  see  p.  89,  ante.  The  place  of  the  conflict  has 
ever  since  been  called  Turner's  Falls,  Massachusetts. 


drowned,  and  threw  two  great  Piggs  of  Lead  of  theirs  (in- 
tended for  making  of  Bullets)  into  the  said  River.  But  this 
great  Success  was  not  altogether  without  its  Allay,  as  if  Provi- 
dence had  designed  to  Checquer  our  Joys  and  Sorrows;  and 
lest  we  should  Sacrifice  to  our  own  Nets,  and  say,  Our  own 
Arms  or  Prowesse  hath  done  this,  to  permit  the  Enemy  pres- 
ently after  to  take  an  advantage  against  us;  For  as  our  Men 
were  returning  to  Hadly,  in  a  dangerous  Passe,  which  they 
were  not  sufficiently  aware  of,  the  skulking  Indians  (out  of 
the  Woods),  killed  at  one  Volley,  the  said  Captain  and  Eight 
and  Thirty  of  his  Men;  but  immediately  after  they  had  dis- 
charged, they  fled. 

In  June  Major  Talkot^  slew  and  took  Captive  Four  and 
Twenty  of  the  Enemies  in  one  Weeks  Time,  and  also  killed 
the  Old  Queen  of  Narraganset,  and  an  arch  Villain  of  their 
Party,  that  had  been  with  them  at  the  sacking  of  Providence, 
famously  known  by  the  Name  of  Stonewall,  or  Stone-Layer 
John,^  for  that  being  an  active  ingenious  Fellow  he  had 
learnt  the  Mason's  Trade,  and  was  of  great  Use  to  the 
Indians  in  building  their  Forts,  etc.  Likewise  Potucke,  the 
Great  Indian  Counsellour,  (a  Man  considering  his  Education 
of  a  wonderfull  Subtlety)  was  brought  Prisoner  into  Rhode 

In  July,  we  had  very  considerable  Forces  abroad,  who 
took  and  killed  above  200  of  the  barbarous  bloudy  Indians, 
and  that  cruell  Infidel  Puncham^  among  the  Rest. 

The  Squaw  Sachem,^  King  Philip's  Sister,  who  at  First 
so  much  promoted  this  Warr,  and  was  since  by  Treaty  with 
Ninnicroft,  Sachem  of  the  Narragansetts,  to  be  delivered  up, 

*  Major  John  Talcott. 

'^"Stone-wall,  or  Stone-Layer  John,"  mentioned  ante,  p.  59.  The  "Old 
Queen  of  Narraganset"  was  sister  to  Ninigret  and  married  a  son  of  Canonicus, 
She  is  known  by  other  names,  the  most  common  being  Quaiapen. 

3  Potucke  (Potuck,  Potok)  lived  near  the  present  Point  Judith.  He  was 
sent  to  Boston  later  and  is  said  to  have  been  shot.  For  Puncham  (Pumham), 
see  p.  67,  ante. 

*The  Squaw  Sachem  of  Pocasset,  Weetamoo  (p.  25,  ante),  never  surren- 
dered. The  person  confused  with  her  is  Awashonks,  sometimes  called  the 
"Squaw  Sachem  of  Saconet,"  whom  Captain  Benjamin  Church  persuaded  to 
surrender  in  July,  1676.  Weetamoo  was  found  August  3,  drowned  in  Taunton 
River,  when  on  her  way  to  rejoin  Philip  at  Mount  Hope. 


hath  lately  surrendered  herself,  and  is  come  into  the  Plimmouth 
Army^  having  submitted  to  the  Mercy  of  Major  Bradford, 
who^  with  a  small  Party  some  Time  since  separated  himself 
from  the  Rest  of  his  Narragansets,  pretending  (when  he  found 
they  could  not  Prosper)  that  he  disapproved  of  their  Doings, 
in  breaking  their  Treaty  with  the  English,  hath  likewise  taken 
Shelter  under  our  Forces  at  Stonington,  to  secure  his  Life  at 
present:  For  not  only  those  of  his  Men  that  continue  in  Re- 
bellion still,  but  likewise  those  that  formerly  surrendered 
themselves  to  us,  threaten  to  cut  off  his  Head;  the  First  pre- 
tending that  by  his  treacherous  Councils  he  drew  them  into 
this  Warr,  and  then  basely  deserted  them:  and  the  Second, 
charging  him  as  a  Traytor  and  Truce-breaker  to  the  English. 
Thus  abominable  is  Treachery  and  Violation  of  ones  Faith, 
even  amongst  the  most  barbarous  and  savage  Infidels. 

King  Philip  and  some  of  these  Northern  Indians  being 
wandered  up  towards  Albany,  the  Mohucks  marched  out  very 
strong,  in  a  warlike  Posture  upon  them,  putting  them  to  Flight, 
and  pursuing  them  as  far  as  Hossicke  River,  which  is  about 
two  Days  March  from  the  East  Side  of  Hudson's  River  to 
the  N.  E.,  killing  divers,  and  bringing  away  some  Prisoners 
with  great  Pride  and  Triumph;  which  ill  Successe  on  that  Side 
where  they  did  not  expect  any  Enemy,  having  lately  endeav- 
oured to  make  up  the  ancient  Animosities,  did  very  much 
daunt  and  discourage  the  said  Northern  Indians;  so  that  some 
hundreds  came  in  and  submitted  themselves  to  the  English  at 
Plimmouth-Colony;  and  Philip  himself  is  run  skulking  away 
into  some  Swamp,  with  not  above  ten  Men  attending  him; 
Nor  doubt  we  shortly  to  have  a  good  Account  given  of  that 
Prime  Incendiary;  there  being  severall  of  our  Troops  daily 
abroad  in  Quest  of  him.^ 

It  is  computed  by  most  judicious  Men,  That  the  Indians 
that  were  killed,  taken,  sent  away,  and  now  of  Late  come  in 
by  Way  of  Submission,  cannot  in  all,  (Men,  Women  and  Chil- 
dren,) amount  to  fewer  than  Six  Thousand,  besides  vast 
Quantities  of  their  Corn,  Houses,  Ammunition,  and    other 

^  "Who,"  i.  e.,  Ninnicroft  or  Ninigret.  The  charges  made  against  him  by 
our  writer  are  unjust,  considering  the  circumstances  of  the  time  and  the  posi- 
tion of  the  Indian  leader. 

^  Until  July,  1676,  Philip  had  never  been  seen  by  the  colonists  in  any  battle. 


Necessaries,  without  which  they  cannot  long  Subsist,  in  Hos- 
tihty,  taken  and  destroyed. 

A  True  hut  Brief  Account  of  our  Losses  sustained  since  this 
Cruel  and  Mischievous  War  began,  take  as  follows: 

In  Narraganset  not  one  House  left  standing. 

At  Warwick,  but  one. 

At  Providence,  not  above  three. 

At  Potuxit,  none  left. 

Very  few  at  Seaconicke. 

At  Swansey,  two,  at  most. 

Marlborough,  wholy  laid  in  Ashes,  except  two  or  three 

Grantham  and  Nashaway,^  all  ruined  but  one  House  or 

Many  Houses  burnt  at  Springfield,  Scituate,  Lancaster, 
Brookefield  and  Northampton. 

The  greatest  Part  of  Rehoboth  and  Taunton  destroyed. 

Great  Spoil  made  at  Hadley,  Hatfield  and  Chelmsford. 

Deerfield  wholly,  and  Westfield  much  ruined. 

At  Sudbury,  many  Houses  burnt,  and  some  at  Hingham, 
Weymouth,  and  Braintree. 

Besides  particular  Farms  and  Plantations,  a  great  Number 
not  be  reckoned  up,  wholly  laid  waste,  or  very  much  damnified. 

And  as  to  Persons,  it  is  generally  thought,  that  of  the 
English  there  hath  been  lost,  in  all.  Men  Women  and  Chil- 
dren, above  Eight  Hundred,^  since  the  War  began :  Of  whom 
many  have  been  destroyed  with  exquisite  Torments,  and  most 
inhumane  Barbarities;  the  Heathen  rarely  giving  Quarter  to 
those  that  they  take,  but  if  they  were  Women,  they  first  forced 
them  to  satisfie  their  filthy  Lusts  and  then  murdered  them; 
either  cutting  off  the  Head,  ripping  open  the  Belly,  or  skulp- 
ing  the  Head  of  Skin  and  Hair,  and  hanging  them  up  as  Tro- 
phies; wearing  Men's  Fingers  as  Bracelets  about  their  Necks, 
and  Stripes  of  their  Skins  which  they  dresse  for  Belts.   They 

^  Groton  and  Lancaster. 

2  Another  estimate  {News  from  New  England,  1676)  gives  the  loss  as  444 
killed  and  55  taken  prisoners  for  the  colonists,  and  910  for  the  Indians.  Trum- 
bull in  his  History  of  Connecticut  gives  the  total  loss  of  the  colonists  as  about  600. 


knockt  one  Youth  of  the  Head,  and  lajdng  him  for  dead,  they 
flead  (or  skulp'd)  his  Head  of  Skin  and  Hair.  After  which 
the  Boy  wonderfully  revived,  and  is  now  recovered,  only  he 
hath  Nothing  but  the  dry  Skull,  neither  Skin  nor  Hair  on  his 
Head.  Nor  have  our  Cattle  escaped  the  Cruelty  of  these 
worse  than  Brute  and  Savage  Beasts:  For  what  Cattle  they 
took  they  seldom  killed  outright:  or  if  they  did,  would  eat 
but  little  of  the  Flesh,  but  rather  cut  their  Bellies,  and  letting 
them  go  several  Days,  trailing  their  Guts  after  them,  putting 
out  their  Eyes,  or  cutting  off  one  Leg,  etc. 

But  to  reckon  up  all  their  Cruelties,  would  be  no  lesse 
burthensome  to  compassionate  Christians  Ears,  than  too 
tedious  for  a  Letter,  which  is  already  swelled  too  big;  and 
therefore  I  think  it  now  high  Time  to  conclude,  with  hearty 
Thanks  to  Almighty  God  for  our  late  Successes  against  this 
bloudy  Enemy,  whereby  though  not  wholly  freed  from  Ap- 
prehensions of  future  Dangers;  yet  we  have  Grounds  to  hope, 
that  their  Fury  is  much  quasht  and  abated;  so  that  (if  our 
Sins  obstruct  not  so  great  a  Blessing)  we  may  shortly  once 
again  see  Peace  and  Safety  restored  to  our  (lately  disconsolate) 
Habitations  in  this  Wilderness,  For  which,  as  I  doubt  not  of 
the  Concurrence  of  yours  and  all  good  Christians  Prayers: 
so  I  shall  not  fail  to  recommend  you  and  yours  to  the  same 
Almighty  Protection,  and  with  my  hearty  Respects  presented, 

Your  affectionate  Friend  and  Servant, 

N.  S. 


ENDED,  BY  R.  H.,  1677 

ENDED,  BY  R.  H.,  1677 

The  Warr  in  New-England  Visibly  Ended.  King  Philip  that 
harbarous  Indian  now  Beheaded,  and  most  of  his  Bloudy 
Adherents  submitted  to  Mercy,  the  Rest  fled  far  up  into  the 
Countrey,  which  hath  given  the  Inhabitants  Encouragement 
to  prepare  for  their  Settlement,  Being  a  True  and  Perfect 
Account  brought  in  by  Caleb  More,  Master  of  a  Vessel 
newly  Arrived  from  Rhode  Island,  And  Published  for  gen- 
eral Satisfaction. 

Licensed  November  4.    Roger  UEstrange. 

London:  Printed  by  F.  B.  for  Dorman  Newman  at  the  King's 
ArmSf  in  the  Poultry,  1677.^ 

New-Englands  Warr  Visibly  Ended. 

In  my  last,  which  I  hope  you  received,  I  must  acknowledge 
what  I  writ  (though  Truth)  yet  I  had  not  that  comfortable 
Satisfaction  in  my  Spirit,  to  give  me  Hopes,  that  our  publique 
Calamities  were  so  near  an  End  as  now  I  have,  which  God  in 
Mercy  sanctify  to  us,  that  we  may  see  the  Rod,  and  where- 
fore it  is  come. 

We  have  been,  and  still  are  ready  to  put  different  Reflec- 
tions upon  the  Murders  and  Spoils  that  have  been  made  upon  ^ 
us  by  this  Destructive  War:  Various  are  Men's  Thoughts  why 
God  hath  suffered  it,  all  acknowledge  it  was  for  Sin;  many 
wish  there  hath  not  been  some  Leaven  of  that  Spirit  in  the 
Provocation  for  which  we  left  Old  England.  I  am  in  great 
Pain  while  I  write,  to  remember  how  severe  some  of  us  have 
been  to  Dissenters,^  making  Spoil  without  Pity,  but  God  is 
teaching  us  Moderation. 

^Title-page  of  original. 

*  Doubtless  the  reference  is  partly  to  Anne  Hutchinson,  the  aunt  of  the 
author  of  this  tract. 



That  black  Cloud  (God  be  thanked)  begins  to  waste  almost 
to  Nothing,  which  may  not  only  give  us  an  hopeful  Oppor- 
tunity of  repairing  the  Spoils  made  by  our  barbarous  Neigh- 
bors, but  also,  deliberating  upon  the  true  Causes  of  these  great 
.  Distractions:  for  now  we  have  no  visible  Appearance  of  an 
X  Enemy:  Terrour  is  fallen  upon  very  many,  who  come  in  dayly 
with  Submission,  and  the  Rest  withdraw  into  Places  remote, 
hiding  their  Weapons  of  War,  and  flying  from  Justice  in  small 

King  Philip,  who  hath  been  a  pestilent  Ringleader,  that 
had  once  three  hundred  Men  (Barbarously  inclined)  as  I  told 
you  in  my  last,^  was  reduced  to  ten,  but  now  is  killed,  in  this 
Manner.  He  being  hid  in  a  Swamp  on  Mount  Hope  Neck, 
with  his  little  Party,  one  of  his  Indians  being  discontented 
with  him  made  an  Escape  from  him,  and  came  to  Rhode- 
Island,  and  informed  Capt.  Church  a  Plimouth  Captain  of  a 
Company  that  was  in  Search  after  this  said  King  Philip,  (the 
Captain  being  at  this  Time  on  the  said  Island,  refreshing  his 
Men  with  Necessary  Provisions)  but  understanding  where 
King  Philip  was,  and  that  he  intended  very  speedily  to  remove 
far  off,  to  provide  his  Winter-quarter,  retaining  still  the  same 
Barbarous  Spirit  and  Purposes,  without  the  least  Appearance 
of  Reluctancy  or  Offers  of  Mediation,  towards  his  Surrender 
to  Mercy;  whereupon  the  said  Captain  and  his  Company 
with  some  Rhode-Island  Men  went  in  Pursuit  and  Search 
after  him,  taking  an  Indian  Guide  with  them,  and  beset  a 
Swamp  where  they  heard  he  was,  which  was  very  miry,  and 
the  Ground  so  loose,  that  our  Men  sunk  to  the  Middle  in  their 
Attempts  to  come  at  this  sculking  Company;  but  all  in  vain, 
the  Passage  was  too  difficult. 

While  we  were  thus  beset  with  Difficulties  in  this  Attempt, 
the  Providence  of  God  wonderfully  appeared,  for  by  Chance^ 

^  The  tract,  or  unprinted  letter,  to  which  the  author  refers  is  unknown,  but 
the  general  feeling  in  New  England  regarding  Eong  Philip  is  well  expressed  in 
these  and  the  following  lines.  Captain  (later  Colonel)  Benjamin  Church  who 
captured  Philip  became  from  that  circumstance  the  hero  of  the  war.  His  memoirs, 
written  down  by  his  son  Thomas  Church,  Entertaining  Passages,  etc.,  are  among 
the  most  valuable  sources  for  a  history  of  the  period  covered  by  them. 

^  The  "Plimouth  Man"  and  the  guide  named  Alderman  had  been  stationed 
by  Captain  Church  at  a  point  where  the  latter  thought  Philip  likely  to  appear, 
and  according  to  the  Church  narrative  it  was  the  guide  whose  shots  took  effect. 

1676]  THE  WARR  VISIBLY  ENDED  105 

the  Indian  Guide  and  the  Plimouth  Man  being  together,  the 
Guide  espied  an  Indian  and  bids  the  Plimouth-man  shoot, 
-whose  Gun  went  not  off,  only  flashed  in  the  Pan;  with  that 
the  Indian  looked  about,  and  was  going  to  shoot,  but  the 
Plimouth-man  prevented  him,  and  shot  the  Enemy  through 
the  Body,  dead,  with  a  Brace  of  Bullets;  and  approaching 
the  Place  where  he  lay,  upon  Search,  it  appeared  to  be  Ejng 
Philip,  to  their  no  small  Amazement  and  great  Joy.^  This 
seasonable  Prey  was  soon  divided,  they  cut  off  his  Head  and 
Hands,  and  conveyed  them  to  Rhode-Island,  and  quartered 
his  Body,  and  hung  it  upon  four  Trees.  One  Indian  more  of 
King  Philip's  Company  they  then  killed,  and  some  of  the 
Rest  they  wounded,  but  the  Swamp  being  so  thick  and  miry, 
they  made  their  Escape. 

This  is  the  Substance  of  this  Enterprize,  and  the  small 
Remnant  we  left  as  inconsiderable,  who  must  either  fly  up 
into  the  Countrey,  or  perish  in  the  Place. 

There  is  one  Potuck,  a  mischievous  Engine,  and  a  Coun- 
sellour,  taken  formerly,  said  to  be  in  GoaP  at  Rhode-Island,  is 
now  sent  to  Boston,  and  there  shot  to  Death.  One  Quonepin 
a  young  lusty  Sachem,  and  a  very  Rogue  is  now  in  Goal  at 
Rhode-Island,  who  was  there  some  Years  ago  for  his  Misde- 
meanours, but  broke  Goal,  and  run  away,  and  could  never 
till  now  be  laid  hold  on. 

God  be  thanked,  many  Indians  come  in  daily,  and  submit 
themselves  with  much  Dejection,  crying  out  against  King 
Philip,  and  other  ill  Counsellors,  as  the  Causes  of  their  Mis- 

The  English  go  many  of  them  now  to  their  Old  Habitations, 
and  Mow  down  their  Ground,  and  make  Hay,  and  do  other 
Occasions  necessary  for  their  resettling:  All  which  gives  us 

causing  Philip  to  fall  "upon  his  face  in  the  mud  and  water,  with  his  gun  under 

1  The  next  morning,  August  12, 1676,  "Captain  Church  gave  them  the  news 
of  Philip's  death  upon  which  the  whole  army  gave  three  loud  huzzas." 

2  Gaol,  jaU. 

'With  the  capture  of  Potuck,  p.  96,  ante,  Quinnapin,  the  husband  of 
Weetamoo,  and  Annawon  and  Tishaquin,  two  able  lieutenants  of  Philip,  the 
war  in  southern  New  England  virtually  ended.  In  Maine  there  were  minor 
conflicts  until  winter,  when  the  Indians  were  compelled  to  look  to  the  English 
for  food. 


comfortable  Hope  that  God  will  graciously  repair  our  Breaches, 
and  cause  this  Bloody  War  to  End  in  a  lasting  Peace,  so  prays, 

Your  faithful  Friend, 

R.  H.1 


»The  initials  stand  for  Richard  Hutchinson,  nephew  of  the  well  known 
Anne  Hutchinson.    See  the  introduction  to  The  Present  State  of  New  England. 



In  January,  1676,  a  Christian  Indian,  Quanapaug  (James 
Wiser)  of  the  Nashaway  tribe,  appears  to  have  warned  Gov- 
ernor John  Leverett,  of  Massachusetts,  of  a  probable  attack 
upon  Lancaster,  but  because  of  other  points  of  danger  and 
the  uncertainty  resulting  from  the  Swamp  Fight  of  the  pre- 
ceding December,  this  warning  was  not  heeded.  Lancaster 
was  a  frontier  town  of  some  fifty  families,  already  organized 
into  five  or  six  garrisons.  The  colonial  government  thought 
its  aid  more  needed  elsewhere,  and  appears  to  have  disre- 
garded the  pleas  of  Mr.  Rowlandson,  the  minister,  and  of 
Lieutenant  Henry  Kerley  for  help,  even  when  they  came  to 
the  colonial  capital  to  reinforce  the  written  appeals.  Not 
until  the  arrival  of  Job  Kattenait,  of  Natick,  at  the  house 
of  Major  Daniel  Gookin  at  Cambridge  about  midnight  of 
February  9-10  was  anything  done.  Then  Samuel  Wadsworth 
and  his  forty  men  posted  at  Marlborough  were  sent  as  relief, 
but  they  were  too  late.  It  may  be  added  in  palliation  of  the 
seeming  lethargy  of  the  Massachusetts  authorities,  that  Lan- 
caster was  fairly  well  fortified  at  this  time  and  that  in  the 
attack  upon  the  town  described  in  the  ensuing  narrative 
the  Rowlandson  garrison  was  the  only  one  of  the  six  that  suc- 
cumbed to  the  Indians.  The  palisaded  houses  of  Nathaniel 
Joslin,  John  Prescott,  Thomas  Sawyer,  Cyprian  Stevens,  and 
Richard  Wheeler  were  defended  until  the  Indian  warriors  re- 
tired for  fear  of  the  mounted  force  from  Concord,  and  the 

men  under  Wadsworth. 



The  following  narrative  gives  a  personal  note,  a  story  of 
individual  experience,  which  serves  to  round  out  the  more 
general  history  as  told  by  our  other  writers.  Mary  White 
Rowlandson  was  the  daughter  of  John  and  Joane  White,  set- 
tlers in  Salem  in  1638,  and  citizens  of  Lancaster  in  1653.  No 
detailed  record  of  the  date  and  place  of  her  birth  or  death 
exists.  She  had  six  brothers  and  sisters.  Married  to  Rev. 
Joseph  Rowlandson  in  1656,  she  had  four  children,  one  of 
whom  died  before  the  outbreak  of  this  war  and  another  dur- 
ing the  period  of  captivity  forming  the  subject  of  this  narra- 
tive. After  the  ransom  the  Rowlandson  family  went  to  Bos- 
ton, where  they  lived  for  a  time  in  a  house  engaged  for  them 
by  the  Old  South  Church.  Following  this  residence  the  Row- 
landsons  moved  from  Massachusetts  to  Wethersfield,  Con- 
necticut, in  the  spring  of  1677. 

Lancaster  was  incorporated  in  1653.  Rev.  Joseph  Row- 
landson was  the  first  ordained  minister  of  the  parish,  and  this 
narrative  by  his  wife  was  the  first  Hterary  work  of  a  citizen  of 
the  town  which  appeared  in  print.  The  narrative  gives  not 
alone  a  clear  exposition  of  the  dangers  to  which  the  early  set- 
tlers of  New  England  were  exposed,  but  a  graphic  picture  of 
the  life  and  character  of  the  people  themselves.  No  narra- 
tive illustrates  more  fully  the  confidence  in  a  Providence  which 
overrules  every  peril  for  the  good  of  the  sufferer  than  does  this 
chronicle,  and  its  wording  shows  plainly  to  what  an  extent 
the  Bible  had  become  incorporated  into  the  daily  life  of  the 
people  of  New  England  at  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century. 
For  these  reasons,  no  less  than  because  of  the  vividness  with 
which  the  picture  was  drawn,  this  narrative  of  Mary  Row- 
landson became  at  once  a  marked  book.  No  contemporary 
New  England  publication  commanded  more  attention  in  Great 
Britain  or  in  America.  It  became  a  favorite  specimen  of  the 
class  of  writings  known  as  Indian  Captivities,  now  so  eagerly 


The  earliest  edition  of  the  Narrative  of  Mary  Rowlandson 
was  that  printed  by  Samuel  Green  at  Cambridge  in  1682. 
No  copy  of  this  edition  is  known  to  exist.  Of  the  second  edi- 
tion, or  as  the  title-page  has  it  "  The  second  Addition  Corrected 
and  amended/'  printed  at  the  same  place,  by  the  same  pub- 
hsher  and  in  the  same  year,  a  copy  once  owned  by  the  Reverend 
John  Cotton  is  in  the  Prince  Library  at  Boston.  This  edition 
has  been  followed  accurately  in  the  text  of  the  following  narra- 
tive. The  only  other  edition  of  equal  date  is  the  London  re- 
print, by  Joseph  Poole,  in  1682,  of  which  there  are  several 
copies  in  the  United  States,  but  these  are  less  reliable  than  the 
copy  followed  in  the  text.  A  facsimile  of  the  John  Cotton 
volume  was  published  in  1903  under  the  joint  editorship  of 
Henry  S.  Nourse  and  John  E.  Thayer,  in  an  excellent  anno- 
tated edition,  limited  to  250  copies,  but  for  this  latter  reason 
has  had  a  very  restricted  circulation.  Various  editions  were 
issued  during  the  eighteenth  century,  in  many  of  which  the 
text  was  emeuded  and  in  some  cases  mutilated,  the  title-page 
itseK  being  one  of  the  most  severe  sufferers.  To  some  of  the 
later  editions  a  copy  of  Joseph  Rowlandson's  last  sermon  has 
been  added,  but  it  has  little  connection  with  the  narrative,  and 
is  omitted  in  this  publication. 

Mrs.  Rowlandson's  "removes"  can  be  traced  on  the  map 
which  appears  in  this  volume  (opposite  p.  121).  A  map  is 
needful,  for  the  journeyings  of  her  captors  between  Wachusett 
Mountain  and  the  Connecticut  River  were  irregular,  and  their 
line  of  march  was  circuitous.  They  knew  the  ransom  value  of 
their  captive,  and  were  alert  and  watchful  lest  she  escape  or 
be  retaken  by  her  white  friends. 


The  Soveraignty  and  Goodness  of  GOD,  Together  With  the  Faith- 
fulness of  His  Promises  Displayed;  Being  a  Narrative  Of 
the  Captivity  and  Restauration  of  Mrs.  Mary  Rowlandson. 
Commended  by  her,  to  all  that  desires  to  know  the  Lords 
doings  to,  and  dealings  with  Her,  Especially  to  her  dear 
Children  and  Relations.  The  second  Addition  Corrected 
and  amended. 

Written  by  Her  own  Hand  for  Her  private  Use,  and  now  made 
Publick  at  the  earnest  Desire  of  some  Friends,  and  for  the 
benefit  of  the  Afflicted. 

Deut.  32.  29.  See  now  that  I,  even  I  am  he,  and  there  is  no  God 
with  me;  I  kill  and  I  make  alive,  I  wound  and  I  heal, 
neither  is  there  any  can  deliver  out  of  my  hand. 

Cambridge,  Printed  by  Samuel  Green,  1682.^ 


It  was  on  Tuesday,  Feb.  1,  1675,^  in  the  afternoon,  when 
the  Narrhagansets  quarters  (in  or  toward  the  Nipmug  Coun- 
try, whither  they  are  now  retyred  for  fear  of  the  English  Army 
lying  in  their  own  Country)  were  the  second  time  beaten  up, 
by  the  Forces  of  the  imited  Colonies,  who  thereupon  soon  be- 
took themselves  to  flight,  and  were  all  the  next  day  pursued 
by  the  English,  some  overtaken  and  destroyed.  But  on  Thurs- 
day, Feb.  3d,  The  English  having  now  been  six  dayes  on  their 
march,  from  their  head  quarters,  at  Wickford,  in  the  Nar- 
rhaganset  Country,  toward,  and  after  the  Enemy,  and  pro- 
vision grown  exceeding  short,  insomuch  that  they  were  fain 
to  kill  some  Horses  for  the  supply,  especially  of  their  Indian 
friends,  they  were  necessitated  to  consider  what  was  best  to 

» Title-page  of  the  original.  2 1675/6. 



be  done.  And  about  noon  (having  hitherto  followed  the  chase 
as  hard  as  they  might)  a  Councill  was  called,  and  though  some 
few  were  of  another  mind,  yet  it  was  concluded  by  far  the 
greater  part  of  the  Councill  of  War,  that  the  Army  should  de- 
sist the  pursuit,  and  retire:  the  Forces  of  Plimouth  and  the 
Bay  to  the  next  Town  of  the  Bay,  and  Connecticut  Forces  to 
their  own  next  Towns;  which  determination  was  immediately 
put  in  execution.  The  consequent  whereof,  as  it  was  not 
difficult  to  be  foreseen  by  those  that  knew  the  causless  enmity 
of  these  Barbarians,  against  the  English,  and  the  malicious 
and  revengefull  spirit  of  these  Heathen:  so  it  soon  Proved 

The  Narrhagansets  were  now  driven  quite  from  their  own 
Country,  and  all  their  provisions  there  hoarded  up,  to  which 
they  durst  not  at  present  return,  and  being  so  numerous  as 
they  were,  soon  devoured  those  to  whom  they  went,  whereby 
both  the  one  and  other  were  now  reduced  to  extream  straits, 
and  so  necessitated  to  take  the  first  and  best  opportunity  for 
supply,  and  very  glad,  no  doubt,  of  such  an  opportunity  as 
this,  to  provide  for  themselves,  and  make  spoil  of  the  English 
at  once;  and  seeing  themselves  thus  discharged  of  their  pur- 
suers, and  a  little  refreshed  after  their  flight,  the  very  next 
week  on  Thursday,  Feb.  10,  they  fell  with  mighty  force  and  fury 
upon  Lancaster:  which  small  Town,  remote  from  aid  of  others, 
and  not  being  Garisoned  as  it  might,  the  Army  being  now  come 
in,  and  as  the  time  indeed  required  (the  design  of  the  Indians 
against  that  place  being  known  to  the  English  some  time 
before)  was  not  able  to  make  effectual  resistance:  but  notwith- 
standing utmost  endeavour  of  the  Inhabitants,  most  of  the 
buildings  were  turned  into  ashes;  many  People  (Men,  Women 
and  Children)  slain,  and  others  captivated.  The  most  solemn 
and  remarkable  part  of  this  Trajedy,  may  that  justly  be  re- 
puted, which  fell  upon  the  Family  of  that  reverend  Servant 
of  God,  Mr.  Joseph  Rolandson,  the  faithfull  Pastor  of  Christ 
in  that  place,  who  being  gone  down  to  the  Councill  of  the 
Massachusets  to  seek  aid  for  the  defence  of  the  place,  at  his 
return  found  the  Town  in  flames,  or  smoke,  his  own  house 
being  set  on  fire  by  the  Enemy,  through  the  disadvantage  of  a 
defective  Fortification,  and  all  in  it  consumed:  his  precious 
yokefellow,  and  dear  Children,  wounded  and  captivated  (as 


the  issue  evidenced,  and  following  Narrative  declares)  by  these 
cruel  and  barbarous  Salvages.  A  sad  Catestrophe !  Thus  all 
things  come  alike  to  all:  None  knows  either  love  or  hatred 
by  all  that  is  before  him.  It  is  no  new  thing  for  Gods  precious 
ones  to  drink  as  deep  as  others,  of  the  Cup  of  common  Ca- 
lamity: Take  just  Lot  (yet  captivated)  for  instance  beside 
others.  But  it  is  not  my  business  to  dilate  on  these  things, 
but  only  in  few  words  introductively  to  preface  to  the  follow- 
ing script,  which  is  a  Narrative  of  the  wonderfully  awfull,  wise, 
holy,  powerfull,  and  gracious  providence  of  God,  towards  that 
worthy  and  precious  Gentlewoman,  the  dear  Consort  of  the 
said  Reverend  Mr.  Rowlandson,  and  her  Children  with  her, 
as  in  casting  of  her  into  such  a  waterless  pit,  so  in  preserving, 
supporting,  and  carrying  thorow  so  many  such  extream 
hazards,  unspeakable  difficulties  and  disconsolateness,  and  at 
last  delivering  her  out  of  them  all,  and  her  surviving  Children 
also.  It  was  a  strange  and  amazing  dispensation,  that  the 
Lord  should  so  afflict  his  precious  Servant,  and  Hand  maid. 
It  was  as  strange,  if  not  more,  that  he  should  so  bear  up  the 
spirits  of  his  Servant  under  such  bereavments  and  of  his  hand- 
maid under  such  captivity,  travels  and  hardships  (much  too 
hard  for  flesh  and  blood)  as  he  did,  and  at  length  deliver  and 
restore.  But  he  was  their  Saviour,  who  hath  said,  When  thou 
passest  through  the  Waters,  I  will  be  with  thee,  and  thorough  the 
Rivers,  they  shall  not  overflow  thee:  When  thou  walkest  through  the 
fire,  thou  shall  not  be  burnt,  nor  shall  the  flame  kindle  upon  thee, 
Isa.  43.  ver.  2.  and  again.  He  woundeth  and  his  hands  make 
whole.  He  shall  deliver  thee  in  six  troubles,  yea  in  seven  there 
shall  no  evil  touch  thee.  In  Famine  he  shall  redeem  thee  from 
Death,  and  in  War  from  the  power  of  the  sword.  Job  5  :  18,  19, 
20.  Methinks  this  dispensation  doth  bear  some  resemblance 
to  those  of  Joseph,  David  and  Daniel;  yea,  and  of  the  three 
Children  too,^  the  stories  whereof  do  represent  us  with  the 
excellent  textures  of  divine  Providence,  curious  pieces  of  divine 
work :  and  truly  so  doth  this,  and  therefore  not  to  be  forgotten, 
but  worthy  to  be  exhibited  to,  and  viewed,  and  pondered  by 
all,  that  disdain  not  to  consider  the  operation  of  his  hands. 

The  works  of  the  Lord   (not  only  of  Creation,  but  of 
Providence  also,  especially  those  that  do  more  peculiarly  con- 

^See  Daniel  iii. 


I.  y\         ->/ 


cern  his  dear  ones,  that  are  as  the  Apple  of  his  Eye,  as  the 
Signet  upon  His  Hand,  the  DeHght  of  his  Eyes,  and  the  Ob- 
ject of  his  tenderest  Care)  [are]  great,  sought  out  of  all  those 
that  have  pleasure  therein.  And  of  these  verily  this  is  none 
of  the  least. 

This  Narrative  was  penned  by  the  Gentlewoman  her  self, 
to  be  to  her  a  memorandum  of  Gods  dealing  with  her,  that  she 
might  never  forget,  but  remember  the  same,  aSd'tKe'severall 
circumstances  thereof,  all  the  dayes  of  her  life.    A  pious 
scope   which   deserves   both   commendation   and   imitation.^ 
Some  friends  having  obtained  a  sight  of  it,  could  not  but  be 
so  much  affected  with  the  many  passages  of  working  provi- 
dence discovered  therein,  as  to  judge  it  worthy  of  publicl: 
view,  and  altogether  unmeet  that  such  works  of  God  shoulc.  ^^ 
be  hid  from  present  and  future  Generations:   And  therefore  )\jiP^'' 
though  this  Gentlewomans  modesty  would  not  thrust  it  intd^ 
the  Press,  yet  her  gratitude  unto  God  made  her  not  hardly^  0\  ^    <^ 
perswadable  to  let  it  pass,  that  God  might  have  his  due  glory,!  0^  >  x 
and  others  benefit  by  it  as  well  as  her  self.    I  hope  by  this|     f^fJ^ 
time  none  will  cast  any  reflection  upon  this  Gentlewoman,  on     (r* 
the  score  of  this  publication  of  her  affliction  and  deliverance. 
If  any  should,  doubtless  they  may  be  reckoned  with  the  nine 
lepers,  of  whom  it  is  said,  Were  there  not  ten  cleansed,  where 
are  the  nine?  but  one  returning  to  give  God  thanks.    Let 
such  further  know  that  this  was  a  dispensation  of  publick  note, 
and  of  universall  concernment,  and  so  much  the  more,  by  how 
much  the  nearer  this  Gentlewoman  stood  related  to  that  faith- 
fuU  Servant  of  God,  whose  capacity  and  emplojnnent  was  pub- 
lick  in  the  house  of  God,  and  his  name  on  that  account  of  a 
very  sweet  savour  in  the  Chm-ches  of  Christ,  who  is  there  of 
a  true  Christian  spirit,  that  did  not  look  upon  himself  much 
concerned  in  this  bereavment,  this  Captivity  in  the  time 
thereof,  and  in^his  [this]  deliverance  when  it   came,  yea 
more  then  in  many  others;  and  how  many  are  there,  to 
whom  so  concerned,  it  will  doubtless  be  a  very  acceptable 
thing  to  see  the  way  of  God  with  this  Gentlewoman  in  the 
aforesaid  dispensation,  thus  laid  out  and  pourtrayed  before 
their  eyes. 

To  conclude:  whatever  any  coy  phantasies  may  deem,  yet 
it  highly  concerns  those  that  have  so  deeply  tasted,  how  good 


the  Lord  is,  to  enquire  with  David,  What  shall  I  render  to 
the  Lord  for  <dl  his  benefits  to  me.  Psal.  116. 12.  He  thinks 
nothing  too  great;  yea,  being  sensible  of  his  own  dispropor- 
tion to  the  due  praises  of  God  he  calls  in  help.  Oh,  magnifie 
the  Lord  with  me,  let  us  exalt  his  Name  together,  Psal.  34.  3. 
And  it  is  but  reason,  that  our  praises  should  hold  proportion 
with  our  prayers:  and  that  as  many  hath  helped  together  by 
prayer  for  the  obtaining  of  his  Mercy,  so  praises  should  be  re- 
turned by  many  on  this  behalf;  And  forasmuch  as  not  the 
generall  but  particular  knowledge  of  things  makes  deepest 
impression  upon  the  affections,  this  Narrative  particularizing 
the  several  passages  of  this  providence  will  not  a  little  conduce 
thereunto.  And  therefore  holy  David  in  order  to  the  attain- 
ment of  that  end,  accounts  himself  concerned  to  declare  what 
God  had  done  for  his  soul,  Psal.  66.  16.  Come  and  hear,  all 
ye  that  fear  God,  and  I  will  declare  what  God  hath  done  for 
my  soul,  i.  e.  for  his  life,  see  v.  9,  10.  He  holdeth  our  soul  in 
life,  and  suffers  not  our  feet  to  he  moved,  for  thou  our  God 
hast  proved  us,  thou  hast  tryed  us,  as  silver  is  tryed.  Life- 
mercies,  are  heart-affecting  mercies,  of  great  impression  and 
force,  to  enlarge  pious  hearts,  in  the  praises  of  God,  so  that 
such  know  not  how  but  to  talk  of  Gods  acts,  and  to  speak  of 
and  publish  his  wonderfull  works.  Deep  troubles,  when  the 
waters  come  in  unto  thy  soul,  are  wont  to  produce  vowes: 
vowes  must  be  paid.  It  is  better  not  vow,  than  vow  and  not 
to  pay.  I  may  say,  that  as  none  knows  what  it  is  to  fight  and 
pursue  such  an  enemy  as  this,  but  they  that  have  fought  and 
pursued  them :  so  none  can  imagine  what  it  is  to  be  captivated, 
and  enslaved  to  such  atheisticall,  proiidT-jgild,  cruel,  barbarous 
.brmtish  (intone  word)  diabolicallcreatures  as  these,  theworst 
v^_fif  _the  JieaiJ^J~~nor  what^difficulties,  hardships,  hazards, 
I  sorrows,  anxieties  and  perplexities  do  unavoidably  wait  upon 
such  a  condition,  but  those  that  have  tryed  it.  No  serious 
spirit  then  (especially  knowing  any  thing  of  this  Gentle- 
womans  piety)  can  imagine  but  that  the  vows  of  God  are  upon 
her.  Excuse  her  then  if  she  come  thus  into  publick,  to  pay 
those  vows,  come  and  hear  what  she  hath  to  say. 

I  am  confident  that  no  Friend  of  divine  Providence  will 
ever  repent  his  time  and  pains  spent  in  reading  over  these 
sheets,  but  will  judg  them  worth  perusing  again  and  again. 


Hear  Reader,  you  may  see  an  instance  of  the  ^veraignty 
of  God,  who  doth  what  he  will  with  his  own  as  well  as  others ; 
and  who  may  say  to  him.  What  dost  thou?  Here  you  may  see 
an  instance  of  the  faith  and  patience  of  the  Saints,  under  the 
most  heart-sinking  tryals;  here  you  may  see,  the  promises  are 
breasts  full  of  consolation,  when  all  the  world  besides  is  empty, 
and  gives  nothing  but  sorrow.  That  God  is  indeed  the  supream 
Lord  of  the  world,  ruling  the  most  unruly,  weakening  the  most 
cruel  and  salvage,  granting  his  People  mercy  in  the  sidjt^ 
the  unmercifull,  curbing  the  lusts  of  the  most  filthy,  holding 
the  hands  of  the  violent,  delivering  the  prey  from  the  mighty, 
and  gathering  together  the  out  casts  of  Israel.  Once  and  again 
you  have  heard,  but  hear  you  may  see,  that  power  belongeth 
unto  God;  that  our  God  is  the  God  of  Salvation,  and  to  him 
belong  the  issues  from  Death.  That  our  God  is  in  the  Heavens, 
and  doth  whatever  pleases  him.  Here  you  have  Sampson 
Riddle^  examplified,  and  that  great  promise,  Rom.  8.  28, 
verified,  Out  of  the  Eater  comes  forth  meat,  and  sweetness  out 
of  the  strong;  The  worst  of  evils  working  together  for  the 
best  good.  How  evident  is  it  that  the  Lord  hath  made  this 
Gentlewoman  a  gainer  by  all  this  affliction,  that  she  can  say, 
'tis  good  for  her  yea  better  that  she  hath  been,  then  that  she 
should  not  have  been  thus  afiiicted. 

Oh  how  doth  God  shine  forth  in  such  things  as  these! 

Reader,  if  thou'gettest  no  good  by  such  a  Declaration  as 
this,  the  fault  must  needs  be  thine  own.  Read  therefore, 
Peruse,  Ponder,  and  from  hence  lay  by  something  from  the 
experience  of  another  against  thine  own  turn  comes,  that  so 
thou  also  through  patience  and  consolation  of  the  Scripture 
mayest  have  hope. 

^  For  Samson's  riddle,  see  Judges  xiv. 


On  the  tenth  of  February  1675/  Came  the  Indians  with 
great  numbers  upon  Lancaster:  Their  first  coming  was  about 
Sun-rising;  hearing  the  noise  of  some  Guns,  we  looked  out; 
several  Houses^  were  burning,  and  the  Smoke  ascending  to 
Heaven.  There  were  five  persons'  taken  in  one  house,  the 
Father,  and  the  Mother  anda_sucldng_^hM,t^^ 
the  headr^~the~utfaer'two^hey  tookand  carrieaaway  alive. 
Their  were  two  others,  who  being  out  of  their  Garison  upon 
some  occasion  were  set  upon;  one  was  knockt  on  the  head, 
the  other  escaped :  Another  their  was  who  running  along  was 
shot  and  wounded,  and  fell  down;  he  begged  of  them  his  life, 
promising  them  Money  (as  they  told  me)  but  they  would  not 
hearken  to  him  but  knockt  him  in  head,  and  stript  him  naked, 
and  split  open  his  Bowels.  Another  seeing  many  of  the  In- 
dians about  his  Barn,  ventured  and  went  out,  but  was  quickly 
shot  down.  There  were  three  others  belonging  to  the  same 
Garison^  who  were  killed;  the  Indians  getting  up  upon  the 
roof  of  the  Barn,  had  advantage  to  shoot  down  upon  them 
over  their  Fortification.  Thus^ihsgemu^ther^^ 
went  on,  burning,  and  destroying  before^tKemT 
"  Atlength  they  cameand  beset  our  own  Eouse,  and  quickly 
it  was  the  dolefullest  day  that  ever  mine  eyes  saw.  The  House 
stood  upon  the  edg  of  a  hill;  some  of  the  Indians  got  behind 
the  hill,  others  into  the  Barn,  and  others  behind  any  thing  that 
could  shelter  them;  from  all  which  places  they  shot  against 
the  House,  so  that  the  Bullets  seemed  to  fly  like  hail;   and 

1  Thursday,  February  10,  1675/6. 

2  The  houses  mentioned  were  those  of  John  White,  Thomas  Sawyer,  John 
Prescott,  and  the  Rowlandson  and  Wheeler  garrisons.  The  site  of  the  Rowland- 
son  garrison  is  indicated  on  a  picture  in  Ellis  and  Morris,  King  Philip's  War  (New 
York,  1906),  opposite  p.  171. 

2  The  family  of  John  Ball,  the  tailor. 

*  The  garrison  of  Richard  Wheeler,  on  the  southern  side  of  George  Hill. 



quickly  they  wounded  one  man  among  us,  then  another,  and 
then  a  third.  About  two  hours  (according  to  my  observation, 
in  that  amazing  time)  they  had  been  about  the  house  before 
they  prevailed  to  fire  it  (which  they  did  with  Flax  and  Hemp, 
which  they  brought  out  of  the  Barn,  and  there  being  no  de- 
fence about  the  House,  only  two  Flankers^  at  two  opposite 
corners  and  one  of  them  not  finished)  they  fired  it  once  and 
one  ventured  out  and  quenched  it,  but  they  quickly  fired  it 
again,  and  that  took.  Now  is  the  dreadfull  hour  come,  that 
I  have  often  heard  of  (in  time  of  War,  as  it  was  the  case  of 
others)  but  now  mine  eyes  see  it.  Some  in  our  house  were 
fighting  for  their  lives,  others  wallowing  in  their  blood,  the 
House  on  fire  over  our  heads,  and  the  bloody  Heathen  ready 
to  knock  us  on  the  head,  if  we  stirred  out.  Now  might  we 
hear  Mothers  and  Children  crying  out  for  themselves,  and 
one  another.  Lord,  What  shall  we  do?  Then  I  took  my  Chil- 
dren (and  one  of  my  sisters,  hers)  to  go  forth  and  leave  the 
house:  but  as  soon  as  we  came  to  the  dore  and  appeared,  the 
Indians  shot  so  thick  that  the  buUetts  rattled  against  the 
House,  as  if  one  had  taken  an  handfull  of  stones  and  threw 
them,  so  that  we  were  fain  to  give  back.  We  had  six  stout 
Dogs  belonging  to  our  Garrison,  but  none  of  them  would  stir, 
though  another  time,  if  any  Indian  had  come  to  the  door, 
they  were  ready  to  fly  upon  him  and  tear  him  down.  The 
Lord  hereby  would  make  us  the  more  to  acknowledge  his  hand, 
and  to  see  that  our  help  is  always  in  him.  But  out  we  must 
go,  the  fire  increasing,  andcommg_alongJbehind  us,  roaring, 
and  the  Indi^ns-ga^inglSefore  us  withtheiFXiim^^^^^JiHB  and 
Hatchelig-'todevour  us.  No  sooner  were  we  out  of  theTfouse, 
but  My  Brother  in  Law^  (being  before  wounded,  in  defending 
the4iouse,  in  or  near  the  throat)  fell  down  dead,  wherat  the 
Indians  scornfully  shouted,  and  hallowed,  and  were  presently 
lipon  him,  stripping  off  his  cloaths,  the  buUetts  flying  thick, 
o^e  went  through  my  side,  and  the  same  (as  woulpk  seem) 
throjigh  the  bowels  and  hand  of  my  dear  Child  i^/iny  arms. 
One  ^^T^L^lder_^§±eisJCM^;'eH7TiHined-Wiffi^,^  had  then 

*  Flankers  were  projections  from  which  blank  walls  (curtains)  could  be  enfiladed. 

*  John  DivoU  had  married  Hannah,  the  youngest  sister  of  Mrs.  Rowlandson. 
5  William  Kerley  was  the  son  of  Mrs.  Rowlandson's  sister  Elizabeth  White, 

who  had  married  Henry  Kerley. 


his  Leg  broken;  which  the  Indians  perceiving,  they  knockt  him 
on  head.  Thus  were  we  butchered  by  those  merciless  Heathen, 
standing  amazed,  with  the  blood  running  down  to  our  heels. 
My  eldest  Sister  being  yet  in  the  House,  and  seeing  those  wof  ull 
sights,  the  Infidels  haling  Mothers  one  way,  and  Children 
another,  and  some  wallowing  in  their  blood:  and  her  elder 
Son  telling  her  that  her  Son  William  was  dead,  and  my  self 
was  wounded,  she  said,  And,  Lord,  let  me  dy  with  them; 
which  was  no  sooner  said,  but  she  was  struck  with  a  Bullet, 
and  fell  down  dead  over  the  threshold.  I  hope  she  is  reaping 
the  fruit  of  her  good  labours,  being  faithfull  to  the  service  of 
God  in  her  place.  In  her  younger  years  she  lay  under  much 
trouble  upon  spiritual  accounts,  till  it  pleased  God  to  make 
that  precious  Scripture  take  hold  of  her  heart,  2  Cor.  12.  9. 
And  he  said  unto  me,  my  Grace  is  sufficient  for  thee.  More  then 
twenty  years  after  I  have  heard  her  tell  how  sweet  and  com- 
fortable that  place  was  to  her.  But  to  return:  The  Indians 
laid  hold  of  us,  pulling  me  one  way,  and  the  Children  another, 
and  said.  Come  go  along  with  us;  I  told  them  they  would  kill 
me:  thev^nswered.  If  I,  were  willing  to  go  alonp;  withthem. 
they  woidd-iiQt_hurt  me. 

Oh  the  dolef ull  sight  that  now  was  to  behold  at  this  House ! 
Come,  behold  the  works  of  the  Lord,  what  dissolations  he  has  made 
in  the  Earth}  Of  thirty  seven  persons  who  were  in  this  one 
House,  none  escaped  either  present  death,  or  a  bitter  captivity, 
save  only  one,^  who  might  say  as  he.  Job  1.  15,  And  I  only  am 
escaped  alone  to  tell  the  News.    Tjiprpi  w^T-e  twelve  killed^^ome 

shntj  somp^sif.fl.hM  x\gtJT_tligjr^  pomp  k]2i]l£]£^jl/J2^^ 

their  Hatchets.  When  we  are  in  prosperity,  Ohthe  little  that 
-w^think  of  sticli  dreadfuU  sights,  and  to  see  our  dear  Friends, 
and  Relations  ly  bleeding  out  their  heart-blood  upon  the 
ground.  There  was  one  who  was  chopt  into  the  head  with 
a  Hatchet,  and  stript  naked,  and  yet  was  crawling  up  and 
down.  It  is  a  solemn  sight  to  see  so  many  Christians  lying  in 
their  blood,  some  here,  and  some  there,  like  a  company  of 
Sheep  torn  by  Wolves,    All  of  them  stript  naked  by  a  company 

1  Psalm  xlvi.  8. 

2  The  person  escaping  was  Ephraim  Roper.  The  size  of  the  garrison  as 
given  by  contemporary  writers  varies  from  37  to  55,  of  whom  three  Kettle  chil- 
dren escaped  in  some  way  unknown  to  Mrs.  Rowlandson. 


of  heU-houijiiSj  roaring,  singing,  jiflintinp:  and  insultioar  as  Jf 
theywoulfhave  torn  our  very  hearts  out ;  yet  the  Lord  by  his 
Almighty  power  preserved  a  number  of  us  from  death,  for 
there  were  twenty-four  of  us_taken^aHve  and  carried  Captis^e. 

1  had  of&  before  this  "said,  that  if  the  Indians  should 
come,  I  should  chuse  rather  to  be  killed  by  them  then  taken 
alive  but  when  it  came  to  the  tryal  my  mind  changed;  their 
glittering  weapons  so  daunted  my  spirit,  that  I  chose  rather  to 
go  along  with  those  (as  I  may  say)  ravenous  Beasts,  then  that 
moment  to  end  my  dayes;  and  that  I  may  the  better  declare 
what  happened  to  me  during  that  grievous  Captivity,  I  shall 
particularly  speak  of  the  severall  Removes  we  had  up  and 
down  the  Wilderness. 

The  first  Remove. 

Now  away  we  must  go  with  those  Barbarous  Creatures, 
with  our  bodies  wounded  and  bleeding,  and  our  hearts  no  less 
than  our  bodies.  About  a  mile  we  went  that  night,  up  upon 
a  hill  within  sight  of  the  Town,^  where  they  intended  to  lodge. 
There  was  hard  by  a  vacant  house  (deserted  by  the  English 
before,  for  fear  of  the  Indians).  I  asked  them  whither  I  might 
not  lodge  in  the  house  that  night  to  which  they  answered, 
what  will  you  love  English  men  still?  this  was  the  dolefullest 
night  that  ever  my  eyes  saw.  Oh  the  roaring,  and  singing 
and  danceing,  and  yelluig  of  those  black  creatures  in  the  night, 
which  made  the  place  a  lively  resemblance  of  hell.  And  as 
miserable  was  the  wast  that  was  there  made,  of  Horses,  Cattle, 
Sheep,  Swine,  Calves,  Lambs,  Roasting  Pigs,  and  Fowl  (which 
they  had  plundered  in  the  Town)  some  roasting,  some  lying 
and  burning,  and  some  boyling  to  feed  our  merciless  Enemies; 
who  were  joyful  enough  though  we  were  disconsolate.  To  add 
to  the  dolefulness  of  the  former  day,  and  the  dismalness  of  the 
present  night:  my  thoughts  ran  upon  my  losses  and  sad 
bereaved  condition.  All  was  gone,  my  Husband  gone  (at 
least  separated  from  me,  he  being  in  the  Bay;^  and  to  add  to 

^  George  Hill. 

2  "In  the  Bay"  means  at  Massachusetts  Bay,  i.  e.,  at  or  near  Boston.  If 
Joseph  Rowlandson  was  in  Boston  he  may  have  heard  the  summons  for  defence 
given  at  midnight  of  February  9  by  Job  Kattenait  in  Cambridge.    The  sum- 


my  grief,  the  Indians  told  me  they  would  kill  him  as  he  came 
homeward)  my  Children  gone,  my  Relations  and  Friends  gone, 
our  House  and  home  and  all  our  comforts  within  door,  and 
without,  all  was  gone,  (except  my  life)  and  I  knew  not  but  the 
next  moment  that  might  go  too.  There  remained  nothing  to 
me  but  one  poor  wounded  Babe,  and  it  seemed  at  present 
worse  than  death  that  it  was  in  such  a  pitiful  condition,  be- 
speaking Compassion,  and  I  had  no  refreshing  for  it,  nor  suit- 
able things  to  revive  it.  Little  do  many  think  what  is  the 
savageness  and  bruitishness  of  this  barbarous  Enemy,  I^  even 
those  that  seem  to  profess  more  than  others  among  them,  when 
the  English  have  fallen  into  their  hands. 

Those  seven  that  were  killed  at  Lancaster  the  summer 
before  upon  a  Sabbath  day,^  and  the  one  that  was  afterward 
killed  upon  a  week  day,  were  slain  and  mangled  in  a  barbarous 
manner,  by  one-ey'd  John,^  and  Marlborough's  Praying  In- 
dians,' which  Capt.  Mosely  brought  to  Boston,  as  the  Indians 
told  me. 

The  second  Remove.^ 

But  now,  the  next  morning,  I  must  turn  my  back  upon  the 
Town,  and  travel  with  them  into  the  vast  and  desolate  Wjlder- 

mons  resulted  in  an  appeal  to  Captain  Wadsworth  at  Marlborough,  but  was 
too  late. 

*  The  seven  victims  of  the  defeat  of  August  22,  1675,  were  George  Bennett, 
Jacob  Farrar,  jr.,  William  Flagg,  Mordecai  McLoud,  Mrs.  McLoud,  and  two 
children.    Joseph  Wheeler  died  later, 

'One-eyed  John  was  known  also  as  Monoco  and  Apequinsah.  "Marl- 
borough's Praying  Indians"  means  the  settlement  of  Christianized  Indians  at 
Marlborough,  Massachusetts.  On  August  30,  1675,  Captain  Samuel  Mosely, 
"being  instigated  thereunto  by  some  people  of  those  parts,  no  lovers  of  the 
Christian  Indians,  sent  down  to  Boston  with  a  guard  of  soldiers,  pinioned  and 
fastened  with  lines  from  neck  to  neck,  fifteen  of  those  Indians  that  lived  with 
others  of  them  upon  their  own  lands,  and  in  their  own  fort  at  Okonhomesitt 
near  Marlborough,  where  they  were  orderly  settled  and  were  under  the  English 
conduct."  In  Gookin's  Historical  Account  of  the  Doings  and  Sufferings  of  the 
Christian  Indians  of  New  England,  from  which  the  above  is  quoted,  the  question 
of  the  guilt  of  the  Marlborough  Indians  is  discussed  at  length  by  that  constant 
friend  of  the  converts.  Transactions  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  II, 

*  The  second  remove  was  to  Princeton,  Massachusetts,  near  Mount  Wachu- 


ness,  I  knew  not  whither.  It  is  not  my  tongue,  or  pen  can 
express  the  sorrows  of  my  heart,  and  bitterness  of  my  spirit, 
that  I  had  at  this  departure:  but  God  was  \^n'th  me,  in  n,  wnn- 
derfuU  manner,  carrying^me_^ong,  and,  bearing  up  my  spirit^ 
thatlrdid  not  quilelaiL  One  of  the  Indians  carried  my  poor 
wounded  !Babe  upon  a  hofse,  it  went  moaning  all  along,  I  shall 
dy,  I  shall  dy.  I  went  on  foot  after  it,  with  sorrow  that  cannot 
be  exprest.  At  length  I  took  it  off  the  horse,  and  carried  it  in 
my  armes  till  my  strength  failed,  and  I  feU  down  with  it: 
Then  they  set  me  upon  a  horse  with  my  wounded  Child  in 
my  lap,  and  there  being  no  furniture  upon  the  horse  back,  as 
we  were  going  down  a  steep  hill,  we  both  fell  over  the  horses 
head,  at  which  they  like  inhumane  creatures  laught,  and  re- 
joyced  to  see  it,  though  I  thought  we  should  there  have  ended 
our  dayes,  as  overcome  with  so  many  difficulties.  But  the 
Lord  renewed  my  strength  still,  and  carried  me  along,  that  I 
might  see  more  of  his  Power;  yea,  so  much  that  I  could  never 
have  thought  of,  had  I  not  experienced  it. 

After  this  it  quickly  began  to  snow,  and  when  night  came 
on,  they  stopt:  and  now  down  I  must  sit  in  the  snow,  by  a 
little  fire,  and  a  few  boughs  behind  me,  with  my  sick  Child  in 
my  lap;  and  calling  much  for  water,  being  now  (through  the 
wound)  fallen  into  a  violent  Fever.  My  own  wound  also 
growing  so  stiff,  that  I  could  scarce  sit  down  or  rise  up;  yet  so 
it  must  be,  that  I  must  sit  all  this  cold  winter  night  upon  the 
cold  snowy  ground,  with  my  sick  Child  in  my  armes,  looking 
that  every  hour  would  be  the  last  of  its  life;  and  having  no 
Christian  friend  near  me,  either  to  comfort  or  help  me.  Oh,  I 
may  see  the  wonderfull  power  of  God,  that  my  Spirit  did  not 
utterly  sink  under  my  affliction:  still  the  Lord  upheld  me 
with  his  gracious  and  mercifuU  Spirit,  and  we  were  both  alive 
to  see  the  light  of  the  next  morning.  . ■ 

The  third  remove.^ 

The  morning  being  come,  they  prepared  to  go  on  their  way. 
One  of  the  Indians  got  up  upon  a  horse,  and  they  set  me  up 

'  The  third  remove,  February  12-27,  ended  at  an  Indian  village,  Menameset 
(Wenimesset),  on  the  Ware  River,  in  what  is  now  New  Braintree.  Quabaug  was 


behind  him,  with  my  poor  sick  Babe  in  my  lap.  A  very  weari- 
some and  tedious  day  I  had  of  it;  what  with  my  own  wound, 
and  my  Childs  being  so  exceeding  sick,  and  in  a  lamentable 
condition  with  her  wound.  It  may  be  easily  judged  what  a 
poor  feeble  condition  we  were  in,  there  being  not  the  least 
crumb  of  refreshing  that  came  within  either  of  our  mouths, 
from  Wednesday  night  to  Saturday  night,  except  only  a  little 
cold  water.  This  day  in  the  afternoon,  about  an  hour  by  Sun, 
we  came  to  the  place  where  they  intended,  viz.  an  Indian  Town, 
called  Wenimesset,  Norward  of  Quabaug.  When  we  were 
come.  Oh  the  number  of  Pagans  (now  merciless  enemies)  that 
there  came  about  me,  that  I  may  say  as  David,  Psal.  27.  13, 
/  had  fainted,  unless  I  had  believed,  etc.^  The  next  day  was 
the  Sabbath -2  I  then  remembered  how  careless  I  had  been 
of  Gods  holy  time,  how  many  Sabbaths  I  had  lost  and  mis- 
pent,  and  how  evily  I  had  walked  in  Gods  sight;  which  lay 
so  close  unto  my  spirit,  that  it  was  easie  for  me  to  see  how 
righteous  it  was  with  God  to  cut  off  the  thread  of  my  life,  and 
cast  me  out  of  his  presence  for  ever.  Yet  the  Lord  still  shewed 
mercy  to  me,  and  upheld  me;  and  as  hewonndfid  m^^  wjth  mift 
hand,  so  he  healed  me  withtheoiJaiEirThis  day  there  came  to 
me one"Kobbert  Peppert^^limnbelonging  to  Roxbury)  who  was 
taken  in  Captain  Beers  his  Fight,^  and  had  been  now  a  con- 
siderable time  with  the  Indians;  and  up  with  them  almost  as 
far  as  Albany,  to  see  king  Philip,  as  he  told  me,  and  was  now 
very  lately  come  into  these  parts.^  Hearing,  I  say,  that  I 
was  in  this  Indian  Town,  he  obtained  leave  to  come  and  see 
me.  He  told  me,  he  himself  was  wounded  in  the  leg  at  Cap- 
tain Beers  his  Fight;  and  was  not  able  some  time  to  go,  but  as 
they  carried  him,  and  as  he  took  Oaken  leaves  and  laid  to  his 
wound,  and  through  the  blessing  of  God  he  was  able  to  travel 
again.  Then  I  took  Oaken  leaves  and  laid  to  my  side,  and 
with  the  blessing  of  God  it  cured  me  also;  yet  before  the  cure 

^  "Unless  I  had  believed  to  see  the  goodness  of  the  Lord  in  the  land  of 
the  living." 

^2  Sunday,  February  13. 

'  Captain  Beers,  attempting  to  relieve  the  garrison  of  Northfield,  was  slain 
with  most  of  his  men,  September  4,  1675.     See  p.  42,  supra. 

*  Philip's  headquarters  during  the  winter  had  been  somewhat  east  of  Albany 
in  New  York,  as  stated  earlier,  pp.  68,  87,  ante. 


was  wrought;  I  may  say,  as  it  is  in  Psal.  38.  5,  6.  My  wounds 
stink  and  are  corrupt,  I  am  troubled,  I  am  bowed  down  greatly, 
I  go  mourning  all  the  day  long.  *'  I  sat  much  alone  with  a  poor 
wounded  Child  in  my  lap,  which  moaned  night  and  day, 
having  nothing  to  revive  the  body,  or  cheer  the  spirits  of  her, 
but  in  stead  of  that,  sometimes  one  Indian  would  come  and 
tell  me  one  hour,  that  your  Master  will  knock  your  Child  in 
the  head,  and  then  a  second,  and  then  a  ;J,hird,  your  Master 
will  quickly  knock  your  Child  in  the  head." 

This  was  the  comfort  I  had  from  them,  miserable  comforters 
are  ye  all,  as  he  said.^  Thus  nine  dayes  I  sat  upon  my  knees, 
with  my  Babe  in  my  lap,  till  my  flesh  was  raw  again;  my  Child 
being  even  ready  to  depart  this  sorrowfull  world,  they  bade 
me  carry  it  out  to  another  Wigwam  (I  suppose  because  they 
would  not  be  troubled  with  such  spectacles)  Whither  I  went 
with  a  very  heavy  heart,  and  down  I  sat  with  the  picture  of 
death  in  my  lap.  About  two  houres  in  the  night,  my  sweet 
Babe  like  a  Lambe  departed  this  life,  on  Feb.  18,  1675.  It 
being  about  six  yeares,  and  five  months  old.  It  was  nine  dayes 
from  the  first  wounding,  in  this  miserable  condition,  without 
any  refreshing  of  one  nature  or  other,  except  a  little  cold  water. 
I  cannot,  but  take  notice,  how  at  another  time  I  could  not 
bear  to  be  in  the  room  where  any  dead  person  was,  but  now 
the  case  is  changed;  I  must  and  could  ly  down  by  my  dead 
Babe,  side  by  side  all  the  night  after.  I  have  thought  since  of 
the  wonderfull  goodness  of  God  to  me,  in  preserving  me  in 
the  use  of  my  reason  and  senses,  in  that  distressed  time,  that 
I  did  not  use  wicked  and  violent  means  to  end  my  own  miser- 
able life.  In  the  morning,  when  they  understood  that  my 
child  was  dead  they  sent  for  me  home  to  my  Masters  Wigwam : 
(by  my  Master  in  this  writing,  must  be  understood  Quanopin,^ 
who  was  a  Saggamore,  and  married  King  Phillips  wives  Sister; 
not  that  he  first  took  me,  but  I  was  sold  to  him  by  another 
Narrhaganset  Indian,  who  took  me  when  first  I  came  out  of 
the  Garison).  I  went  to  take  up  my  dead  child  in  my  arms 
to  carry  it  with  me,  but  they  bid  me  let  it  alone:  there  was 

^  /.  e.,  as  Job  said.    Job  xvi.  2. 

2  Quinnapin  was  the  husband  of  Weetamoo,  the  widow  of  Alexander,  already 
referred  to  as  the  Queen  of  Pocasset.  Mrs.  Rowlandson  became  a  servant  to 
this  wife.    He  had  as  well  two  other  squaws.    See  p.  150,  post. 


no  resisting,  but  goe  I  must  and  leave  it.  When  I  had  been 
at  my  masters  wigwam,  I  took  the  first  opportunity  I  could 
get,  to  go  look  after  my  dead  child:  when  I  came  I  askt  them 
what  they  had  done  with  it?  then  they  told  me  it  was  upon  the 
hill:  then  they  went  and  shewed  me  where  it  was,  where  I 
saw  the  ground  was  newly  digged,  and  there  they  told  me  they 
had  buried  it:  There  I  left  that  Child  in  the  Wilderness,  and 
must  commit  it,  and  my  self  also  in  this  Wilderness-condition, 
to  him  who  is  above  all.  God  having  taken  away  this  dear 
Child,  I  went  to  see  my  daughter  Mary,  who  was  at  this  same 
Indian  Town,  at  a  Wigwam  not  very  far  off,  though  we  had 
little  liberty  or  opportimity  to  see  one  another.  She  was  about 
ten  years  old,  and  taken  from  the  door  at  first  by  a  Praying 
Ind  and  afterward  sold  for  a  gim.  When  I  came  in  sight,  she 
would  fall  a  weeping;  at  which  they  were  provoked,  and 
would  not  let  me  come  near  her,  but  bade  me  be  gone;  which 
was  a  heart-cutting  word  to  me.  I  had  one  Child  dead,  an- 
other in  the  Wilderness,  I  knew  not  where,  the  third  they 
would  not  let  me  come  near  to:  Me  (as  he  said)  have  ye 
bereaved  of  my  Children,  Joseph  is  not,  and  Simeon  is  not,  and 
ye  will  take  Benjamin  also,  all  these  things  are  against  me}  I 
could  not  sit  still  in  this  condition,  but  kept  walking  from  one 
place  to  another.  And  as  I  was  going  along,  my  heart  was  even 
overwhelm'd  with  the  thoughts  of  my  condition,  and  that  I 
should  have  Children,  and  a  Nation  which  I  knew  not  ruled 
over  them.  Whereupon  I  earnestly  entreated  the  Lord,  that 
he  would  consider  my  low  estate,  and  shew  me  a  token  for  good, 
and  if  it  were  his  blessed  wdll,  some  sign  and  hope  of  some  reHef . 
And  indeed  quickly  the  Lord  answered,  in  some  measure,  my 
poor  prayers:  for  as  I  was  going  up  and  down  mourning  and 
lamenting  my  condition,  my  Son  came  to  me,  and  asked  me 
how  I  did;  I  had  not  seen  him  before,  since  the  destruction  of 
the  Town,  and  I  knew  not  where  he  was,  till  I  was  informed  by 
himself,  that  he  was  amongst  a  smaller  percel  of  Indians, 
whose  place  was  about  six  mHes  off;  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  he 
asked  me  whether  his  Sister  Sarah  was  dead;  and  told  me  he 
had  seen  his  Sister  Mary;  and  prayed  me,  that  I  would  not 
be  troubled  in  reference  to  himself.  The  occasion  of  his  com- 
ing to  see  me  at  this  time,  was  this:  There  was,  as  I  said,  about 

1  The  lament  of  Jacob  in  Genesis  xlii.  36. 


six  miles  from  us,  a  smal  Plantation  of  Indians,  where  it  seems 
he  had  been  during  his  Captivity:  and  at  this  time,  there  were 
some  Forces  of  the  Ind.  gathered  out  of  our  company,  and  some 
also  from  them  (among  whom  was  my  Sons  master)  to  go  to 
assault  and  burn  Medfield:  In  this  time  of  the  absence  of  his 
master,  his  dame  brought  him  to  see  me.  I  took  this  to  be 
some  gracious  answer  to  my  earnest  and  unfeigned  desire. 
The  next  day,  viz.  to  this,  the  Indians  returned  from  Med- 
field,^ all  the  company,  for  those  that  belonged  to  the  other 
smal  company,  came  thorough  the  Town  that  now  we  were  at. 
But  before  they  came  to  us.  Oh!  the  outragious  roaring  and 
hooping  that  there  was:  They  began  their  din  about  a 
mile  before  they  came  to  us.  By  their  noise  and  hooping 
they  signified  how  many  they  had  destroyed  (which  was  at 
that  time  twenty  three.)  Those  that  were  with  us  at  home, 
were  gathered  together  as  soon  as  they  heard  the  hooping,  and 
every  time  that  the  other  went  over  their  number,  these  at 
home  gave  a  shout,  that  the  very  Earth  rung  again:  And 
thus  they  continued  till  those  that  had  been  upon  the  expedi- 
tion were  come  up  to  the  Sagamores  Wigwam;  and  then,  Oh, 
the  hideous  insulting  and  triumphing  that  there  was  over  some 
Englishmens  scalps  that  they  had  taken  (as  their  manner  is) 
and  brought  with  them.  I  cannot  but  take  notice  of  the  won- 
dor^^onercy  of  God  to  me  in  those  afflictions,  in  sending  me 
(a\B5)le/  One  of  the  Indians  that  came  from  Medfield  fight, 
iafijrought  some  plunder,  came  to  me,  and  asked  me,  if  I 
would  have  a  Bible,  he  had  got  one  in  his  Basket.  I  was  glad 
of  it,  and  asked  him,  whether  he  thought  the  Indians  would 
let  me  read?  he  answered,  yes:  So  I  took  the  Bible,  and  in 
that  melancholy  time,  it  came  into  my  mind  to  read  first  the 
28.  Chap,  of  Deut.,2  which  I  did,  and  when  I  had  read  it,  my 
dark  heart  wrought  on  this  manner.  That  there  was  no  mercy 
for  me,  that  the  blessings  were  gone,  and  the  curses  come  in 
their  room,  and  that  I  had  lost  my  opportunity.  But  the  Lord 
helped  me  still  to  go  on  reading  till  I  came  to  Chap.  30  the 
seven  first  verses,  where  I  found.  There  was  mercy  promised 

^  The  Medfield  fight  has  been  recounted  ante,  pp.  80,  81.  It  occurred  on 
February  21;  fifty  houses  were  burned. 

^Ch.  xxviii.  of  Deuteronomy  is  occupied  with  a  recital  of  blessings  for 
obedience  to  God  and  curses  for  disobedience. 


again,  if  we  would  return  to  him  by  repentance;  and  though 
we  were  scatered  from  one  end  of  the  Earth  to  the  other,  yet 
the  Lord  would  gather  us  together,  and  turn  all  those  curses 
upon  our  Enemies.  I  do  not  desire  to  live  to  forget  this 
Scripture,  and  what  comfort  it  was  to  me. 

Now  the  Ind.  began  to  talk  of  removing  from  this  place, 
some  one  way,  and  some  another.  There  were  now  besides 
my  self  nine  English  Captives  in  this  place  (all  of  them  Chil- 
dren, except  one  Woman).  I  got  an  opportunity  to  go  and 
take  my  leave  of  them;  they  being  to  go  one  way,  and  I  an- 
other, I  asked  them  whether  they  were  earnest  with  God  for 
deliverance,  they  told  me,  they  did  as  they  were  able,  and  it 
was  some  comfort  to  me,  that  the  Lord  stirred  up  Children  to 
look  to  him.  The  Woman  viz.  Goodwife  Joslin  told  me,  she 
should  never  see  me  again,  and  that  she  could  find  in  her  heart 
to  run  away;  I  wisht  her  not  to  run  away  by  any  means,  for 
we  were  near  thirty  miles  from  any  English  Town,  and  she 
very  big  with  Child,  and  had  but  one  week  to  reckon;  and  an- 
other Child  in  her  Arms,  two  years  old,  and  bad  Rivers  there 
were  to  go  over,  and  we  were  feeble,  with  our  poor  and  course 
entertainment.  I  had  my  Bible  with  me,  I  pulled  it  out,  and 
asked  her  whether  she  would  read;  we  opened  the  Bible  and 
lighted  on  Psal.  27,  in  which  Psalm  we  especially  took  notice 
of  that,  ver.  ult.,  Wait  on  the  Lord,  Be  of  good  courage,  and  he 
shall  strengthen  thine  Heart,  wait  I  say  on  the  Lord} 

The  fourth  Remove.^ 

And  now  I  must  part  with  that  little  Company  I  had. 
Here  I  parted  from  my  Daughter  Mary,  (whom  I  never  saw 
again  till  I  saw  her  in  Dorchester,  returned  from  Captivity), 
and  from  four  little  Cousins  and  Neighbours,  some  of  which  I 
never  saw  afterward:  the  Lord  only  knows  the  end  of  them. 
Amongst  them  also  was  that  poor  Woman  before  mentioned, 
who  came  to  a  sad  end,  as  some  of  the  company  told  me  in 
my  travel :  She  having  much  grief  upon  her  Spirit,  about  her 

*  Psalm  xxvii.  14. 

^  The  fourth  remove  occupied  February  28  to  March  3.  The  camp  was 
between  Ware  River  and  Miller's  River,  at  the  Indian  village  of  Nichewaug  in 
modern  Petersham. 


miserable  condition,  being  so  near  her  time,  she  would  be  often 
asking  the  Indians  to  let  her  go  home;  they  not  being  willing 
to  that,  and  yet  vexed  with  her  importunity,  gathered  a  great 
company  together  about  her,  and  stript  her  nafcedT-rnid-seOer 
in  the  midst  of  them;  and  when  they  had  sung  and  danced 
about  her  (in  their  hellish  manner)  as  long  as  they  pleaseq 
they  knockt  her  on  head,  and  the  child  in  her  arms  with  hei 
when  they  had  done  that,  they  made  a  fire  and  put  them  botl 
into  it,  and  told  the  other  Children  that  were  with  them,  thai 
if  they  attempted  to  go  home,  they  would  serve  them  in  like 
manner:  TheChildren  said,  she  did  not  shed  one  tear,  but^ 
prayed  aU  the  whilel  But  to  return  to  my  own  Joiu-ney;  we 
travefled"  aboiit  hall'  a  day  or  little  more,  and  came  to  a  desolate 
place  in  the  Wilderness,  where  there  were  no  Wigwams  or 
Inhabitants  before;  we  came  about  the  middle  of  the  after- 
noon to  this  place,  cold  and  wet,  and  snowy,  and  hun^ 
weary,  and  no  refreshing,  for  man,  but  the  cold  ground  to  sit 
on,  and  our  poor  Indian  cheer. 

Heart-akmg  thoughts  here  I  had  about  my  poor  Children, 
who  were  scattered  up  and  down  among  the  wild  beasts  of  the 
forrest:  My  head  was  light  and  dissey  (either  through  hunger 
or  hard  lodging,  or  trouble  or  altogether)  my  knees  feeble,  my 
body  raw  by  sitting  double  night  and  day,  that  I  cannot  ex- 
press to  man  the  affiction  that  lay  upon  my  Spirit,  but  the 
Lord  helped  me  at  that  time  to  express  it  to  himself.  I  opened 
my  Bible  to  read,  and  the  Lord  brought  that  precious  Scripture 
to  me,  Jer.  31.  16.  Thus  saith  the  Lord,  refrain  thy  voice  from 
weeping,  and  thine  eyes  from  tears,  for  thy  work  shall  he  rewarded, 
and  they  shall  come  again  from  the  land  of  the  Enemy.  This  was 
a  sweet  Cordial  to  me,  when  I  was  ready  to  faint,  many  and 
many  a  time  have  I  sat  down,  and  weept  sweetly  over  this 
Scripture.    At  this  place  we  continued  about  four  dayes. 

The  fifth  Remove.^ 

The  occasion  (as  I  thought)  of  their  moving  at  this  time, 
was,  the  English  Army,  it  being  near  and  following  them: 

^  In  the  fifth  remove,  March  3-5,  they  crossed  the  Baquaug  (Miller's)  River 
in  Orange.  The  "Army"  following  was  composed  of  Massachusetts  and  Con- 
necticut forces  imder  Captain  Thomas  Savage.    This  troop  was  detained  at 


For  they  went,  as  if  they  had  gone  for  their  hves,  for  some 
considerable  way,  and  then  they  made  a  stop,  and  chose  some 
of  their  stoutest  men,  and  sent  them  back  to  hold  the  English 
Army  in  play  whilst  the  rest  escaped:  And  then,  like  Jehu, 
they  marched  on  furiously,  with  their  old,  and  with  their 
young:  some  carried  their  old  decrepit  mothers,  some  carried 
one,  and  some  another.  Four  of  them  carried  a  great  Indian 
upon  a  Bier;  but  going  through  a  thick  Wood  with  him,  they 
were  hindered,  and  could  make  no  hast;  whereupon  they  took 
him  upon  their  backs,  and  carried  him,  one  at  a  time,  till  they 
came  to  Bacquaug  River.  Upon  a  Friday,  a  little  after  noon 
we  came  to  this  River.  When  all  the  company  was  come  up, 
and  were  gathered  together,  I  thought  to  count  the  number  of 
them,  but  they  were  so  many,  and  being  somewhat  in  motion, 
it  was  beyond  my  skil.  In  this  travel,  becauseofmy  wound, 
I  was  somewhat  favoured  in  my  load;  I  carried  only  my  kni^ 
■  ting  worlTaSd  two  quarts  of  parched  meal :  Being  very  faint 
I  asked  my  mistriss^  to  give  me  one  spoonfull  of  the  meal, 
but  she  would  not  give  me  a  taste.  They  quickly  fell  to  cut- 
ting dry  trees,  to  make  Rafts  to  carry  them  over  the  river: 
and  soon  my  turn  came  to  go  over:  By  the  advantage  of  some 
brush  which  they  had  laid  upon  the  Raft  to  sit  upon,  I  did  not 
wet  my  foot  (which  many  of  themselves  at  the  other  end  were 
mid-leg  deep)  which  cannot  but  be  acknowledged  as  a  favour 
of  God  to  my  weakned  body,  it  being  a  very  cold  time.  I 
was  not  before  acquainted  with  such  kind  of  doings  or  dangers. 
When  thou  passeth  through  the  waters  I  will  he  with  thee,  and 
through  the  Rivers  they  shall  not  overflow  thee,  Isai.  43.  2.  A 
certain  number  of  us  got  over  the  River  that  night,  but  it  was 
the  night  after  the  Sabbath  before  all  the  company  was  got 
over.  On  the  Saturday  they  boyled  an  old  Horses  leg  which 
they  had  got,  and  so  we  drank  of  the  broth,  as  soon  as  they 
thought  it  was  ready,  and  when  it  was  almost  all  gone,  they 
filled  it  up  again. 

The  first  week  of  my  being  among  them,  I  hardly  ate  any 
thing;  the  second  week,  I  found  my  stomach  grow  very  faint 

Quabaug  by  the  Indians  sent  back  for  that  purpose,  else  some  of  the  cavalry 
might  have  come  up  with  the  main  party  of  Indians  as  it  crossed  the  river.    The 
diflBculty  of  the  colonists  in  crossing  is  told  on  p.  159,  post. 
^  Weetamoo. 


for  waiituJsf-SQiaetiung;  and  yet  it  was  very  hard  to  get  down 
their  ^Qlthy  trash/,  but  the  third  week,  though  I  could  think 
how  fOTmerij--my  stomach  would  turn  against  this  or  that, 
and  I  could  starve  and  dy  before  I  could  eat  such  things,  yet 
they  were  sweet  and  savoury  to  my  taste.  I  was  at  this  time 
knitting  a  pair  of  white  cotton  stockins  for"my  mistnssr~and" 
Sad  not  yet  wrought  upon  a  iSabbath  day;  when  the  Sabbath 
came  they  bade  me  go  to  work;  I  told  them  it  was  the  Sabbath- 
day,  and  desired  them  to  let  me  rest,  and  told  them  I  would  do 
as  much  more  to  morrow;  to  which  they  answered  me,  they 
would  break  my  face.  And  here  I  cannot  but  take  notice,;3fn 
the  strange  providence  of  God  in  preserving  the  heatlien :  / 
They  were  many  hundreds,  old  and  young,  some  sick,  and  some 
lame,  many  had  Papooses  at  their  backs,  the  greatest  number 
at  this  time  with  us,  were  Squaws,  and  they  travelled  with  all 
they  had,  bag  and  baggage,  and  yet  they  got  over  this  River 
aforesaid;  and  on  Munday  they  set  their  Wigwams  on  fire, 
and  away  they  went:  On  that  very  day  came  the  English, 
Army  after  them  to  this  River,  and  saw  the  smoak  of  their 
Wigwams,  and  yet  this  River  put  a  stop  to  them.  God  did 
not  give  them  courage  or  activity  to  go  over  after  us;  we  were 
not  ready  for  so  great  a  mercy  as  victory  and  deliverance;  if 
we  had  been,  God  would  have  found  out  a  way  for  the  English 
to  have  passed  this  River,  as  well  as  for  the  Indians  with  their 
Squaws  and  Children,  and  all  their  Luggage.  Oh,  that  my  Peo- 
ple had  hearkened  to  me,  and  Israel  had  walked  in  my  ways,  I 
should  soon  have  subdued  their  Enemies,  and  turned  my  hand 
against  their  Adversaries,  Psal.  81 :  13.  14. 

The  sixth  Remove} 

On  Munday  (as  I  said)  they  set  their  Wigwams  on  fire, 
and  went  away.  It  was  a  cold  morning,  and  before  us  there 
was  a  great  Brook  with  ice  on  it;  some  waded  through  it,  up 
to  the  knees  and  higher,  but  others  went  till  they  came  to  a 
Beaver-dam,  and  I  amongst  them,  where  through  the  good 
providence  of  God,  I  did  not  wet  my  foot.  I  went  along  that 
day  mourning  and  lamenting,  leaving  farther  my  own  Country, 

1  The  sixth  remove  was  on  Monday,  March  6,  ending  near  a  swamp  in  North- 
field,  Massachusetts. 


and  travelling  into  the  vast  and  howling  Wilderness,  and  I 
understood  something  of  Lot's  Wife's  Temptation,  when  she 
looked  back:  we  came  that  day  to  a  great  Swamp,  by  the  side 
of  which  we  took  up  our  lodging  that  night.  When  I  came  to 
the  brow  of  the  hil,  that  looked  toward  the  Swamp,  I  thought 
we  had  been  come  to  a  great  Indian  Town  (though  there  were 
none  but  our  own  Company)  The  Indians  were  as  thick  as 
the  trees:  it  seemed  as  if  there  had  been  a  thousand  Hatchets 
going  at  once :  if  one  looked  before  one,  there  was  nothing  but 
Indians,  and  behind  one,  nothing  but  Indians,  and  so  on  either 
.hand,  I  my  self  in  the  midst,  and  no  Christian  soul  near  me, 
and  yet  how  hath  the  Lord  preserved  me  in  safety?  Oh  the 
experience  that  I  have  had  of  the  goodness  of  God,  to  me  and 

The  seventh  Remove.'^ 

After  a  restless  and  hungry  night  there,  we  had  a  wearisome 
time  of  it  the  next  day.  The  Swamp  by  which  we  lay,  was, 
as  it  were,  a  deep  Dungeon,  and  an  exceeding  high  and  steep 
hill  before  it.  Before  I  got  to  the  top  of  the  hill,  I  thought 
my  heart  and  legs,  and  all  would  have  broken,  and  failed  me. 
What  through  faintness,  and  soreness  of  body,  it  was  a  grievous 
day  of  travel  to  me.  As  we  went  along,  I  saw  a  place  where 
English  Cattle  had  been:  that  was  comfort  to  me,  such  as  it 
was:  quickly  after  that  we  came  to  an  English  Path,  which 
so  took  with  me,  that  I  thought  I  could  have  freely  lyen  down 
and  dyed.  That  day,  a  little  after  noon,  we  came  to  Squauk- 
heag,  where  the  Indians  quickly  spread  themselves  over  the 
deserted  English  Fields,  gleaning  what  they  could  find;  some 
pickt  up  ears  of  Wheat  that  were  crickled  down,  some  found 
ears  of  Indian  Corn,  some  found  Ground-nuts,  and  others 
sheaves  of  Wheat  that  were  frozen  together  in  the  shock,  and 
went  to  threshing  of  them  out.  My  self  got  two  ears  of 
Indian  Corn,  and  whilst  I  did  but  turn  my  back,  one  of  them 
was  stolen  from  me,  which  much  troubled  me.  There  came 
an  Indian  to  them  at  that  time,  with  a  basket  of  Horse-liver. 
I  asked  him  to  give  me  a  piece:  What,  sayes  he,  can  you  eat 
Horse-liver?    I  told  him,  I  would  try,  if  he  would  give  a  piece, 

^  The  seventh  remove  carried  Mrs.  Rowlandson  to  Squakeag  near  Beers's 
plain  in  Northfield. 


which  he  did,  and  I  laid  it  on  the  coals  to  rost;  but  before  it 
was  half  ready  they  got  half  of  it  away  from  me,  so  that  I 
was  fain  to  take  the  rest  and  eat  it  as  it  was,  with  the  blood 
about  my  mouth,  and  yet  a  savoury  bit  it  was  to  me:  For  to 
the  hungry  Soul  every  hitter  thing  is  sweet^  A  solemn  sight 
methought  it  was,  to  see  Fields  of  wheat  and  Indian  Corn  for- 
saken and  spoiled:  and  the  remainders  of  them  to  be  food  for 
our  merciless  Enemies.  That  night  we  had  a  mess  of  wheat 
for  our  Supper. 

The  eight  Remove.'^ 

On  the  morrow  morning  we  must  go  over  the  River,  i.  e. 
Connecticot,  to  meet  with  King  Philip;  two  Cannoos  full, 
they  had  carried  over,  the  next  Turn  I  my  self  was  to  go;  but 
as  my  foot  was  upon  the  Cannoo  to  step  in,  there  was  a  sudden 
out-cry  among  them,  and  I  must  step  back;  and  instead  of 
going  over  the  River,  I  must  go  four  or  five  miles  up  the  River 
farther  Northward.  Some  of  the  Indians  ran  one  way,  and 
some  another.  The  cause  of  this  rout  was,  as  I  thought,  their 
espying  some  EngUsh  Scouts,  who  were  thereabout.  In  this 
travel  up  the  River,  about  noon  the  Company  made  a  stop, 
and  sate  down;  some  to  eat,  and  others  to  rest  them.  As  I 
sate  amongst  them,  musing  of  things  past,  my  Son  Joseph  un- 
expectedly came  to  me:  we  asked  of  each  others  weKare,  be- 
moaning our  dolefuU  condition,  and  the  change  that  had 
come  upon  uss.  We  had  Husband  and  Father,  and  Children, 
and  Sisters,  and  Friends,  and  Relations,  and  House,  and  Home, 
and  many  Comforts  of  this  Life :  but  now  we  may  say,  as  Job, 
Naked  came  I  out  of  my  Mothers  Womb,  and  naked  shall  I 
return:  The  Lord  gave,  and  the  Lord  hath  taken  away.  Blessed 
he  the  Name  of  the  Lord.^  I  asked  him  whither  he  would  read; 
he  told  me,  he  earnestly  desired  it,  I  gave  him  my  Bible, 
and  he  lighted  upon  that  comfortable  Scripture,  Psal.  118. 
17,  18.  /  shall  not  dy  hut  live,  and  declare  the  works  of  the  Lord: 
the  Lord  hath  chastened  me  sore,  yet  he  hath  not  given  me  over  to 

*  Proverbs  xxvii.  7. 

2  The  eighth  remove  was  to  Coasset  in  South  Vernon,  Vermont,  where 
Mrs.  Rowlandson  seems  to  have  met  King  Philip  for  the  first  time,  as  he  was 
returning  from  New  York  to  take  up  the  campaign  of  1676. 

sjobi.  21. 


death.  Look  here,  Mother  (sayes  he)  did  you  read  this?  And 
here  I  may  take  occasion  to  mention  one  principall  ground  of 
my  setting  forth  these  Lines:  even  as  the  Psalmist  sayes,  To 
declare  the  Works  of  the  Lord,  and  his  wonderfull  Power  in 
carrying  us  along,  preserving  us  in  the  Wilderness,  while 
under  the  Enemies  hand,  and  returning  of  us  in  safety  again, 
And  His  goodness  in  bringing  to  my  hand  so  many  comfort- 
able and  suitable  Scriptures  in  my  distress.  But  to  Return, 
We  travelled  on  till  night;  and  in  the  morning,  we  must  go 
over  the  River  to  Philip's  Crew.  When  I  was  in  the  Cannoo, 
I  could  not  but  be  amazed  at  the  numerous  crew  of  Pagans 
that  were  on  the  Bank  on  the  other  side.  When  I  came 
ashore,  they  gathered  all  about  me,  I  sitting  alone  in  the 
midst:  I  observed  they  asked  one  another  questions,  and 
laughed,  and  rejoyced  over  their  Gains  and  Victories.  Then 
my  heart  began  to  fail:  and  I  fell  a  weeping  which  was  the 
first  time  to  my  remembrance,  that  I  wept  before  them. 
Although  Ihad  met  with  so  much  Affliction,  and  my  heart 
wasmany  tmaes  ready  to  break,  yet  could  I  not  shed  one  tear, 
in"1EIieir,iight:  but  rather  hadbeen  all  this  while  in  a  maze7 
aiidTSe  one  astonished:  but  now  I  may  say  as,  Psal.  137.  1. 
By  the  Rivers  of  Babylon,  there  we  sate  down:  yea,  we  wept  when 
we  remembered  Zion.  There  one  of  them  asked  me,  why  I 
wept,  I  could  hardly  tell  what  to  say:  yet  I  answered,  they 
would  kill  me:  No,  said  he,  none  will  hurt  you.  Then  came 
one  of  them  and  gave  me  two  spoon-fulls  of  Meal  to  comfort 
me,  and  another  gave  me  half  a  pint  of  Pease ;  which  was  more 
worth  than  many  Bushels  at  another  time.  Then  I  went  to 
see  King  Philip,  he  bade  me  come  in  and  sit  down,  and  asked 
me  whether  I  woold  smoke  it  (a  usual  Complement  nowadayes 
amongst  Saints  and  Sinners)  but  this  no  way  suited  me.  For 
though  I  had  formerly  used  Tobacco,  yet  I  had  left  it  ever 
since  I  was  first  taken.  It  seems  to  be  a  Bait,  the  Devil  layes 
to  make  men  loose  their  precious  time :  I  remember  with  shame, 
how  formerly,  when  I  had  taken  two  or  three  pipes,  I  was 
presently  ready  for  another,  such  a  bewitching  thing  it  is: 
But  I  thank  God,  he  has  now  given  me  power  over  it;  surely 
there  are  many  who  may  be  better  imployed  than  to  ly  suck- 
ing a  stinking  Tobacco-pipe. 

Now  the  Indians  gather  their  Forces  to  go  against  North- 


Hampton:^  over-night  one  went  about  yelling  and  hooting 
to  give  notice  of  the  design.  Whereupon  they  fell  to  boyling 
of  Ground-nutS;  and  parching  of  Corn  (as  many  as  had  it)  for 
their  Provision :  and  in  the  morning  away  they  went.  During 
my  abode  in  this  place,  Philip  spake  to  me  to  make  a  shirt  for 
his  boy,  which  I  did,  for  which  he  gave  me  a  shilling :  I  offerej 
the  mony  to  my  master,  but  he  bade  me  keep  it :  and  with  jt 
I  bought  a  piece  of  Horse  flesh.  Afterwards  he  asked  me 
make  a  Cap  for  his  boy,  for  which  he  invited  me  to  Dinne 
I  went,  and  he  gave  me  a  Pancake,  about  as  big  as  two  fingei 
it  was  made  of  parched  wheat,  beaten,  and  fryed  in  Bears 
grease,  but  I  thought  I  never  tasted  pleasanter  meat  in  my  life. 
There  was  a  Squaw  who  spake  to  me  to  make  a  shirt  for  her 
Sannup,^  for  which  she  gave  me  a  piece  of  Bear.  Another 
asked  me  to  knit  a  pair  of  Stockins,  for  which  she  gave  me  a 
quart  of  Pease:  I  boyled  my  Pease  and  Bear  together,  and 
invited  my  master  and  mistriss  to  dinner,  but  the  proud 
Gossip,^  because  I  served  them  both  in  one  Dish,  would  eat 
nothing,  except  one  bit  that  he  gave  her  upon  the  point  of  his 
knife.  Hearing  that  my  son  was  come  to  this  place,  I  went 
to  see  him,  and  found  him  lying  flat  upon  the  ground :  I  asked 
him  how  he  could  sleep  so?  he  answered  me,  That  he  was  not 
asleep,  but  at  Prayer;  and  lay  so,  that  they  might  not  observe 
what  he  was  doing.  I  pray  God  he  may  remember  these  things 
now  he  is  returned  in  safety.  At  this  Place  (the  Sun  now  get- 
ting higher)  what  with  the  beams  and  heat  of  the  Sun,  and  the 
smoak  of  the  Wigwams,  I  thought  I  should  have  been  blind. 
I  could  scarce  discern  one  Wigwam  from  another.  There  was 
here  one  Mary  Thurston  of  Medfield,  who  seeing  how  it  was 
with  me,  lent  me  a  Hat  to  wear:  but  as  soon  as  I  was  gone, 
the  Squaw  (who  owned  that  Mary  Thurston)  came  running 
after  me,  and  got  it  away  again.  Here  was  the  Squaw  that 
gave  me  one  spoonfull  of  Meal.  I  put  it  in  my  Pocket  to  keep 
it  safe:  yet  notwithstanding  some  body  stole  it,  but  put  five 
Indian  Corns  in  the  room  of  it :  which  Corns  were  the  greatest 
Provisions  I  had  in  my  travel  for  one  day. 

^The  attack  upon  Northampton  here  referred  to  occurred  on  March  14, 
but  the  town  had  been  defended  by  paUsades  and  the  Indians  were  repulsed. 
The  colonists  lost  six  men.    See  p.  8,  ante. 

2  Husband.  3  "Gossip"  in  the  obsolete  sense  of  fellow. 


The  Indians  returning  from  North-Hampton,  brought  with 
them  some  Horses,  and  Sheep,  and  other  things  which  they 
had  taken :  I  desired  them,  that  they  would  carry  me  to  Albany, 
upon  one  of  those  Horses,  and  sell  me  for  Powder:  for  so  they 
had  sometimes  discoursed.  I  was  utterly  hopless  of  getting 
home  on  foot,  the  way  that  I  came.  I  could  hardly  bear  to 
think  of  the  many  weary  steps  I  had  taken,  to  come  to  this 

The  ninth  Remove.^ 

But  in  stead  of  going  either  to  Albany  or  homeward,  we 
must  go  five  miles  up  the  River,  and  then  go  over  it.  Here  we 
abode  a  while.  Here  lived  a  sorry  Indian,  who  spoke  to  me 
to  make  him  a  shirt.  When  I  had  done  it,  he  would  pay  me 
nothing.  But  he  living  by  the  River  side,  where  I  often  went 
to  fetch  water,  I  would  often  be  putting  of  him  in  mind,  and 
calling  for  my  pay :  at  last  he  told  me  if  I  would  make  another 
shirt,  for  a  Papoos  not  yet  born,  he  would  give  me  a  knife, 
which  he  did  when  I  had  done  it.  I  carried  the  knife  in,  and 
my  master  asked  me  to  give  it  him,  and  I  was  not  a  little  gl'ad 
that  I  had  any  thing  that  they  would  accept  of,  and  be  pleased 
with.  When  we  were  at  this  place,  my  Masters  maid  came 
home,  she  had  been  gone  three  weeks  into  the  Narrhaganset 
Country,  to  fetch  Corn,  where  they  had  stored  up  some  in  the 
ground :  she  brought  home  about  a  peck  and  half  of  Corn.  This 
was  about  the  time  that  their  great  Captain,  Naananto,^  was 
killed  in  the  Narrhaganset  Countrey.  My  Son  being  now 
about  a  mile  from  me,  I  asked  liberty  to  go  and  see  him,  they 
bade  me  go,  and  away  I  went :  but  quickly  lost  my  self,  travel- 
ling over  Hills  and  thorough  Swamps,  and  could  not  find  the 
way  to  him.  And  I  cannot  but  admire  at  the  wonderfull  power 
and  goodness  of  God  to  me,  in  that,  though  I  was  gone  from 
pome,  and  met  with  all  sorts  of  Indians,  and  those  I  had  no 
[knowledge  of,  and  there  being  no  Christian  soul  near  me; 
(yet  not  one  of  them  offered  the  least  imaginable  miscarriage 
to  me.    I  turned  homeward  again,  and  met  with  my  master, 

^  To  the  Ashuelot  valley  in  New  Hampshire. 

2  Naananto  is  better  known  as  Canonchet.  He  was  the  leading  spirit  of 
the  war  rather  than  King  Philip.  Upon  the  death  of  Canonchet,  April  3,  1676, 
the  war  lost  its  vigor  and  soon  ceased. 


he  shewed  me  the  way  to  my  Son:  When  I  came  to  him  I 
found  him  not  well:  and  withall  he  had  a  boyl  on  his  side, 
which  much  troubled  him :  We  bemoaned  one  another  awhile, 
as  the  Lord  helped  us,  and  then  I  returned  again.  When  I 
was  returned,  I  found  my  self  as  unsatisfied  as  I  was  before. 
I  went  up  and  down  mourning  and  lamenting:  and  my  spirit 
was  ready  to  sink,  with  the  thoughts  of  my  poor  Children: 
my  Son  was  ill,  and  I  could  not  but  think  of  his  mournfull 
looks,  and  no  Christian  Friend  was  near  him,  to  do  any  office 
of  love  for  him,  either  for  Soul  or  Body.  And  my  poor  Girl, 
I  knew  not  where  she  was,  nor  whither  she  was  sick,  or  well, 
or  alive,  or  dead.  I  repaired  under  these  thoughts  to  my  Bible 
(my  great  comfort  in  that  time)  and  that  Scripture  came  to 
my  hand,  Cast  thy  burden  upon  the  Lord,  and  He  shall  sustain 
thee,  Psal.  55.  22. 

But  I  was  fain  to  go  and  look  after  something  to  satisfie 
my  hunger,  and  going  among  the  Wigwams,  I  went  into  one, 
and  there  found  a  Squaw  who  shewed  her  self  very  kind  to 
me,  and  gave  me  a  piece  of  Bear.  I  put  it  into  my  pocket, 
and  came  home,  but  could  not  find  an  opportunity  to  broil  it, 
for  fear  they  would  get  it  from  me,  and  there  it  lay  all  that  day 
and  night  in  my  stinking  pocket.  In  the  morning  I  went  to  the 
same  Squaw,  who  had  a  Kettle  of  Ground  nuts  boyling;  I 
asked  her  to  let  me  boyle  my  piece  of  Bear  in  her  Kettle, 
which  she  did,  and  gave  me  some  Ground-nuts  to  eat  with  it: 
and  I  cannot  but  think  how  pleasant  it  was  to  me.  I  have 
sometime  seen  Bear  baked  very  handsomly  among  the  Eng- 
lish, and  some  like  it,  but  the  thoughts  that  it  was  Bear,  made 
me  tremble :  but  now  that  was  savoury  to  me  that  one  would 
think  was  enough  to  turn  the  stomach  of  a  bruit  Creature. 

One  bitter  cold  day,  I  could  find  no  room  to  sit  down  before 
the  fire:  I  went  out,  and  could  not  tell  what  to  do,  but  I 
went  in  to  another  Wigwam,  where  they  were  also  sitting 
round  the  fire,  but  the  Squaw  laid  a  skin  for  me,  and  bid  me 
sit  down,  and  gave  me  some  Ground-nuts,  and  bade  me  come 
again:  and  told  me  they  would  buy  me,  if  they  were  able, 
and  yet  these  were  strangers  to  me  that  I  never  saw  before. 


The  tenth  Remove.^ 

That  day  a  small  part  of  the  Company  removed  about  three 
quarters  of  a  mile,  intending  further  the  next  day.  When  they 
came  to  the  place  where  they  intended  to  lodge,  and  had  pitched 
their  wigwams,  being  hungry  I  went  again  back  to  the  place 
we  were  before  at,  to  get  something  to  eat:  being  encouraged 
by  the  Squaws  kindness,  who  bade  me  come  again;  when  I 
was  there,  there  came  an  Indian  to  look  after  me,  who  when  he 
had  found  me,  kickt  me  all  along:  I  went  home  and  found 
Venison  roasting  that  night,  but  they  would  not  give  me  one 
bit  of  it.  Sometimes  I  met  with  favour,  and  sometimes  with 
nothing  but  frowns. 

The  eleventh  Remove.^ 

The  next  day  in  the  morning  they  took  their  Travel,  intend- 
ing a  dayes  journey  up  the  River,  I  took  my  load  at  my  back, 
and  quickly  we  came  to  wade  over  the  River:  and  passed  over 
tiresome  and  wearisome  hills.  One  hill  was  so  steep  that  I 
was  fain  to  creep  up  upon  my  knees,  and  to  hold  by  the  twiggs 
and  bushes  to  keep  my  self  from  falling  backward.  My  head 
also  was  so  light,  that  I  usually  reeled  as  I  went;  but  I  hope 
all  these  wearisome  steps  that  I  have  taken,  are  but  a  fore- 
warning to  me  of  the  heavenly  rest.  I  know,  0  Lord,  that  thy 
Judgements  are  right,  and  that  thou  in  faithfulness  hast  afflicted 
me,  Psal.  119.  71.^ 

The  twelfth  Remove. 

It  was  upon  a  Sabbath-day-morning,  that  they  prepared 
for  their  Travel.  This  morning  I  asked  my  master  whither 
he  would  sell  me  to  my  Husband;  he  answered  me  Nux,^ 
which  did  much  rejoyce   my  spirit.     My   mistriss,   before 

^  The  tenth  remove  seems  to  have  been  a  change  to  another  location  in  the 
Ashuelot  valley  in  New  Hampshire. 

2  The  eleventh  remove,  in  April,  1676,  was  as  far  north  as  the  captive  was 
taken.  The  camp  was  in  or  near  Chesterfield,  New  Hampshire,  where  she  re- 
mained until  the  twelfth  remove  on  Sunday,  April  9. 

» More  exactly.  Psalm  cxix.  75.  *  Yes. 


we  went,  was  gone  to  the  burial  of  a  Papoos,  and  returning, 
she  found  me  sitting  and  reading  in  my  Bible;  she  snatched  it 
hastily  out  of  my  hand,  and  threw  it  out  of  doors;  I  ran  out 
and  catcht  it  up,  and  put  it  into  my  pocket,  and  never  let  her 
see  it  afterward.  Then  they  packed  up  their  things  to  be 
gone,  and  gave  me  my  load:  I  complained  it  was  too  heavy, 
whereupon  she  gave  me  a  slap  in  the  face,  and  bade  me  go; 
I  lifted  up  my  heart  to  God,  hoping  the  Redemption  was  not 
far  off :  and  the  rather  because  their  insolency  grew  worse  and 

But  the  thoughts  of  my  going  homeward  (for  so  we  bent 
our  course)  much  cheared  my  Spirit,  and  made  my  burden 
seem  light,  and  almost  nothing  at  all.  But  (to  my  amazment 
and  great  perplexity)  the  scale  was  soon  turned :  for  when  we 
had  gone  a  little  way,  on  a  sudden  my  mistriss  gives  out,  she 
would  go  no  further,  but  turn  back  again,  and  said,  I  must 
go  back  again  with  her,  and  she  called  her  Sannup,  and  would 
have  had  him  gone  back  also,  but  he  would  not,  but  said.  He 
would  go  on,  and  come  to  us  again  in  three  dayes.^  My 
Spirit  was  upon  this,  I  confess,  very  impatient,  and  almost  out- 
ragious.  I  thought  I  could  as  well  have  dyed  as  went  back; 
I  cannot  declare  the  trouble  that  I  was  in  about  it;  but  yet 
back  again  I  must  go.  As  soon  as  I  had  an  opportunity,  I 
took  my  Bible  to  read,  and  that  quieting  Scripture  came  to 
my  hand,  Psal.  46.  10.  Be  still,  and  know  that  I  am  God. 
AVTiich  stUled  my  spirit  for  the  present:  But  a  sore  time  of 
tryal,  I  concluded,  I  had  to  go  through.  My  master  being 
gone,  who  seemed  to  me  the  best  friend  that  I  had  of  an  In- 
dian, both  in  cold  and  hunger,  and  quickly  so  it  proved.  Down 
I  sat,  with  my  heart  as  full  as  it  could  hold,  and  yet  so  hungry 
that  I  could  not  sit  neither:  but  going  out  to  see  what  I  could 
find,  and  walking  among  the  Trees,  I  found  six  Acorns,  and  two 
Ches-nuts,  which  were  some  refreshment  to  me.  Towards 
Night  I  gathered  me  some  sticks  for  my  own  comfort,  that  I 
might  not  ly  a-cold :  but  when  we  came  to  ly  down  they  bade 
me  go  out,  and  ly  some-where-else,  for  they  had  company 

1  It  was  about  this  time  that  the  news  of  the  death  of  Canonchet,  p.  136, 
ante,  reached  and  discouraged  these  Indians.  Quinnapin  seems  to  have  gone 
forward  to  see  what  the  outcome  would  be,  taking  PhiUp  with  him,  but  the 
women  and  children  were  left  in  the  Coimecticut  valley  for  a  time. 


(they  said)  come  in  more  than  their  own:  I  told  them,  I 
could  not  tell  where  to  go,  they  bade  me  go  look;  I  told  them, 
if  I  went  to  another  Wigwam  they  would  be  angry,  and  send 
me  home  again.  Then  one  of  the  Company  drew  his  sword, 
and  told  me  he  would  run  me  thorough  if  I  did  not  go  presently. 
Then  was  I  fain  to  stoop  to  this  rude  fellow,  and  to  go  out  in 
the  night,  I  knew  not  whither.  Mine  eyes  have  seen  that 
fellow  afterwards  walking  up  and  down  Boston,  under  the 
appearance  of  a  Friend-Indian,  and  severall  others  of  the  like 
Cut.  I  went  to  one  Wigwam,  and  they  told  me  they  had  no 
room.  Then  I  went  to  another,  and  they  said  the  same;  at 
last  an  old  Indian  bade  me  come  to  him,  and  his  Squaw  gave 
me  some  Ground-nuts;  she  gave  me  also  something  to  lay 
under  my  head,  and  a  good  fire  we  had:  and  through  the  good 
providence  of  God,  I  had  a  comfortable  lodging  that  night. 
In  the  morning,  another  Indian  bade  me  come  at  night,  and 
he  would  give  me  six  Ground-nuts,  which  I  did.  We  were  at 
this  place  and  time  about  two  miles  from  Connecticut  River. 
We  went  in  the  morning  to  gather  Ground-nuts,  to  the  River, 
and  went  back  again  that  night.  I  went  with  a  good  load  at 
my  back  (for  they  when  they  went,  though  but  a  little  way, 
would  carry  all  their  trumpery  with  them)  I  told  them  the 
skin  was  off  my  back,  but  I  had  no  other  comforting  answer 
from  them  than  this.  That  it  would  be  no  matter  if  my  head 
were  off  too. 

The  thirteenth  Remove. 

Instead  of  going  toward  the  Bay,i  which  was  that  I  desired, 
I  must  go  with  them  five  or  six  miles  down  the  River  into  a 
mighty  Thicket  of  Brush:  where  we  abode  almost  a  fortnight. 
Here  one  asked  me  to  make  a  shirt  for  her  Papoos,  for  which 
she  gave  me  a  mess  of  Broth,  which  was  thickened  with  meal 
made  of  the  Bark  of  a  Tree,  and  to  make  it  the  better,  she  had 
put  into  it  about  a  handf uU  of  Pease,  and  a  few  roasted  Ground- 
nuts. I  had  not  seen  my  son  a  pritty  while,  and  here  was  sm 
Indian  of  whom  I  made  inquiry  after  him,  and  asked  him 
when  he  saw  him :  he  answered  me,  that  such  a  time  his  master 
roasted  him,  and  that  himself  did  eat  a  piece  of  him,  as  big  as 

1  The  encampment  seems  to  have  been  changed  for  a  time  to  Hinsdale,  New 
Hampshire,  near  the  Connecticut  River. 


his  two  fingers,  and  that  he  was  very  good  meat :  But  the  Lord 
upheld  my  Spirit,  j^ndei'  this  dtseonragement ;  and  I  considered 
thei^^orrible^'^^oictedness  tolying/^nd  that  there  is  not  one 
of  them~"LhaL  nisEeslihe  leasFcOnsCience  of  speaking  of  truth. 
In  this  place,  on  a  cold  night,  as  I  lay  by  the  fire,  I  removed  a 
stick  that  kept  the  heat  from  me,  a  Squaw  moved  it  down  again, 
at  which  I  lookt  up,  and  she  threw  a  hariiHfnljjnf  f],fih(^fi  in  vninf^ 
e^^;  I  thought  I  should  have  been  quite  blinded,  and  have 
never  seen  more:  but  lying  down,  the  water  run  out  of  my  eyes, 
and  carried  the  dirt  with  it,  that  by  the  morning,  I  recovered 
my  sight  again.  Yet  upon  this,  and  the  like  occasions,  I  hope 
it  is  not  too  much  to  say  with  Job,  Have  pitty  upon  me,  have 
pitty  upon  me,  0  ye  my  Friends,  for  the  Hand  of  the  Lord  has 
touched  me}  And  here  I  cannot  but  remember  how  many 
times  sitting  in  their  Wigwams,  and  musing  on  things  past,  I 
should  suddenly  leap  up  and  run  out,  as  if  I  had  been  at  home, 
forgetting  where  I  was,  and  what  my  condition  was:  But 
when  I  was  without,  and  saw  nothing  but  Wilderness,  and 
Woods,  and  a  company  of  barbarous  heathens,  my  mind 
quickly  returned  to  me,  which  made  me  think  of  that,  spoken 
concerning  Sampson,  who  said,  /  will  go  out  and  shake  my  self 
as  at  other  times,  hut  he  wist  not  that  the  Lord  was  departed  from 
him}  About  this  time  I  began  to  think  that  aU  my  hopes 
of  Restoration  would  come  to  nothing.  I  thought  of  the  Eng- 
lish Army,  and  hoped  for  their  coming,  and  being  taken  by 
them,  but  that  failed.  I  hoped  to  be  carried  to  Albany,  as  the 
Indians  had  discoursed  before,  but  that  failed  also.  I  thought 
of  being  sold  to  my  Husband,  as  my  master  spake,  but  in  stead 
of  that,  my  master  himself  was  gone,  and  I  left  behind,  so 
that  my  Spirit  was  now  quite  ready  to  sink.  I  asked  them  to 
let  me  go  out  and  pick  up  some  sticks,  that  I  might  get  alone, 
And  poure  out  my  heart  unto  the  Lord.  Then  also  I  took  my 
Bible  to  read,  but  I  found  no  comfort  here  neither,  which  many 
times  I  was  wont  to  find:  So  easie  a  thing  it  is  with  God  to 
dry  up  the  Streames  of  Scripture-comfort  from  us.  Yet  I 
can  say,  that  in  all  my  sorrows  and  afflictions,  God  did  not 
leave  me  to  have  my  impatience  work  towards  himself,  as  if 
his  wayes  were  unrighteous.  But  I  knew  that  he  laid  upon 
me  less  then  I  deserved.    Afterward,  before  this  dolefuU  time 

1  Job  xix.  21.  2  Judges  xvi.  20. 


ended  with  me,  I  was  turning  the  leaves  of  my  Bible,  and  the 
Lord  brought  to  me  some  Scriptures,  which  did  a  little  revive 
me,  as  that  Isai.  55.  8,  For  my  thoughts  are  not  your  thoughts, 
neither  are  your  wayes  my  ways,  saith  the  Lord.     And  also  that, 
Psal.  37.  5,  Commit  thy  way  unto  the  Lord,  trust  also  inkim, 
and  he  shal  bring  it  to  pass.    About  this  time  they  cameJ^e^mg) 
from  Hadly,  where  they  had  killed  three  English  men,  and 
brought  one  Captive  with  them,  viz.  Thomas  Read.^    They 
all  gathered  about  the  poor  Man,  asking  him  many  Questions. 
I  desired  also  to  go  and  see  him;  and  when  I  came,  he  was  cry- 
ing bitterly,  supposing  they  would  quickly  kill  him.    Where- 
upon I  asked  one  of  them,  whether  they  intended  to  kill  him; 
he  answered  me,  they  would  not:    He  being  a  little  cheared 
tdth.  that,  I  asked  him  about  the  wel-fare  of  my  Husband,  he 
fpold  me  he  saw  him  such  a  time  in  the  Bay,  and  he  was  well, 
I  but   very   melancholly.     By   which   I    certainly   understood 
(though  I  suspected  it  before)  that  whatsoever  the  Indians 
I ,  told  me  respecting  him  was  vanity  and  lies.     Some  of  them  told 
[/  me,  he  was  dead,  and  they  had  killed  him :  some  said  he  was 
/  Married  again,  and  that  the  Governour  wished  him  to  Marry; 
/  and  told  him  he  should  have  his  choice,  and  that  all  perswaded 
jl  was  dead.    So  like  were  these  barbarous  creatures  to  him 
who  was  a  Iyer  from  the  beginning. 

As  I  was  sitting  once  in  the  Wigwam  here,  Phillips  Maid 
came  in  with  the  Child  in  her  arms,  and  asked  me  to  give  her 
a  piece  of  my  Apron,  to  make  a  flap  for  it,  I  told  her  I  would 
not :  then  my  Mistriss  bad  me  give  it,  but  still  I  said  no :  the 
maid  told  me  if  I  would  not  give  her  a  piece,  she  would  tear 
a  piece  off  it:  I  told  her  I  would  tear  her  Coat  then,  with  that 
my  Mistriss  rises  up,  and  takes  up  a  stick  big  enough  to  have 
killed  me,  and  struck  at  me  with  it,  but  I  stept  out,  and  she 
struck  the  stick  into  the  Mat  of  the  Wigwam.  But  while  she 
was  pulling  of  it  out,  I  ran  to  the  Maid  and  gave  her  all  my 
Apron,  and  so  that  storm  went  over. 

Hearing  that  my  Son  was  come  to  this  place,  I  went  to  see 
him,  and  told  him  his  Father  was  well,  but  very  melancholly: 
he  told  me  he  was  as  much  grieved  for  his  Father  as  for  him- 
self;  I  wondered  at  his  speech,  for  I  thought  I  had  enough 

1  The  prisoner  escaped  about  May  15.  The  party  which  had  gone  to  Hadley 
appears  to  have  been  a  scouting  party  only. 


upon  my  spirit  in  reference  to  my  self,  to  make  me  mindless 
of  my  Husband  and  every  one  else:  they  being  safe  among 
their  Friends.  He  told  me  also,  that  a  while  before,  his 
Master  (together  with  other  Indians)  where^  going  to  the 
French  for  Powder;  but  by  the  way  the  Mohawks  met  with 
them,  and  killed  four  of  their  Company  which  made  the  rest 
turn  back  again,  for  which  I  desire  that  my  seK  and  he  may 
bless  the  Lord;  for  it  might  have  been  worse  with  him,  had 
he  been  sold  to  the  French,  than  it  proved  to  be  in  his  remain- 
ing with  the  Indians. 

I  went  to  see  an  English  Youth  in  this  place,  one  John 
Gilberd^  of  Springfield.  I  found  him  lying  without  dores, 
upon  the  ground;  I  asked  him  how  he  did?  he  told  me  he  was 
very  sick  of  a  flux,  with  eating  so  much  blood:  They  had 
turned  him  out  of  the  Wigwam,  and  with  him  an  Indian 
Papoos,  almost  dead,  (whose  Parents  had  been  killed)  in  a 
bitter  cold  day,  without  fire  or  clothes:  the  young  man  him- 
self had  nothuig  on,  but  his  shirt  and  wastcoat.  This  sight 
was  enough  to  melt  a  heart  of  flint.  There  they  lay  quivering 
in  the  Cold,  the  youth  round  like  a  dog;  the  Papoos  stretcht 
out,  with  his  eyes  and  nose  and  mouth  full  of  dirt,  and  yet 
alive,  and  groaning.  I  advised  John  to  go  and  get  to  some  fire: 
he  told  me  he  could  not  stand,  but  I  perswaded  him  still,  lest 
he  should  ly  there  and  die:  and  with  much  adoe  I  got  him  to 
a  fire,  and  went  my  self  home.  As  soon  as  I  was  got  home, 
his  Masters  Daughter  came  after  me,  to  know  what  I  had  done 
with  the  English  man,  I  told  her  I  had  got  him  to  a  fire  in  such 
a  place.  Now  had  I  need  to  pray  Pauls  Prayer,  2  Thess.  3.  2, 
That  we  may  he  delivered  from  unreasonable  and  wicked  men. 
For  her  satisfaction  I  went  along  with  her,  and  brought  her 
to  him;  but  beforoJUgotJiome  again,  it  was  noised^about; 
that  Ijgas  running  awayajiH~getting  "the  JjJnglSFyouth, 
along  withlne;  tHaraB~5oon  as  I  (iHTnem,  they  began  to  rant 
anH  dommSerTasking  me  Where  I  had  been,  and  what  I  had 
been  doing?  and  sajdng  they  would  knock  him  on  the  head: 
I  told  them,  I  had  been  seeing  the  English  Youth,  and  that  I 
would  not  run  away,  they  told  me  I  lyed,  and  taking  up  a 
Hatchet,  they  came  to  me,  and  said  they  would  knock  me  down 
if  I  stirred  out  again;   and  so  confined  me  to  the  Wigwam. 

^  Were.  ^  John  Gilbert  had  been  captured  about  March  1. 


Now  may  I  say  with  David,  2  Sam.  24.  14.  /  am  in  a  great 
strait.  If  I  keep  in,  I  must  dy  with  hunger,  and  if  I  go  out, 
I  must  be  knockt  in  head.  This  distressed  condition  held  that 
day,  and  half  the  next;  And  then  the  Lord  remembred  me, 
whose  mercyes  are  great.  Then  came  an  Indian  to  me  with 
a  pair  of  stockings  that  were  too  big  for  him,  and  he  would  have 
me  ravel  them  out,  and  knit  them  fit  for  him.  I  shewed  my 
self  willing,  and  bid  him  ask  my  mistriss  if  I  might  go  along 
with  him  a  little  way;  she  said  yes,  I  might,  but  I  was  not  a 
little  refresht  with  that  news,  that  I  had  my  liberty  again. 
Then  I  went  along  with  him,  and  he  gave  me  some  roasted 
Ground-nuts,  which  did  again  revive  my  feeble  stomach. 

Being  got  out  of  her  sight,  I  had  time  and  liberty  again  to 
look  into  my  Bible:  Which  was  my  Guid  by  day,  and  my 
Pillow  by  night.  Now  that  comfortable  Scripture  presented 
it  self  to  me,  Isa.  54.  7.  For  a  smal  moment  have  I  forsaken 
thee,  hut  with  great  mercies  will  I  gather  thee.  Thus  the  Lord 
carried  me  along  from  one  time  to  another,  and  made  good  to 
me  this  precious  promise,  and  many  others.  Then  my  Son 
came  to  see  me,  and  I  asked  his  master  to  let  him  stay  a  while 
with  me,  that  I  might  comb  his  head,  and  look  over  him,  for 
he  was  almost  overcome  with  lice.  He  told  me,  when  I  had 
done,  that  he  was  very  hungry,  but  I  had  nothing  to  relieve 
him;  but  bid  him  go  into  the  Wigwams  as  he  went  along,  and 
see  if  he  could  get  any  thing  among  them.  Which  he  did, 
and  it  seemes  tarried  a  little  too  long;  for  his  Master  was 
angry  with  him,  and  beat  him,  and  then  sold  him.  Then  he 
came  running  to  tell  me  he  had  a  new  Master,  and  that  he  had 
given  him  some  Groundnuts  already.  Then  I  went  along  with 
him  to  his  new  Master  who  told  me  he  loved  him:  and  he 
should  not  want.  So  his  Master  carried  him  away,  and  I 
never  saw  him  afterward,  till  I  saw  him  at  Pascataqua  in  Ports- 

'hat  night  they  bade  me  go  out  of  the  Wigwam  again :  my 
[istrisses  Papoos  was  sick,  and  it  died  that  night,  and  there 
was  one  benefit  in  it,  that  there  was  more  room.  I  went  to  a 
Wigwam,  and  they  bade  me  come  in,  and  gave  me  a  skin  to 
ly  upon,  and  a  mess  of  Venson  and  Ground-nuts,  which  was 
a  choice  Dish  among  them.  On  the  morrow  they  buried  the 
)00S,  and  afterward,  both  morning  and  evening,  there  came 


a  company  to  mourn  and  howle  with  her:  though  I  confess, 
I  could  not  much  condole  with  them.  Many  sorrowfull  dayes 
I  had  in  this  place:  often  getting  alone;  like  a  Crane,  or  a 
Swallow,  so  did  I  chatter:  I  did  mourn  as  a  Dove,  mine  eyes 
ail  with  looking  upward.  Oh,  Lord,  I  am  oppressed;  undertake 
for  me,  Isa.  38.  14.  I  could  tell  the  Lord  as  Hezeckiah,  ver.  3. 
Remember  now  0  Lord,  I  beseech  thee,  how  I  have  walked  before 
thee  in  truth}  Now  had  I  time  to  examine  all  my  wayes: 
my  Conscience  did  not  accuse  me  of  un-righteousness  toward 
one  or  other:  yet  I  saw  how  in  my  walk  with  God,  I  had  been 
a  careless  creature.  As  David  said,  Against  thee,  thee  only 
have  I  sinned:  and  I  might  say  with  the  poor  Publican,  God 
be  merciful  unto  me  a  sinner.  On  the  Sabbath-dayes,  I  could 
look  upon  the  Sun  and  think  how  People  were  going  to  the  house 
of  God,  to  have  their  Souls  refresht;  and  then  home,  and  their 
bodies  also:  but  I  was  destitute  of  both;  and  might  say  as  the 
poor  Prodigal,  he  would  fain  have  filled  his  belly  with  the  husks 
that  the  Swine  did  eat,  and  no  man  gave  unto  him,  Luke  15.  16. 
For  I  must  say  with  him,  Father  I  have  sinned  against  Heaven, 
and  in  thy  sight,  ver.  21.  I  remembred  how  on  the  night 
before  and  after  the  Sabbath,  when  my  Family  was  about  me, 
and  Relations  and  Neighbours  with  us,  we  could  pray  and  sing, 
and  then  refresh  our  bodies  with  the  good  creatures  of  God; 
and  then  have  a  comfortable  Bed  to  ly  down  on :  but  in  stead 
of  aU  this,  I  had  only  a  little  SwiU  for  the  body,  and  then  like 
a  Swine,  must  ly  down  on  the  ground.  I  cannot  express  to 
man  the  sorrow  that  lay  upon  my  Spirit,  the  Lord  knows  it. 
Yet  that  comfortable  Scripture  would  often  come  to  my 
mind.  For  a  small  moment  have  I  forsaken  thee,  but  with  great 
mercies  will  I  gather  thee.^ 

The  fourteenth  Remove.^ 

Now  must  we  pack  up  and  be  gone  from  this  Thicket,  bend- 
ing our  course  toward  the  Bay-towns,  I  haveing  nothing  to 

^  Isaiah  xxxviii.  3.  ^  Isaiah  liv.  7. 

^  The  fourteenth  to  nineteenth  moves  covered  the  time  from  April  20  to 
April  28.  The  route  retraced  the  path  taken  earlier.  From  Hinsdale,  New 
Hampshire,  the  traU  led  to  the  camp  on  Miller's  River  in  Orange,  thence  to  Niche- 
waug  in  Petersham,  to  Menameset  on  Barre  Plains,  to  Mount  Wachusett  in 
Princeton,  where  the  negotiations  for  ransom  were  begun. 


eat  by  the  way  this  day,  but  a  few  crumbs  of  Cake,  that  an 
Indian  gave  my  girle  the  same  day  we  were  taken.  She  gave 
it  me,  and  I  put  it  in  my  pocket:  there  it  lay,  till  it  was  so 
mouldy  (for  want  of  good  baking)  that  one  could  not  tell 
what  it  was  made  of;  it  fell  all  to  crumbs,  and  grew  so  dry  and 
hard,  that  it  was  like  little  flints;  and  this  refreshed  me  many 
times,  when  I  was  ready  to  faint.  It  was  in  my  thoughts  when 
I  put  it  into  my  mouth,  that  if  ever  I  returned,  I  would  tell 
the  World  what  a  blessing  the  Lord  gave  to  such  mean  food. 
As  we  went  along,  they  killed  a  Deer,  with  a  young  one  in 
her,  they  gave  me  a  piece  of  the  Fawn,  and  it  was  so  young  and 
tender,  that  one  might  eat  the  bones  as  well  as  the  flesh,  and 
yet  I  thought  it  very  good.  When  night  came  on  we  sate 
down;  it  rained,  but  they  quickly  got  up  a  Bark  Wigwam, 
where  I  lay  dry  that  night.  I  looked  out  in  the  morning,  and 
many  of  them  had  line  in  the  rain  all  night,  I  saw  by  their 
Reaking.  Thus  the  Lord  dealt  mercifully  with  me  many 
times,  and  I  fared  better  than  many  of  them.  In  the  morning 
they  took  the  blood  of  the  Deer,  and  put  it  into  the  Paunch, 
and  so  boyled  it;  I  could  eat  nothing  of  that,  though  they  ate 
it  sweetly.  And  yet  they  were  so  nice  in  other  things,  that 
when  I  had  fetcht  water,  and  had  put  the  Dish  I  dipt  the  water 
with,  into  the  Kettle  of  water  which  I  brought,  they  would 
say,  they  would  knock  me  down;  for  they  said,  it  was  a 
sluttish  trick. 

The  fifteenth  Remove. 

We  went  on  our  Travel.  I  having  got  one  handfull  of 
Ground-nuts,  for  my  support  that  day,  they  gave  me  my 
load,  and  I  went  on  cheerfully  (with  the  thoughts  of  going 
homeward)  haveing  my  burden  more  on  my  back  than  my 
spirit :  we  came  to  Baquaug  River  again  that  day,  near  which 
we  abode  a  few  dayes.  Sometimes  one  of  them  would  give 
me  a  Pipe,  another  a  little  Tobacco,  another  a  little  Salt: 
which  I  would  change  for  a  little  Victuals.  I  cannot  but  think 
what  a  Wolvish  appetite  persons  have  in  a  starving  condition : 
for  many  times  when  they  gave  me  that  which  was  hot,  I  was 
so  greedy,  that  I  should  burn  my  mouth,  that  it  would  trouble 
me  hours  after,  and  yet  I  should  quickly  do  the  same  again. 
And  after  I  was  thoroughly  hungry,  I  was  never  again  satis- 


fied.  For  though  sometimes  it  fell  out,  that  I  got  enough, 
and  did  eat  till  I  could  eat  no  more,  yet  I  was  as  unsatisfied 
as  I  was  when  I  began.  And  now  could  I  see  that  Scripture 
verified  (there  being  many  Scriptures  which  we  do  not  take 
notice  of,  or  understand  till  we  are  afilicted)  Mic.  6.  14.  TJiou 
shall  eat  and  not  he  satisfied.  Now  might  I  see  more  than  ever 
before,  the  miseries  that  sin  hath  brought  upon  us:  Many 
times  I  should  be  ready  to  run  out  against  the  Heathen,  but 
the  Scripture  would  quiet  me  again,  Amos  3.  6,  Shal  there  he 
evil  in  the  City,  and  the  Lord  hath  not  done  it?  The  Lord  help 
me  to  make  a  right  improvment  of  His  Word,  and  that  I 
might  learn  that  great  lesson,  Mic.  6.  8,  9.  He  hath  shewed  thee 
{Oh  Man)  what  is  good,  and  what  doth  the  Lord  require  of  thee, 
hut  to  do  justly,  and  love  mercy,  and  walk  humbly  with  thy  God? 
Hear  ye  the  rod,  and  who  hath  appointed  it. 

The  sixteenth  Remove. 

We  began  this  Remove  with  wading  over  Baquag  River: 
the  water  was  up  to  the  knees,  and  the  stream  very  swift, 
and  so  cold  that  I  thought  it  would  have  cut  me  in  sunder. 
I  was  so  weak  and  feeble,  that  I  reeled  as  I  went  along,  and 
thought  there  I  must  end  my  dayes  at  last,  after  my  bearing 
and  getting  thorough  so  many  difficulties;  the  Indians  stood 
laughing  to  see  me  staggering  along:  but  in  my  distress  the 
Lord  gave  me  experience  of  the  truth,  and  goodness  of  that 
promise,  Isai.  43.  2.  When  thou  passest  thorough  the  Waters, 
I  will  he  with  thee,  and  through  the  Rivers,  they  shall  not  overflow 
thee.  Then  I  sat  down  to  put  on  my  stockins  and  shoos,  with 
the  teares  running  down  mine  eyes,  and  many  sorrowfull 
thoughts  in  my  heart,  but  I  gat  up  to  go  along  with  them. 
Quickly  there  came  up  to  us  an  Indian,  who  informed  them, 
that  I  must  go  to  Wachusit  to  my  master,  for  there  was  a 
Letter  come  from  the  Council  to  the  Saggamores,  about  re- 
deeming the  Captives,  and  that  there  would  be  another  in 
fourteen  dayes,  and  that  I  must  be  there  ready.  My  heart 
was  so  heavy  before  that  I  could  scarce  speak  or  go  in  the  path; 
and  yet  now  so  light,  that  I  could  run.  My  strength  seemed 
to  come  again,  and  recruit  my  feeble  knees,  and  aking  heart: 
yet  it  pleased  them  to  go  but  one  mile  that  night,  and  there  we 


stayed  two  dayes.  In  that  time  came  a  company  of  Indians 
to  us,  near  thirty,  all  on  horseback.  My  heart  skipt  within 
me,  thinking  they  had  been  English-men  at  the  first  sight  of 
them,  for  they  were  dressed  in  English  Apparel,  with  Hats, 
white  Neckcloths,  and  Sashes  about  their  wasts,  and  Rib- 
bonds  upon  their  shoulders:  but  when  they  came  near,  their 
was  a  vast  difference  between  the  lovely  faces  of  Christians, 
and  the  foul  looks  of  those  Heathens,  which  much  damped 
my  spirit  again. 

The  seventeenth  Remove. 

A  comfortable  Remove  it  was  to  me,  because  of  my  hopes. 
They  gave  me  a  pack,  and  along  we  went  chearfully;  but 
quickly  my  will  proved  more  than  my  strength;  having  little 
or  no  refreshing  my  strength  failed  me,  and  my  spirit  were 
almost  quite  gone.  Now  may  I  say  with  David,  Psal.  119.  22, 
23,  24.  /  am  poor  and  needy,  and  my  heart  is  wounded  within 
me.  I  am  gone  like  the  shadow  when  it  declineth :  I  am  tossed  up 
and  down  like  the  locust;  my  knees  are  weak  through  fasting, 
and  my  flesh  Jaileth  of  fatness.  At  night  we  came  to  an  Indian 
Town,  and  the  Indians  sate  down  by  a  Wigwam  discoursing, 
but  I  was  almost  spent,  and  could  scarce  speak.  I  laid  down 
my  load,  and  went  into  the  Wigwam,  and  there  sat  an  Indian 
boyling  of  Horses  feet  (they  being  wont  to  eat  the  flesh  first, 
and  when  the  feet  were  old  and  dried,  and  they  had  nothing 
else,  they  would  cut  off  the  feet  and  use  them).  I  asked  him 
to  give  me  a  little  of  his  Broth,  or  Water  they  were  boiling  in ; 
he  took  a  dish,  and  gave  me  one  spoonfuU  of  Samp,  and  bid 
me  take  as  much  of  the  Broth  as  I  would.  Then  I  put  some 
of  the  hot  water  to  the  Samp,  and  drank  it  up,  and  my  spirit 
came  again.  He  gave  me  also  a  piece  of  the  Ruff  or  Ridding 
of  the  small  Guts,  and  I  broiled  it  on  the  coals;  and  now  may 
I  say  with  Jonathan,  See,  I  pray  you,  how  mine  eyes  have  been 
enlightened,  because  I  tasted  a  little  of  this  honey,  1  Sam.  14.  29. 
Now  is  my  Spirit  revived  again;  though  means  be  never  so 
inconsiderable,  yet  if  the  Lord  bestow  his  blessing  upon  them, 
they  shall  refresh  both  Soul  and  Body. 


The  eighteenth  Remove. 

We  took  up  our  packs  and  along  we  went,  but  a  wearisome 
day  I  had  of  it.  As  we  went  along  I  saw  an  English-man 
stript  naked,  and  lying  dead  upon  the  ground,  but  knew  not 
who  it  was.  Then  we  came  to  another  Indian  Town,  where 
we  stayed  all  night.  In  this  Town  there  were  four  English 
Children,  Captives;  and  one  of  them  my  own  Sisters.  I 
went  to  see  how  she  did,  and  she  was  well,  considering  her 
Captive-condition.  I  would  have  tarried  that  night  with  her, 
but  they  that  owned  her  would  not  suffer  it.  Then  I  went  into 
another  Wigwam,  where  they  were  boyling  Corn  and  Beans, 
which  was  a  lovely  sight  to  see,  but  I  could  not  get  a  taste 
thereof.  Then  I  went  to  another  Wigwam,  where  there  were 
two  of  the  English  Children;  the  Squaw  was  boyling  Horses 
feet,  then  she  cut  me  off  a  little  piece,  and  gave  one  of  the  Eng- 
lish Children  a  piece  also.  Being  very  hungry  I  had  quickly 
eat  up  mine,  but  the  Child  could  not  bite  it,  it  was  so  tough 
and  sinewy,  but  lay  sucking,  gnawing,  chewing  and  slabbering 
of  it  in  the  mouth  and  hand,  then  I  took  it  of  the  Child,  and 
eat  it  my  self,  and  savoury  it  was  to  my  taste.  Then  I  may 
say  as  Job,  Chap.  6.  7.  The  things  that  my  soul  refused  to  touchy 
are  as  my  sorrowfull  meat.  Thus  the  Lord  made  that  pleasant 
refreshing,  which  another  time  would  have  been  an  abomina- 
tion. Then  I  went  home  to  my  mistresses  Wigwam;  and  they 
told  me  I  disgraced  my  master  with  begging,  and  if  I  did  so 
any  more,  they  would  knock  me  in  head:  I  told  them,  they 
had  as  good  knock  me  in  head  as  starve  me  to  death. 

The  nineteenth  Remove. 

They  said,  when  we  went  out,  that  we  must  travel  to 
Wachuset  this  day.  But  a  bitter  weary  day  I  had  of  it, 
travelling  now  three  dayes  together,  without  resting  any  day 
between.  At  last,  after  many  weary  steps,  I  saw  Wachuset 
hills,  but  many  miles  off.  Then  we  came  to  a  great  Swamp, 
through  which  we  travelled,  up  to  the  knees  in  mud  and  water, 
which  was  heavy  going  to  one  tyred  before.  Being  almost 
spent,  I  thought  I  should  have  sunk  down  at  last,  and  never 


gat  out;  but  I  may  say,  as  in  Psal.  94. 18,  When  my  foot  slipped, 
thy  mercy,  0  Lord,  held  me  up.  Going  along,  having  indeed 
my  life,  but  little  spirit,  Philip,  who  was  in  the  Company,  came 
up  and  took  me  by  the  hand,  and  said.  Two  weeks  more  and 
you  shal  be  Mistress  again.  I  asked  him,  if  he  spake  true? 
he  answered,  Yes,  and  quickly  you  shal  come  to  your  master 
again;  who  had  been  gone  from  us  three  weeks.  After  many 
weary  steps  we  came  to  Wachuset,  where  he  was:  and  glad  I 
was  to  see  him.  He  asked  me.  When  I  washt  me?  I  told  him 
not  this  month,  then  he  fetcht  me  some  water  himself,  and  bid 
me  wash,  and  gave  me  the  Glass  to  see  how  I  lookt;  and  bid 
his  Squaw  give  me  something  to  eat :  so  she  gave  me  a  mess  of 
Beans  and  meat,  and  a  little  Ground-nut  Cake.  I  was  wonder- 
fully revived  with  this  favour  shewed  me,  Psal.  106.  46,  He 
made  them  also  to  he  pittied,  of  all  those  that  carried  them  Cap- 

My  master  had  three  Squaws,  living  sometimes  with  one, 
and  sometimes  with  another  one,  this  old  Squaw,  at  whose 
Wigwam  I  was,  and  with  whom  my  Master  had  been  those 
three  weeks.  Another  was  Wattimore,^  with  whom  I  had 
lived  and  served  all  this  while :  A  severe  and  proud  Dame  she 
was,  bestowing  every  day  in  dressing  her  self  neat  as  much 
time  as  any  of  the  Gentry  of  the  land:  powdering  her  hair, 
and  painting  her  face,  going  with  Neck-laces,  with  Jewels  in 
her  ears,  and  Bracelets  upon  her  hands :  When  she  had  dressed 
her  self,  her  work  was  to  make  Girdles  of  Wampom  and  Beads. 
The  third  Squaw  was  a  younger  one,  by  whom  he  had  two 
Papooses.  By  that  time  I  was  refresht  by  the  old  Squaw, 
with  whom  my  master  was,  Wettimores  Maid  came  to  call  me 
home,  at  which  I  fell  a  weeping.  Then  the  old  Squaw  told  me, 
to  encourage  me,  that  if  I  wanted  victuals,  I  should  come  to 
her,  and  that  I  should  ly  there  in  her  Wigwam.  Then  I  went 
with  the  maid,  and  quickly  came  again  and  lodged  there. 
The  Squaw  laid  a  Mat  under  me,  and  a  good  Rugg  over  me; 
the  first  time  I  had  any  such  kindness  shewed  me.  I  under- 
stood that  Wettimore  thought,  that  if  she  should  let  me  go 
and  serve  with  the  old  Squaw,  she  would  be  in  danger  to  loose, 
not  only  my  service,  but  the  redemption-pay  also.  And  I 
was  not  a  little  glad  to  hear  this ;  being  by  it  raised  in  my  hopes, 

^  The  name  is  usually  given  as  Weetamoo. 


that  in  Gods  due  time  there  would  be  an  end  of  this  sorrowful! 
hour.  Then  came  an  Indian,  and  asked  me  to  knit  him  three 
pair  of  StockinS;  for  which  I  had  a  Hat,  and  a  s^kJHandker- 
chief .     Then  another  asked  me  tom^e  her  a  piftPfor  which 

she  gave  me  an  Apron.  '      "^ ^^"""^ 

Then  came  Tom  and  Peter/  with  the  second  Letter  from 
the  Council,  about  the  Captives.  Though  they  were  Indians, 
I  gat  them  by  the  hand,  and  burst  out  into  tears;  my  heart 
was  so  full  that  I  could  not  speak  to  them;  but  recovering 
my  self,  I  asked  them  how  my  husband  did,  and  all  my 
friends  and  acquaintance?  they  said.  They  are  all  very  well 
but  melancholy.  They  brought  me  two  Biskets,  and  a  pound 
of  Tobacco.  The  Tobacco  I  quickly  gave  away;  when  it  was 
all  gone,  one  asked  me  to  give  him  a  pipe  of  Tobacco,  I  told 
him  it  was  all  gone;  then  began  he  to  rant  and  threaten.  I 
told  him  when  my  Husband  came  I  would  give  him  some: 
Hang  him  Rogue  (sayes  he)  I  will  knock  out  his  brains,  if  he 
comes  here.  And  then  again,  in  the  same  breath  they  would 
say.  That  if  there  should  come  an  hundred  without  Guns, 
they  would  do  them  no  hurt.  So  unstable  and  like  mad  men 
they  were.  So  that  fearing  the  worst,  I  durst  not  send  to  my 
flusband,  though  there  were  some  thoughts  of  his  coming  to 
Redeem  and  fetch  me,  not  knowing  what  might  follow.  For 
there  was  little  more  trust  to  them  then  to  the  master  they 
served.  When  the  Letter  was  come,  the  Saggamores  met  to 
consult  about  the  Captives,  and  called  me  to  them  to  enquire 
how  much  my  husband  would  give  to  redeem  me,  when  I 
came  I  sate  down  among  them,  as  I  was  wont  to  do,  as  their 
manner  is:  Then  they  bade  me  stand  up,  and  said,  they  were 
the  General  Court. ^  They  bid  me  speak  what  I  thought 
he  would  give.  Now  knowing  that  all  we  had  was  destroyed 
by  the  Indians,  I  was  in  a  great  strait:  I  thought  if  I  should 
speak  of  but  a  little,  it  would  be  slighted,  and  hinder  the 
matter;  if  of  a  great  sum,  I  knew  not  where  it  would  be  pro- 

^  Tom  Dublet  (Nepanet)  and  Peter  Conway  (Tatatiquinea)  were  Christian 
Indians  of  Nashobah  (Littleton  in  Lancaster),  p.  33,  ante,  who  were  conduct- 
ing the  negotiations  for  ransom.  Dublet's  first  visit  to  the  Indians  was  April  3, 
when  he  brought  a  letter  from  Governor  Leverett  of  March  31  and  bore  in  return 
a  reply  of  April  12,  to  which  Mrs.  Rowlandson  refers  on  p.  147. 

2  General  Court  was  the  oflficial  style  of  the  colonial  assembly  of  Massa- 
chusetts Bay. 


cured:  yet  at  a  venture,  I  said  Twenty  pounds,  yet  desired 
them  to  take  less;  but  they  would  not  hear  of  that,  but  sent 
that  message  to  Boston,  that  for  Twenty  pounds  I  should  be 
redeemed.  It  was  a  Praying-Indian  that  wrote  their  Letter 
for  them.*  There  was  another  Praying  Indian,  who  told  me, 
that  he  had  a  brother,  that  would  not  eat  Horse;  his  conscience 
was  so  tender  and  scrupulous  (though  as  large  as  hell,  for  the 
destruction  of  poor  Christians).  Then  he  said,  he  read  that 
Scripture  to  him,  2  Kings,  6. 25.  There  was  a  famine  in  Samaria, 
and  behold  they  besieged  it,  untill  an  Asses  head  was  sold  for 
fourscore  pieces  of  silver,  and  the  fourth  part  of  a  Kab  of  Doves 
dung,  for  Jive  pieces  of  silver.  He  expounded  this  place  to  his 
brother,  and  shewed  him  that  it  was  lawfull  to  eat  that  in  a 
Famine  which  is  not  at  another  time.  And  now,  sayes  he,  he 
will  eat  Horse  with  any  Indian  of  them  all.  There  was  another 
Praying-Indian,  who  when  he  had  done  all  the  mischief  that 
he  could,  betrayed  his  own  Father  into  the  English  hands, 
thereby  to  purchase  his  own  life.  Another  Praying-Indian 
was  at  Sudbury-fight,2  though,  as  he  deserved,  he  was  after- 
ward hanged  for  it.  There  was  another  Praying  Indian,  so 
wicked  and  cruel,  as  to  wear  a  string  about  his  neck,  strung 
with  Christians  fingers.  Another  Praying-Indian,  when  they 
went  to  Sudbury-fight,  went  with  them,  and  his  Squaw  also 
with  him,  with  her  Papoos  at  her  back:  Before  they  went  to 
that  fight,  they  got  a  company  together  to  Powaw;  the  manner 
was  as  foUoweth.  There  was  one  that  kneeled  upon  a  Deer- 
skin, with  the  company  round  him  in  a  ring  who  kneeled,  and 
striking  upon  the  ground  with  their  hands,  and  with  sticks, 
and  muttering  or  humming  with  their  mouths;  besides  him 
who  kneeled  in  the  ring,  there  also  stood  one  with  a  Gun  in 
his  hand:  Then  he  on  the  Deer-skin  made  a  speech,  and  all 
manifested  assent  to  it :  and  so  they  did  many  times  together. 
Then  they  bade  him  with  the  Gun  go  out  of  the  ring,  which  he 

1  Peter  Jethro,  Indian  scribe.  The  letter,  apparently  dictated  by  Philip, 
is  still  preserved  in  the  library  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society.  It  is 
printed  in  Palfrey's  History  of  New  England,  III.  188:  "whereupon  we  ask  Mrs. 
Rolanson  how  much  your  husband  willing  to  give  for  you;  she  gave  an  answer 
20  pound  in  goods." 

2  "Sudbury  Fight"  was  on  April  18.  Captains  Samuel  Wadsworth  of 
Milton  and  Samuel  Brocklebank  of  Rowley  with  some  thirty  men  were  killed  in 
an  ambush.    See  p.  92,  ante. 

1676]        THE  CAPTIVITY  OF  MARY  ROWLANDSON         053. 

did,  but  when  he  was  out,  they  called  him  in  again;  but  he 
seemed  to  make  a  stand,  then  they  called  the  more  earnestly, 
till  he  returned  again:  Then  they  all  sang.  Then  they  gave 
him  two  Guns,  in  either  hand  one:  And  so  he  on  the  Deer- 
skin began  again;  and  at  the  end  of  every  sentence  in  his 
speaking,  they  all  assented,  humming  or  muttering  with  their 
mouthes,  and  striking  upon  the  ground  with  their  hands. 
Then  they  bade  him  with  the  two  Guns  go  out  of  the  ring 
again;  which  he  did,  a  little  way.  Then  they  called  him  in 
again,  but  he  made  a  stand;  so  they  called  him  with  greater 
earnestness;  but  he  stood  reeling  and  wavering  as  if  he  knew 
not  whither  he  should  stand  or  fall,  or  which  way  to  go.  Then 
they  called  him  with  exceeding  great  vehemency,  all  of  them, 
one  and  another:  after  a  little  while  he  turned  in,  staggering 
as  he  went,  with  his  Armes  stretched  out,  in  either  hand  a  Gun. 
As  soon  as  he  came  in,  they  all  sang  and  rejoyced  exceedingly 
a  while.  And  then  he  upon  the  Deer-skin,  made  another 
speech  unto  which  they  all  assented  in  a  rejoicing  manner: 
and  so  they  ended  their  business,  and  forthwith  went  to  Sud- 
bury-fight.  To  my  thinking  they  went  without  any  scruple, 
but  that  they  should  prosper,  and  gain  the  victory.  And  they 
went  out  not  so  rejoycing,  but  they  came  home  with  as  great 
a  Victory.  For  they  said  they  had  killed  two  Captains,  and 
almost  an  hundred  men.  One  EngHsh-man  they  brought 
along  with  them:  and  he  said,  it  was  too  true,  for  they  had 
made  sad  work  at  Sudbury,  as  indeed  it  proved.  Yet  they 
came  home  without  that  rejoycing  and  triumphing  over  their 
victory,  which  they  were  wont  to  shew  at  other  times,  but 
rather  like  Dogs  (as  they  say)  which  have  lost  their  ears.  Yet 
I  could  not  perceive  that  it  was  for  their  own  loss  of  men: 
They  said,  they  had  not  lost  above  five  or  six:  and  I  missed 
none,  except  in  one  Wigwam.  When  they  went,  they  acted 
as  if  the  Devil  had  told  them  that  they  should  gain  the  victory: 
and  now  they  acted,  as  if  the  Devil  had  told  them  they  should 
have  a  faU.  Whither  it  were  so  or  no,  I  cannot  tell,  but  so  it 
proved,  for  quickly  they  began  to  faU,  and  so  held  on  that 
Summer,  till  they  came  to  utter  mine.  They  came  home  on 
a  Sabbath  day,  and  the  Powaw  that  kneeled  upon  the  Deer- 
skin came  home  (I  may  say,  without  abuse)  as  black  as  the 
Devil.    When  my  master  came  home,  he  came  to  me  and  bid 



me  make  a  shirt  for  his  Papoos,  of  a  holland-laced  Pillowbeer. 
About  that  time  there  came  an  Indian  to  me  and  bid  me  come 
to  his  Wigwam,  at  night,  and  he  would  give  me  some  Pork 
and  Ground-nuts.  Which  I  did,  and  as  I  was  eating,  another 
Indian  said  to  me,  he  seems  to  be  your  good  Friend,  but  he 
killed  two  Englishmen  at  Sudbury,  and  there  ly  their  Cloaths 
behind  you:  I  looked  behind  me,  and  there  I  saw  bloody 
Cloaths,  with  Bullet-holes  in  them;  yet  the  Lord  suffered  not 
this  wretch  to  do  me  any  hurt;  Yea,  instead  of  that,  he  many 
times  refresht  me:  five  or  six  times  did  he  and  his  Squaw  re- 
fresh my  feeble  carcass.  If  I  went  to  their  Wigwam  at  any 
time,  they  would  alwayes  give  me  something,  and  yet  they 
were  strangers  that  I  never  saw  before.  Another  Squaw  gave 
me  a  piece  of  fresh  Pork,  and  a  little  Salt  with  it,  and  lent  me 
her  Pan  to  Fry  it  in ;  and  I  cannot  but  remember  what  a  sweet, 
pleasant  and  delightfull  relish  that  bit  had  to  me,  to  this  day. 
So  little  do  we  prize  common  mercies  when  we  have  them  to 
the  full. 

The  twentieth  Remove} 

It  was  their  usual  manner  to  remove,  when  they  had  done 
any  mischief,  lest  they  should  be  found  out:  and  so  they  did 
at  this  time.  We  went  about  three  or  four  miles,  and  there 
they  built  a  great  Wigwam,  big  enough  to  hold  an  hundred 
Indians,  which  they  did  in  preparation  to  a  great  day  of 
Dancing.  They  would  say  now  amongst  themselves,  that  the 
Governour  would  be  so  angry  for  his  loss  at  Sudbury,  that  he 
would  send  no  more  about  the  Captives,  which  made  me 
grieve  and  tremble.  My  Sister  being  not  far  from  the  place 
where  we  now  were,  and  hearing  that  I  was  here,  desired  her 
master  to  let  her  come  and  see  me,  and  he  was  willing  to  it, 
and  would  go  with  her:  but  she  being  ready  before  him,  told 
him  she  would  go  before,  and  was  come  within  a  Mile  or  two 
of  the  place;    Then  he  overtook  her,  and  began  to  rant  as  if 

^  The  twentieth  remove,  April  28-May  2,  was  to  an  encampment  at  about 
the  southern  end  of  Wachusett  Lake,  Princeton.  On  a  granite  ledge  near  the 
Westminster  line  which  tradition  has  marked  as  the  Redemption  Rock,  the  late 
Senator  George  F.  Hoar  had  the  date  May  2,  1676,  inscribed  as  the  date  of  the 
agreement  made  between  the  Indians  and  John  Hoar  for  the  ransom  of  Mrs. 
Rowlandson.    See  pp.  157,  158,  post. 


he  had  been  mad;  and  made  her  go  back  again  in  the  Rain; 
so  that  I  never  saw  her  till  I  saw  her  in  Charlestown.  But  the 
Lord  requited  many  of  their  ill  doings,  for  this  Indian  her 
Master,  was  hanged  afterward  at  Boston.^  The  Indians 
now  began  to  come  from  all  quarters,  against  their  merry  danc- 
ing day.  Among  some  of  them  came  one  Goodwife  Kettle  i^ 
I  told  her  my  heart  was  so  heavy  that  it  was  ready  to  break: 
so  is  mine  too  said  she,  but  yet  said,  I  hope  we  shall  hear  some 
good  news  shortly.  I  could  hear  how  earnestly  my  Sister  de- 
sired to  see  me,  and  I  as  earnestly  desired  to  see  her:  and  yet 
neither  of  us  could  get  an  opportunity.  My  Daughter  was 
also  now  about  a  mile  off,  and  I  had  not  seen  her  in  nine  or 
ten  weeks,  as  I  had  not  seen  my  Sister  since  our  first  taking. 
I  earnestly  desired  them  to  let  me  go  and  see  them:  yea,  I 
intreated,  begged,  and  perswaded  them,  but  to  let  me  see  my 
Daughter;  and  yet  so  hard  hearted  were  they,  that  they  would 
not  suffer  it.  They  made  use  of  their  tvrannical  power  whilst 
they  had  it:  but  through  the  Lords  wondertull  mercy, " their 
time  was  now  but  short. 

On  a  Sabbath  day,  the  Sun  being  about  an  hour  high  in  the 
afternoon,  came  Mr.  John  Hoar^  (the  Council  permitting 
him,  and  his  own  foreward  spirit  inclining  him)  together  with 
the  two  forementioned  Indians,  Tom  and  Peter,  with  their 
third  Letter  from  the  Council.  When  they  came  near,  I  was 
abroad:  though  I  saw  them  not,  they  presently  called  me  in, 
and  bade  me  sit  down  and  not  stir.  Then  they  catched  up 
their  Guns,  and  away  they  ran,  as  if  an  Enemy  had  been  at 
hand;  and  the  Guns  went  off  apace.  I  manifested  some  great 
trouble,  and  they  asked  me  what  was  the  matter?  I  told  them, 
I  thought  they  had  killed  the  English-man  (for  they  had  in  the 
mean  time  informed  me  that  an  English-man  was  come)  they 
said.  No;  They  shot  over  his  Horse  and  under,  and  before  his 
Horse;  and  they  pusht  him  this  way  and  that  way,  at  their 
pleasure:  shewing  what  they  could  do:    Then  they  let  them 

*  Mrs.  Divoll  had  Sagamore  Sam  for  her  master;  he  was  hanged  in  Boston, 
September  26,  1676. 

2  Arrangements  looking  toward  her  ransom  are  mentioned  in  the  letter 
described  in  note  1,  on  p.  152. 

3  John  Hoar  of  Concord,  to  whose  services  Mrs.  Rowlandson  owed  more 
than  to  the  colonial  government.    He  was  an  ancestor  of  the  late  Senator  Hoar. 


come  to  their  Wigwams.  I  begged  of  them  to  let  me  see  the 
EngHsh-man,  but  they  would  not.  But  there  was  I  fain  to 
sit  their  pleasure.  When  they  had  talked  their  fill  with  him, 
they  suffered  me  to  go  to  him.  We  asked  each  other  of  our 
welfare,  and  how  my  Husband  did,  and  all  my  Friends?  He 
told  me  they  were  all  well,  and  would  be  glad  to  see  me. 
Amongst  other  things  which  my  Husband  sent  me,  there  came 
a  pound  of  Tobacco:  which  I  sold  for  nine  shillings  in  Money: 
for  many  of  the  Indians  for  want  of  Tobacco,  smoaked  Hemlock, 
and  Ground-Ivy.  It  was  a  great  mistake  in  any,  who  thought 
I  sent  for  Tobacco :  for  through  the  favour  of  God,  that  desire 
was  overcome.  I  now  asked  them,  whither  I  should  go  home 
with  Mr.  Hoar?  They  answered  No,  one  and  another  of 
them:  and  it  being  night,  we  lay  down  with  that  answer;  in 
the  morning,  Mr  Hoar  invited  the  Saggamores  to  Dinner;  but 
when  we  went  to  get  it  ready,  we  found  that  they  had  stoUen 
the  greatest  part  of  the  Provision  Mr.  Hoar  had  brought,  out 
of  his  Bags,  in  the  night.  And  we  may  see  the  wonderfull 
power  of  God,  in  that  one  passage,  in  that  when  there  was  such 
a  great  number  of  the  Indians  together,  and  so  greedy  of  a  little 
good  food;  and  no  English  there,  but  Mr.  Hoar  and  my  self: 
that  there  they  did  not  knock  us  in  the  head,  and  take  what 
we  had :  there  being  not  only  some  Provision,  but  also  Trading- 
cloth,  a  part  of  the  twenty  pounds  agreed  upon :  But  instead 
of  doing  us  any  mischief,  they  seemed  to  be  ashamed  of  the 
fact,  and  said,  it  were  some  Matchit  Indian^  that  did  it. 
Oh,  that  we  could  believe  that  there  is  no  thing  too  hard  for 
God!  God  shewed  his  Power  over  the  Heathen  in  this,  as 
he  did  over  the  hungry  Lyons  when  Daniel  was  cast  into  the 
Den.  Mr.  Hoar  called  them  betime  to  Dinner,  but  they  ate 
very  little,  they  being  so  busie  in  dressing  themselves,  and 
getting  ready  for  their  Dance:  which  was  carried  on  by  eight 
of  them,  four  Men  and  four  Squaws :  My  master  and  mistress 
being  two.  He  was  dressed  in  his  Holland  shirt,  with  great 
Laces  sewed  at  the  tail  of  it,  he  had  his  silver  Buttons,  his 
white  Stockins,  his  Garters  were  hung  round  with  Shillings, 
and  he  had  Girdles  of  Wampom  upon  his  head  and  shoulders. 
She  had  a  Kersey  Coat,  and  covered  with  Girdles  of  Wampom 
from  the  Loins  upward :  her  armes  from  her  elbows  to  her  hands 

*  I.  e,,  bad  Indian. 


were  covered  with  Bracelets;  there  were  handfulls  of  Neck- 
laces about  her  neck,  and  severall  sorts  of  Jewels  in  her  ears. 
She  had  fine  red  Stokins,  and  white  Shoos,  her  hair  powdered 
and  face  painted  Red,  that  was  alwayes  before  Black.  And 
all  the  Dancers  were  after  the  same  manner.  There  were  two 
other  singing  and  knocking  on  a  Kettle  for  their  musick. 
They  keept  hopping  up  and  down  one  after  another,  with  a 
Kettle  of  water  in  the  midst,  standing  warm  upon  some  Em- 
bers, to  drink  of  when  they  were  dry.  They  held  on  till  it 
was  almost  night,  throwing  out  Wampom  to  the  standers  by. 
At  night  I  asked  them  again,  if  I  should  go  home?  They 
all  as  one  said  No,  except  my  Husband  would  come  for  me. 
When  we  were  lain  down,  my  Master  went  out  of  the  Wig- 
wam, and  by  and  by  sent  in  an  Indian  called  James  the 
Printer,^  who  told  Mr.  Hoar,  that  my  Master  would  let 
me  go  home  to  morrow,  if  he  would  let  him  have  one  pint  of 
Liquors.  Then  Mr.  Hoar  called  his  own  Indians,  Tom  and 
Peter,  and  bid  them  go  and  see  whither  he  would  promise  it 
before  them  three:  and  if  he  would,  he  should  have  it;  which 
he  did,  and  he  had  it.  Then  Philip  smeling  the  business  cal'd 
me  to  him,  and  asked  me  what  I  would  give  him,  to  tell  me 
some  good  news,  and  speak  a  good  word  for  me.  I  told  him, 
I  could  not  tell  what  to  give  him,  I  would  any  thing  I  had, 
and  asked  him  what  he  would  have?  He  said,  two  Coats  and 
twenty  shillings  in  Mony,  and  half  a  bushel  of  seed  Corn,  and 
some  Tobacco.  I  thanked  him  for  his  love:  but  I  knew  the 
good  news  as  well  as  the  crafty  Fox.  My  Master  after  he  had 
had  his  drink,  quickly  came  ranting  into  the  Wigwam  again, 
and  called  for  Mr.  Hoar,  drinking  to  him,  and  saying,  He  was 
a  good  man:  and  then  again  he  would  say.  Hang  him  Rogue: 
Being  almost  drunk,  he  would  drink  to  him,  and  yet  presently 
say  he  should  be  hanged.  Then  he  called  for  me.  I  trembled 
to  hear  him,  yet  I  was  fain  to  go  to  him,  and  he  drank  to  me, 
shewing  no  incivility.  He  was  the  first  Indian  I  saw  drunk 
all  the  while  that  I  was  amongst  them.^    At  last  his  Squaw 

1  James  the  Printer  was  a  Praying  Indian,  who  had  assisted  at  Cambridge 
in  the  printing  of  Eliot's  Indian  Bible.  Later,  July  1,  he  and  140  followers  sur- 
rendered on  the  faith  of  a  proclamation  which  offered  pardon  to  those  who  did  so. 

2  A  striking  testimony,  but  whether  to  the  discipline  among  the  Indians  or 
to  the  remoteness  of  their  successive  "removes"  Mrs.  Rowlandson  gives  no  hint. 


ran  out,  and  he  after  her,  round  the  Wigwam,  with  his  mony 
jingHng  at  his  knees:  But  she  escaped  him:  But  having  an 
old  Squaw  he  ran  to  her:  and  so  through  the  Lords  mercy,  we 
were  no  more  troubled  that  night.  Yet  I  had  not  a  comfort- 
able nights  rest :  for  I  think  I  can  say,  I  did  not  sleep  for  three 
nights  together.  The  night  before  the  Letter  came  from  the 
Council,  I  could  not  rest,  I  was  so  full  of  feares  and  troubles, 
God  many  times  leaving  us  most  in  the  dark,  when  deliverance 
is  nearest:  yea,  at  this  time  I  could  not  rest  night  nor  day. 
The  next  night  I  was  overjoyed,  Mr.  Hoar  being  come,  and 
that  with  such  good  tidings.  The  third  night  I  was  even  swal- 
lowed up  with  the  thoughts  of  things,  viz.  that  ever  I  should 
go  home  again;  and  that  I  must  go,  leaving  my  Children  be- 
hind me  in  the  Wilderness;  so  that  sleep  was  now  almost  de- 
parted from  mine  eyes. 

On  Tuesday  morning  they  called  their  General  Court  (as 
they  call  it)  to  consult  and  determine,  whether  I  should  go 
home  or  no:  And  they  all  as  one  man  did  seemingly  consent 
to  it,  that  I  should  go  home;  except  Philip,  who  would  not 
come  among  them. 

But  before  I  go  any  further,  I  would  take  leave  to  mention 
a  few  remarkable  passages  of  providence,  which  I  took  special 
notice  of  in  my  afflicted  time. 

1.  Of  the  fair  opportunity  lost  in  the  long  March,  a  little 
after  the  Fort-fight,  when  our  English  Army  was  so  numerous, 
and  in  pursuit  of  the  Enemy,  and  so  near  as  to  take  several 
and  destroy  them:  and  the  Enemy  in  such  distress  for  food, 
that  our  men  might  track  them  by  their  rooting  in  the  earth 
for  Ground-nuts,  whilest  they  were  flying  for  their  lives.  I  say, 
that  then  our  Army  should  want  Provision,  and  be  forced  to 
leave  their  pursuit  and  return  homeward:  and  the  very  next 
week  the  Enemy  came  upon  our  Town,  like  Bears  bereft  of 
their  whelps,  or  so  many  ravenous  Wolves,  rending  us  and  our 
Lambs  to  death.  But  what  shall  I  say?  God  seemed  to  leave 
his  People  to  themselves,  and  order  all  things  for  his  own  holy 
ends.  Shal  there  he  evil  in  the  City  and  the  Lord  hath  not  done 
it?  They  are  not  grieved  for  the  affliction  of  Joseph,  therefore 
shal  they  go  Captive,  with  the  first  that  go  Captive.  It  is  the  Lords 
doing,  and  it  should  be  marvelous  in  our  eyes. 

2.  I  cannot  but  remember  how  the  Indians  derided  the 


slowness,  and  dulness  of  the  English  Army,  in  its  setting  out. 
For  after  the  desolations  at  Lancaster  and  Medfield,  as  I  went 
along  with  them,  they  asked  me  when  I  thought  the  English 
Army  would  come  after  them?  I  told  them  I  could  not  tell: 
It  may  be  they  will  come  in  May,  said  they.  Thus  did  they 
scoffe  at  us,  as  if  the  English  would  be  a  quarter  of  a  year  get- 
ting ready. 

3.  Which  also  I  have  hinted  before,  when  the  English 
Army  with  new  supplies  were  sent  forth  to  pursue  after  the 
enemy,  and  they  understanding  it,  fled  before  them  till  they 
came  to  Baquaug  River,  where  they  forthwith  went  over  safely : 
that  that  River  should  be  impassable  to  the  English.  I  can 
but  admire  to  see  the  wonderfull  providence  of  God  in  pre- 
serving the  heathen  for  farther  affliction  to  our  poor  Countrey. 
They  could  go  in  great  numbers  over,  but  the  English  must 
stop:  God  had  an  over-ruling  hand  in  all  those  things. 

4.  It  was  thought,  if  their  Corn  were  cut  down,  they  would 
starve  and  dy  with  hunger:  and  all  their  Corn  that  could  be 
found,  was  destroyed,  and  they  driven  from  that  little  they 
had  in  store,  into  the  Woods  in  the  midst  of  Winter;  and  yet 
how  to  admiration  did  the  Lord  preserve  them  for  his  holy 
ends,  and  the  destruction  of  many  still  amongst  the  English! 
strangely  did  the  Lord  provide  for  them;  that  I  did  not  see 
(all  the  time  I  was  among  them)  one  Man,  Woman,  or  Child, 
die  with  hunger. 

Though  many  times  they  would  eat  that,  that  a  Hog  or  a 
Dog  would  hardly  touch;  yet  by  that  God  strengthned  them 
to  be  a  scourge  to  his  People. 

The  chief  and  commonest  food  was  Ground-nuts:  They 
eat  also  Nuts  and  Acorns,  Harty-choaks,  Lilly  roots,  Ground- 
beans,  and  several  other  weeds  and  roots,  that  I  know  not. 

They  would  pick  up  old  bones,  and  cut  them  to  pieces  at 
the  joynts,  and  if  they  were  full  of  wormes  and  magots,  they 
would  scald  them  over  the  fire  to  make  the  vermine  come 
out,  and  then  boile  them,  and  drink  up  the  Liquor,  and  then 
beat  the  great  ends  of  them  in  a  Morter,  and  so  eat  them. 
They  would  eat  Horses  guts,  and  ears,  and  all  sorts  of  wild 
Birds  which  they  could  catch:  also  Bear,  Vennison,  Beaver, 
Tortois,  Frogs,  Squirrels,  Dogs,  Skunks,  Rattle-snakes;  yea, 
the  very  Bark  of  Trees;  besides  all  sorts  of  creatures,  and  pro- 


vision  which  they  plundered  from  the  Enghsh.  I  can  but 
stand  in  admiration  to  see  the  wonderful  power  of  God,  in 
providing  for  such  a  vast  number  of  our  Enemies  in  the  Wil- 
derness, where  there  was  nothing  to  be  seen,  but  from  hand  to 
mouth.  Many  times  in  a  morning,  the  generality  of  them 
would  eat  up  all  they  had,  and  yet  have  some  forther  supply 
against  they  wanted.  It  is  said,  Psal.  81.  13,  14.  Oh,  that 
my  People  had  hearkned  to  me,  and  Israel  had  walked  in  my 
wayes,  I  should  soon  have  subdued  their  Enemies,  and  turned  my 
hand  against  their  Adversaries.  But  now  our  perverse  and  evil 
carriages  in  the  sight  of  the  Lord,  have  so  offended  him,  that 
instead  of  turning  his  hand  against  them,  the  Lord  feeds  and 
nourishes  them  up  to  be  a  scourge  to  the  whole  Land. 

5.  Another  thing  that  I  would  observe  is,  the  strange 
providence  of  God,  in  turning  things  about  when  the  Indians 
was  at  the  highest,  and  the  English  at  the  lowest.  I  was  with 
the  Enemy  eleven  weeks  and  five  dayes,  and  not  one  Week 
passed  without  the  fury  of  the  Enemy,  and  some  desolation 
by  fire  and  sword  upon  one  place  or  other.  They  mourned 
(with  their  black  faces)  for  their  own  lossess,  yet  triumphed 
and  rejoyced  in  their  inhumane,  and  many  times  devilish 
cruelty  to  the  English.  They  would  boast  much  of  their 
Victories;  saying,  that  in  two  hours  time  they  had  destroyed 
such  a  Captain,  and  his  Company  at  such  a  place;  and  such 
a  Captain  and  his  Company  in  such  a  place;  and  such  a  Cap- 
tain and  his  Company  in  such  a  place:  and  boast  how  many 
^Towns  they  had  destroyed,  and  then  scoffe,  and  say.  They  had 
done  them  a  good  turn,  to  send  them  to  Heaven  so  soon. 
Again,  they  would  say,  This  Summer  that  they  would  knock 
all  the  Rogues  in  the  head,  or  drive  them  into  the  Sea,  or  make 
them  flie  the  Countrey:  thinking  surely,  Agag-like,  The  bitter- 
ness of  Death  is  past}  Now  the  Heathen  begins  to  think 
all  is  their  own,  and  the  poor  Christians  hopes  to  fail  (as  to 
man)  and  now  their  eyes  are  more  to  God,  and  their  hearts 
sigh  heaven- ward :  and  to  say  in  good  earnest,  Help  Lord,  or  we 
perish:  When  the  Lord  had  brought  his  people  to  this,  that 
they  saw  no  help  in  any  thing  but  himself:  then  he  takes  the 
quarrel  into  his  own  hand:  and  though  they  had  made  a  pit, 
in  their  own  imaginations,  as  deep  as  hell  for  the  Christians 

^  I  Samuel  xv.  32. 


that  Summer,  yet  the  Lord  hurll'd  them  selves  into  it.  And 
the  Lord  had  not  so  many  wayes  before  to  preserve  them, 
but  now  he  hath  as  many  to  destroy  them. 

But  to  return  again  to  my  going  home,  where  we  may  see 
a  remarkable  change  of  Providence:  At  first  they  were  all 
against  it,  except  my  Husband  would  come  for  me;  but  after- 
wards they  assented  to  it,  and  seemed  much  to  rejoyce  in  it; 
some  askt  me  to  send  them  some  Bread,  others  some  Tobacco, 
others  shaking  me  by  the  hand,  offering  me  a  Hood  and  Scarfe 
to  ride  in;  not  one  moving  hand  or  tongue  against  it.  Thus 
hath  the  Lord  answered  my  poor  desire,  and  the  many  earnest 
requests  of  others  put  up  unto  God  for  me.  In  my  travels 
an  Indian  came  to  me,  and  told  me,  if  I  were  willing,  he  and 
his  Squaw  would  run  away,  and  go  home  along  with  me:  I 
told  him  No:  I  was  not  willing  to  run  away,  but  desired  to 
wait  Gods  time,  that  I  might  go  home  quietly,  and  without 
fear.  And  now  God  hath  granted  me  my  desire.  0  the  won- 
derfull  power  of  God  that  I  have  seen,  and  the  experience  that 
I  have  had :  I  have  been  in  the  midst  of  those  roaring  Lyons, 
and  Salvage  Bears,  that  feared  neither  God,  nor  Man,  nor  the 
Devil,  by  night  and  day,  alone  and  in  company:  sleeping  all 
sorts  together,  and  yet  not  one  of  them  ever  offered  me  the 
least  abuse  of  unchastity  to  me,  in  word  or  action.  Though 
some  are  ready  to  say,  I  speak  it  for  my  own  credit;  But  I 
speak  it  in  the  presence  of  God,  and  to  his  Glory.  Gods 
Power  is  as  great  now,  and  as  sufficient  to  save,  as  when  he 
preserved  Daniel  in  the  Lions  Den;  or  the  three  Children  in 
the  fiery  Furnace.  I  may  well  say  as  his  Psal.  107.  12,  Oh 
give  thanks  unto  the  Lord  for  he  is  good,  for  his  mercy  endureth 
for  ever.  Let  the  Redeemed  of  the  Lord  say  so,  whom  he  hath 
redeemed  from  the  hand  of  the  Enemy,  especially  that  I  should 
come  away  in  the  midst  of  so  many  hundreds  of  Enemies 
quietly  and  peacably,  and  not  a  Dog  moving  his  tongue.  So 
I  took  my  leave  of  them,  and  in  coming  along  my  heart  melted 
into  tears,  more  then  all  the  while  I  was  with  them,  and  I 
was  almost  swallowed  up  with  the  thoughts  that  ever  I  should 
go  home  again.  About  the  Sun  going  down,  Mr.  Hoar,  and 
my  self,  and  the  two  Indians  came  to  Lancaster,  and  a  solemn 
sight  it  was  to  me.  There  had  I  lived  many  comfortable 
years  amongst  my  Relations  and  Neighbours,  and  now  not 


one  Christian  to  be  seen,  nor  one  house  left  standing.  We 
went  on  to  a  Farm  house^  that  was  yet  standing,  where  we 
lay  all  night :  and  a  comfortable  lodging  we  had,  though  noth- 
ing but  straw  to  ly  on.  The  Lord  preserved  us  in  safety  that 
night,  and  raised  us  up  again  in  the  morning,  and  carried  us 
along,  that  before  noon,  we  came  to  Concord.  Now  was  I 
full  of  joy,  and  yet  not  without  sorrow:  joy  to  see  such  a  lovely 
sight,  so  many  Christians  together,  and  some  of  them  my 
Neighbours:  There  I  met  with  my  Brother,  and  my  Brother 
in  Law,2  who  asked  me,  if  I  knew  where  his  Wife  was?  Poor 
heart!  he  had  helped  to  bury  her,  and  knew  it  not;  she  being 
shot  down  by  the  house  was  partly  burnt:  so  that  those  who 
were  at  Boston  at  the  desolation  of  the  Town,  and  came  back 
afterward,  and  buried  the  dead,  did  not  know  her.  Yet  I 
was  not  without  sorrow,  to  think  how  many  were  looking  and 
longing,  and  my  own  Children  amongst  the  rest,  to  enjoy  that 
deliverance  that  I  had  now  received,  and  I  did  not  know  whither 
ever  I  should  see  them  again.  Being  recruited  with  food  and 
raiment  we  went  to  Boston  that  day,  where  I  met  with  my  dear 
Husband,  but  the  thoughts  of  our  dear  Children,  one  being 
dead,  and  the  other  we  could  not  tell  where,  abated  our  com- 
fort each  to  other.  I  was  not  before  so  much  hem'd  in  with 
the  merciless  and  cruel  Heathen,  but  now  as  much  with  pitti- 
ful,  tender-hearted  and  compassionate  Christians.  In  that 
poor,  and  destressed,  and  beggerly  condition  I  was  received 
in,  I  was  kindly  entertained  in  severall  Houses :  so  much  love 
I  received  from  several  (some  of  whom  I  knew,  and  others  I 
knew  not)  that  I  am  not  capable  to  declare  it.  But  the  Lord 
knows  them  all  by  name:  The  Lord  reward  them  seven  fold 
into  their  bosoms  of  his  spirituals,  for  their  temporals.  The 
twenty  pounds  the  price  of  my  redemption  was  raised  by 
some  Boston  Gentlemen,  and  Mrs.  Usher,^  whose  bounty  and 
religious  charity,  I  would  not  forget  to  make  mention  of. 
Then   Mr.    Thomas    Shepard  ^  of    Charlstown    received    us 

^  This  farmhouse  was  on  the  road  to  Marlborough,  as  "not  one  house  was 
left  standing"  in  Lancaster. 

2  Josiah  White  and  Henry  Kerley. 

*Wife  of  Hezekiah  Usher,  bookseller,  a  selectman  of  Boston. 

*  Rev.  Thomas  Shepard  of  Charlestown  was  a  son  of  the  more  famous  R«v. 
Thomas  Shepard  of  Cambridge. 


into  his  House,  where  we  continued  eleven  weeks;  and  a 
Father  and  Mother  they  were  to  us.  And  many  more  tender- 
hearted Friends  we  met  with  in  that  place.  We  were  now  in 
the  midst  of  love,  yet  not  without  much  and  frequent  heaviness 
of  heart  for  our  poor  Children,  and  other  Relations,  who  were 
still  in  affliction.  The  week  following,  after  my  coming  in, 
the  Governour  and  Council  sent  forth  to  the  Indians  again; 
and  that  not  without  success;  for  they  brought  in  my  Sister, 
and  Good- wife  Kettle :  Their  not  knowing  where  our  Children 
were,  was  a  sore  tryal  to  us  still,  and  yet  we  were  not  without 
secret  hopes  that  we  should  see  them  again.  That  which  was 
dead  lay  heavier  upon  my  spirit,  than  those  which  were  alive 
and  amongst  the  Heathen;  thinking  how  it  suffered  with  its 
wounds,  and  I  was  no  way  able  to  relieve  it;  and  how  it  was 
buried  by  the  Heathen  in  the  Wilderness  from  among  all  Chris- 
tians. We  were  hurried  up  and  down  in  our  thoughts,  some- 
time we  should  hear  a  report  that  they  were  gone  this  way, 
and  sometimes  that;  and  that  they  were  come  in,  in  this  place 
or  that:  We  kept  enquiring  and  hstning  to  hear  concerning 
them,  but  no  certain  news  as  yet.  About  this  time  the  Coun- 
cil had  ordered  a  day  of  publick  Thanks-giving:^  though  I 
thought  I  had  stiU  cause  of  mourning,  and  being  unsettled  in 
our  minds,  we  thought  we  would  ride  toward  the  Eastward, 
to  see  if  we  could  hear  any  thing  concerning  our  Children. 
And  as  we  were  riding  along  (God  is  the  wise  disposer  of  all 
things)  between  Ipswich  and  Rowly  we  met  with  Mr.  William 
Hubbard,^  who  told  us  that  our  Son  Joseph  was  come  in  to 
Major  Waldrens,^  and  another  with  him,  which  was  my  Sis- 
ters Son.  I  asked  him  how  he  knew  it?  He  said,  the  Major 
himself  told  him  so.  So  along  we  went  till  we  came  to  New- 
bury; and  their  Minister  being  absent,  they  desired  my  Hus- 
band to  Preach  the  Thanks  giving  for  them;  but  he  was  not 
willing  to  stay  there  that  night,  but  would  go  over  to  Salisbury, 

^  This  was  the  Thanksgiving  of  June  29,  1676.  The  broadside  appointing 
it,  the  eariiest  American  thanksgiving  broadside  known,  is  extant  in  the  library 
of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  and  is  reproduced  in  Rev.  W.  D.  Love's 
The  Fast  and  Thanksgiving  Days  of  New  England,  p.  200. 

2  Minister  of  Ipswich  and  historian  of  the  war;  see  p.  22,  supra. 

3  Major  Richard  Waldron  or  Waldren  of  Dover,  New  Hampshire,  a  man  of 
much  prominence  in  his  region. 


to  hear  further,  and  come  again  in  the  morning;  which  he 
did,  and  Preached  there  that  day.  At  night,  when  he  had  done, 
one  came  and  told  him  that  his  Daughter  was  come  in  at 
Providence:  Here  was  mercy  on  both  hands:  Now  hath 
God  fulfiled  that  precious  Scripture  which  was  such  a  comfort 
to  me  in  my  distressed  condition.  When  my  heart  was  ready 
to  sink  into  the  Earth  (my  Children  being  gone  I  could  not 
tell  whither)  and  my  knees  trembled  under  me,  And  I  was 
walking  through  the  valley  of  the  shadow  of  Death :  Then  the 
Lord  brought,  and  now  has  fulfilled  that  reviving  word  unto 
me :  Thus  saith  the  Lord,  Refrain  thy  voice  from  weeping,  and 
thine  eyes  from  tears,  for  thy  Work  shall  he  rewarded,  saith  the 
Lord,  and  they  shall  come  again  from  the  Land  of  the  Enemy. ^ 
Now  we  were  between  them,  the  one  on  the  East,  and  the  other 
on  the  West:  Our  Son  being  nearest,  we  went  to  him  first,  to 
Portsmouth,  where  we  met  with  him,  and  with  the  Major 
also:  who  told  us  he  had  done  what  he  could,  but  could  not 
redeem  him  under  seven  pounds;  which  the  good  People 
thereabouts  were  pleased  to  pay.  The  Lord  reward  the  Major, 
and  all  the  rest,  though  unknown  to  me,  for  their  labour  of 
Love.  My  Sisters  Son  was  redeemed  for  four  pounds,  which 
the  Council  gave  order  for  the  payment  of.  Having  now  re- 
ceived one  of  our  Children,  we  hastened  toward  the  other; 
going  back  through  Newbury,  my  Husband  preached  there 
on  the  Sabbath-day:  for  which  they  rewarded  him  many  fold. 
On  Munday  we  came  to  Charlstown,  where  we  heard  that 
the  Governour  of  Road-Island^  had  sent  over  for  our  Daugh- 
ter, to  take  care  of  her,  being  now  within  his  Jurisdiction: 
which  should  not  pass  without  our  acknowledgments.  But 
she  being  nearer  Rehoboth  than  Road-Island,  Mr.  Newman^ 
went  over,  and  took  care  of  her,  and  brought  her  to  his  own 
House.  And  the  goodness  of  God  was  admirable  to  us  in  our 
low  estate,  in  that  he  raised  up  passionate^  Friends  on  every 
side  to  us,  when  we  had  nothing  to  recompance  any  for  their 
love.  The  Indians  were  now  gone  that  way,  that  it  was  ap- 
prehended dangerous  to  go  to  her:  But  the  Carts  which  car- 
ried Provision  to  the  English  Army,  being  guarded,  brought 

*  Jeremiah  xxxi.  16. 

«  William  Coddington  was  governor  of  Rhode  Island  at  this  time. 

» Rev.  Noah  Newman  of  Rehoboth.  *  Compassionate. 

1676]        THE  CAPTIVITY  OF  MARY  ROWLANDSON         165 

her  with  them  to  Dorchester,  where  we  received  her  safe: 
blessed  be  the  Lord  for  it,  For  great  is  his  Power,  and  he  can 
do  whatsoever  seemeth  him  good.  Her  coming  in  was  after 
this  manner:  She  was  traveUing  one  day  with  the  Indians, 
with  her  basket  at  her  back;  the  company  of  Indians  were 
got  before  her,  and  gone  out  of  sight,  all  except  one  Squaw; 
she  followed  the  Squaw  till  night,  and  then  both  of  them  lay 
down,  having  nothing  over  them  but  the  heavens,  and  under 
them  but  the  earth.  Thus  she  travelled  three  dayes  together, 
not  knowing  whither  she  was  going:  having  nothing  to  eat  or 
drink  but  water,  and  green  Hirtle-berries.  At  last  they  came 
into  Providence,  where  she  was  kindly  entertained  by  several 
of  that  Town.  The  Indians  often  said,  that  I  should  never 
have  her  under  twenty  pounds:  But  now  the  Lord  hath 
brought  her  in  upon  free-cost,  and  given  her  to  me  the  second 
time.  The  Lord  make  us  a  blessing  indeed,  each  to  others. 
Now  have  I  seen  that  Scripture  also  fulfilled,  Deut.  30 : 4,  7. 
//  any  of  thine  he  driven  out  to  the  outmost  parts  of  heaven, 
from  thence  will  the  Lord  thy  God  gather  thee,  and  from  thence 
will  he  fetch  thee.  And  the  Lord  thy  God  will  put  all  these  curses 
upon  thine  enemies,  and  on  them  which  hate  thee,  which  perse-- 
cuted  thee.  Thus  hath  the  Lord  brought  me  and  mine  out  of 
that  horrible  pit,  and  hath  set  us  in  the  midst  of  tender-hearted 
and  compassionate  Christians.  It  is  the  desire  of  my  soul, 
that  we  may  walk  worthy  of  the  mercies  received,  and  which 
we  are  receiving. 

Our  Family  being  now  gathered  together  (those  of  us  that 
were  living)  the  South  Church  in  Boston  hired  an  House  for 
us:  Then  we  removed  from  Mr.  Shepards,  those  cordial 
Friends,  and  went  to  Boston,  where  we  continued  about  three 
quarters  of  a  year:  Still  the  Lord  went  along  with  us,  and  pro- 
vided graciously  for  us.  I  thought  it  somewhat  strange  to 
set  up  House-keeping  with  bare  walls;  but  as  Solomon  sayes, 
Mony  answers  all  things;^  and  that  we  had  through  the  be- 
nevolence of  Christian-friends,  some  in  this  Town,  and  some  in 
that,  and  others:  And  some  from  England,  that  in  a  little 
time  we  might  look,  and  see  the  House  furnished  with  love. 
The  Lord  hath  been  exceeding  good  to  us  in  our  low  estate, 
in  that  when  we  had  neither  house  nor  home,  nor  other  neces- 

^  Ecclesiastes  x.  19. 


saries;  the  Lord  so  moved  the  hearts  of  these  and  those  towards 
us,  that  we  wanted  neither  food,  nor  raiment  for  our  selves  or 
ours,  Prov.  18.  24.  There  is  a  Friend  which  sticketh  closer  than 
a  Brother.  And  how  many  such  Friends  have  we  found,  and 
now  hving  amongst?  And  truly  such  a  Friend  have  we  found 
him  to  be  unto  us,  in  whose  house  we  lived,  viz.  Mr.  James 
Whitcomb,^  a  Friend  unto  us  near  hand,  and  afar  off. 

I  can  remember  the  time,  when  I  used  to  sleep  quietly 
without  workings  in  my  thoughts,  whole  nights  together,  but 
now  it  is  other  wayes  with  me.  When  all  are  fast  about  me, 
and  no  eye  open,  but  his  who  ever  waketh,  my  thoughts  are 
upon  things  past,  upon  the  awfull  dispensation  of  the  Lord 
towards  us;  upon  his  wonderfull  power  and  might,  in  carrying 
of  us  through  so  many  difficulties,  in  returning  us  in  safety, 
and  suffering  none  to  hurt  us.  I  remember  in  the  night  season, 
how  the  other  day  I  was  in  the  midst  of  thousands  of  enemies, 
and  nothing  but  death  before  me:  It  is  then  hard  work  to 
perswade  my  self,  that  ever  I  should  be  satisfied  with  bread 
again.  But  now  we  are  fed  with  the  finest  of  the  Wheat,  and, 
as  I  may  say.  With  honey  out  of  the  rock:  In  stead  of  the 
Husk,  we  have  the  fatted  Calf:  The  thoughts  of  these  things 
in  the  particulars  of  them,  and  of  the  love  and  goodness  of 
God  towards  us,  make  it  true  of  me,  what  David  said  of  him- 
self, Psal.  6.  5.2  /  watered  my  Couch  with  my  tears.  Oh!  the 
wonderfull  power  of  God  that  mine  eyes  have  seen,  affording 
matter  enough  for  my  thoughts  to  run  in,  that  when  others 
are  sleeping  mine  eyes  are  weeping. 

I  have  seen  the  extrem  vanity  of  this  World:  One  hour  I 
have  been  in  health,  and  wealth,  wanting  nothing:  But  the 
next  hour  in  sickness  and  wounds,  and  death,  having  nothing 
but  sorrow  and  affliction. 

Before  I  knew  what  affliction  meant,  I  was  ready  sometimes 
to  wish  for  it.  When  I  lived  in  prosperity,  having  the  com- 
forts of  the  World  about  me,  my  relations  by  me,  my  Heart 
chearfull,  and  taking  little  care  for  any  thing;  and  yet  seeing 
many,  whom  I  preferred  before  my  self,  under  many  tryals  and 
afflictions,  in  sickness,  weakness,  poverty,  losses,  crosses,  and 

1  James  Whitecomb  of  Boston  lived  about  where  the  Tremont  Building  was 

2  More  exactly,  Psalm  vi.  6. 


cares  of  the  World,  I  should  be  sometimes  jealous  least  I  should 
have  my  portion  in  this  life,  and  that  Scripture  would  come  to 
my  mind,  Heb.  12.  6.  For  whom  the  Lord  loveth  he  chasteneth, 
and  scourgeth  every  Son  whom  he  receiveth.  But  now  I  see  the 
Lord  had  his  time  to  scourge  and  chasten  me.  The  portion 
of  some  is  to  have  their  afflictions  by  drops,  now  one  drop  and 
then  another;  but  the  dregs  of  the  Cup,  the  Wine  of  astonish- 
ment, like  a  sweeping  rain  that  leaveth  no  food,  did  the  Lord 
prepare  to  be  my  portion.  Affliction  I  wanted,  and  affliction 
I  had,  full  measure  (I  thought)  pressed  down  and  running  over; 
yet  I  see,  when  God  calls  a  Person  to  any  thing,  and  through 
never  so  many  difficulties,  yet  he  is  fully  able  to  carry  them 
through  and  make  them  see,  and  say  they  have  been  gainers 
thereby.  And  I  hope  I  can  say  in  some  measure.  As  David 
did.  It  is  good  for  me  that  I  have  been  afflicted.  The  Lord  hath 
shewed  me  the  vanity  of  these  outward  things.  That  they  are 
the  Vanity  of  vanities,  and  vexation  of  spirit;  that  they  are 
but  a  shadow,  a  blast,  a  bubble,  and  things  of  no  continuance. 
That  we  must  rely  on  God  himself,  and  our  whole  dependance 
must  be  upon  him.  If  trouble  from  smaller  matters  begin  to 
arise  in  me,  I  have  something  at  hand  to  check  my  self  with, 
and  say,  why  am  I  troubled?  It  was  but  the  other  day  that 
if  I  had  had  the  world,  I  would  have  given  it  for  my  freedom, 
or  to  have  been  a  Servant  to  a  Christian.  I  have  learned  to 
look  beyond  present  and  smaller  troubles,  and  to  be  quieted 
under  them,  as  Moses  said,  Exod.  14.  13.  Stand  still  and  see 
the  salvation  of  the  Lord. 




For  an  understanding  of  any  conflict  between  the  French 
and  English  in  America  the  difference  between  the  purposes 
of  the  two  peoples  in  colonization  must  be  kept  constantly 
before  us.  The  English,  whether  Puritan  or  Cavalier,  came 
to  America  to  make  new  homes.  They  identified  themselves 
with  the  country  in  which  they  settled,  and  sought  to  repro- 
duce the  conditions  existing  in  the  land  from  which  they  had 
come.  The  French  and  in  a  less  degree  the  Dutch  were  not 
seeking  homes.  Their  purpose  was  to  obtain  new  territories 
and  new  trade  for  their  mother  countries  or  new  wealth  for 
themselves.  This  done  they  could  return  to  France  or  to 
Holland  and  live  with  an  increased  political  and  social  prestige. 
The  Englishman  became  an  American.  The  Frenchman  less 
often  became  a  Canadian.  The  navigation  laws  would  have 
been  a  matter  of  course  to  a  French  colony.  They  irritated 
English  colonists  intensely. 

These  reasons  explain  the  cause  and  the  result  of  the  con- 
flict between  the  French  and  English  in  America.  For  pur- 
poses of  trade  the  French  boundaries  must  be  continually  ex- 
panding and  their  relations  with  the  Indians  friendly.  The 
more  gradual  development  of  the  English  self-governing  and 
self-supporting  communities  demanded  a  secure  frontier  and 
an  assimilation  or  destruction  of  all  hostile  peoples  within 
those  boundaries,  but  the  English  would  not  incorporate  the 
Indians  among  themselves.  The  first  successes  were  with  the 
French  under  leaders  like  Champlain,  Talon,  and  Frontenac. 

The  final  victory  lay  with  the  gradual  advance  of  the  English 



township.    The  coureur  de  hois  was  no  match  for  the  perma- 
nent settler. 

Behind  this  inevitable  conflict  in  America  was  the  immediate 
conflict  in  Europe.  Since  the  rule  of  Cromwell  England  had 
not  been  politically  independent  of  France.  The  interference 
of  Louis  XIV.  in  British  affairs  had  become  more  and  more 
galling  to  Englishmen,  but  the  probable  extinction  of  the  male 
line  of  the  Stuarts  with  the  death  of  James  II.  had  prevented 
an  open  alliance  between  the  Whigs  within  and  the  Dutch 
without  the  kingdom.  The  birth  of  a  son  to  the  English  king 
removed  the  hope  of  a  Protestant  successor  who  would  oppose 
France,  and  the  rivalry  between  the  two  peoples,  each  seeking 
a  controlling  influence  in  Europe  and  America,  broke  out  into 
open  war.  The  colonists  had  no  option  but  war  even  had  they 
desired  to  remain  at  peace.  From  the  viewpoint  of  the  New 
England  Puritan  much  can  be  found  in  the  conditions  prevail- 
ing both  in  England  and  in  America  at  this  time  to  justify 
the  title  of  Decennium  Luctuosum  (Sorrowful  Decade)  which 
Cotton  Mather  chose  for  his  history  of  the  period.  In  England 
the  memory  of  the  harsh  control  exercised  by  the  Puritans  of 
1648  and  by  Cromwell  remained  so  vivid  that  neither  the 
carelessness  of  the  early  reign  of  Charles  II.  nor  the  unscrupu- 
lousness  of  Danby  during  the  later  years  of  that  reign  had 
aroused  any  effective  protest.  In  America  the  weakness  of 
Massachusetts  and  New  England  resulting  from  the  efforts 
put  forth  during  King  Philip's  war  determined  the  home  gov- 
ernment to  improve  this  opportunity  to  coerce  the  independent 
colonists.  Edward  Randolph  came  to  Boston  to  learn  how 
this  coercion  might  be  effected,  and  from  1676  to  the  close  of 
the  century  he  was  a  thorn  in  the  flesh  of  Massachusetts. 
Largely  because  of  his  influence  and  that  of  his  friend  William 
Blathwayt  the  Bay  Colony  was  kept  in  a  broil  with  New 
Hampshire,  was  obliged  to  buy  out  the  claims  of  the  Gorges 
heirs  to  the  province  of  Maine,  lost  the  charter  under  which 


she  had  chosen  her  own  governors,  and  was  reduced  to  what 
she  considered  the  low  estate  of  a  royal  province.  The  ad- 
ministrations of  Joseph  Dudley  and  of  Sir  Edmund  Andros 
are  among  the  bitterest  periods  of  Massachusetts  history. 

The  revolution  of  1689  and  the  reign  of  William  and  Mary 
did  not  restore  the  balance  in  New  England.  It  brought  a 
change  from  the  Andros  government,  but  neither  the  religious 
nor  the  political  authority  of  the  Puritan  returned  to  its  former 
high  position.  The  promises  which  had  been  read  into  the 
"Declaration"  of  William  when  he  invaded  England  were 
regarded  by  the  colonists  as  unfulfilled.  The  charge  of  ill 
faith  to  his  Massachusetts  supporters  was  urged  continuously, 
and  seemed  justified  when  Rhode  Island  and  Connecticut,  but 
not  Massachusetts,  were  allowed  to  resume  their  old  frames  of 
government.  Pride  in  the  European  victories  of  the  British 
king  did  not  remove  nor  make  adequate  compensation  for  the 
failure  of  Increase  Mather,  the  colonial  agent  at  London,  to 
secure  a  restoration  of  the  old  charter  lost  in  1684,  and  the 
war  at  home,  continued  from  the  Andros  regime,  and  waged 
against  the  combined  French  and  Indian  adversaries,  was  a 
grievous  burden  to  the  exhausted  Americans.  The  beginning 
of  Mather's  ten  years  was  certainly  a  period  of  woe  to  the  Puri- 
tan at  Boston,  nor  had  the  atmosphere  cleared  at  the  end  of 
that  decade.  The  king  had  lost  many  of  his  prerogatives  in 
England  by  virtue  of  the  revolution  against  the  Stuarts.  The 
English  government  and  its  gubernatorial  representative  in 
Massachusetts  had  apparently  gained  new  prerogatives  in 
America  as  a  result  of  the  same  uprising.  A  centralized  gov- 
ernment with  Frontenac  at  its  head  had  been  a  success  in  Can- 
ada, but  Massachusetts  wished  no  Frontenac  at  Boston. 

With  the  invasion  of  the  military  powers  belonging  to  Con- 
necticut and  Rhode  Island  under  their  restored  charters  the 
Massachusetts  Puritans  had  no  sympathy.  Had  it  been  a 
governor  of  their  own  choice  who  took  command  of  the  troops 


from  the  more  southern  colonies  they  might  have  acquiesced, 
but  when  royal  appointees  like  Fletcher,  of  New  York,  and  Sir 
William  Phips,  in  obedience  to  English  directions,  thus  inter- 
fered, it  was  another  evidence  of  decreasing  colonial  importance. 
Little  wonder  that  Mather  should  be  discouraged,  for  he  could 
not  see  the  end  which  this  policy  must  bring. 

From  the  Puritan  viewpoint  the  religious  outlook  was 
little  brighter.  The  removal  of  Increase  Mather  from  the 
presidency  of  Harvard  College  in  1701  has  been  said  to  mark 
the  end  of  Biblical  rule  in  New  England.  Not  that  religion 
or  the  Bible  had  no  further  influence,  but  New  England  history 
was  no  longer  recorded  as  an  illustration  of  the  fulfilment  of 
Biblical  prophecy.  Such  were  the  conditions  when  the  fol- 
lowing narrative  was  written.  The  general  history  of  the  war 
of  1688-1698  can  best  be  followed  in  Parkman's  Count  Fron- 
tenac  and  New  France  under  Louis  XIV.  or  in  Shea's  edition 
of  Charlevoix. 

Cotton  Mather  was  the  most  learned  writer  in  colonial 
America.  His  Magnolia  or  Ecclesiastical  History  of  New  Eng- 
land (into  which  the  Decennium  Luctuosum  was  incorporated) 
is  the  most  noteworthy  history  written  by  any  American  pre- 
vious to  the  revolution  of  1776.  For  the  preparation  of  this 
ambitious  work  no  contemporary  author  could  have  had  better 
advantage  than  he.  Cotton  Mather's  father  and  grandfather 
had  not  only  lived  during  the  period  covered  by  this  history, 
but  they  had  lived  at  the  centre  of  New  England's  political 
and  religious  activity,  leading  figures  in  the  Puritan  theocracy, 
and  had  been  men  of  sufficient  ability  to  realize  the  importance 
of  the  changes  through  which  the  colonies  were  passing.  Of 
even  greater  importance  for  the  years  between  the  loss  by 
Massachusetts  of  her  old  charter  in  1684  and  the  grant  of 
the  new  in  1691  was  the  experience  of  Increase  Mather  as 
special  agent  of  the  colony  in  England.  These  years  gave  him 
and  his  son  a  knowledge  of  men  and  conditions  abroad  supple- 


menting  the  father's  earher  experience  of  men  and  events  in 
New  England.  Both  Richard  and  Increase  Mather  were  pro- 
lific writers  for  their  time  and  their  store  of  knowledge  was 
thereby  continued.  The  nine  publications  credited  to  the 
former  and  the  more  than  one  hundred  and  thirty  distinct 
contributions  of  the  latter  show  the  literary  influence  and  in- 
heritance which  came  to  the  yet  more  industrious  grandson. 
Thus  the  experience  and  writings  of  his  immediate  ancestors, 
among  whom  John  Cotton  must  also  be  reckoned,  united  with 
the  testimony  of  their  fellows  and  the  wide  correspondence 
of  Mather  himself  in  furnishing  a  rich  field  upon  which  our 
author  could  draw  for  his  material.  It  was  a  field  somewhat 
comparable  to  the  archives  in  Europe  and  America  which 
Parkman  covered  two  centuries  later  in  his  history  of  the 
French  side  of  the  conflict. 

Cotton  Mather  was  born  February  12,  1662/3,  and  was 
graduated  from  Harvard  College  in  1678.  He  spent  his  youth 
among  the  incidents  related  in  the  preceding  pages  of  this 
volume  and  of  which  his  father  made  careful  record  in  his 
Brief  History.  From  1684  to  1728  he  was  minister  of  the 
Second  (Old  North)  Church  in  Boston.  Eager  to  do  good,  but 
also  eager  for  prominence  and  distinction,  he  published  more 
than  four  hundred  books  and  pamphlets,  marked  by  piety  and 
learning,  but  also  by  pedantry,  vanity,  and  great  defects  of 
judgment.  Several  of  them  were  historical  in  intention.  The 
Decennium  Luduosum  was  first  published  at  Boston  in  1699. 
This  edition  has  now  become  excessively  rare.  The  text  here 
printed  is  that  of  the  nearly  unique  copy  in  the  Boston  Public 
Library.  A  sermon.  Observable  Things :  The  History  of  Ten 
Years  Rolled  away  under  the  great  Calamities  of  a  War  with  In- 
dian Salvages,  Repeated  and  Improved  in  a  Sermon  at  Boston- 
Lecture,  27  d.  7  m.  [i.  e.,  September  27]  1698,  is  appended  in 
the  original  volume,  but  is  no  necessary  part  of  the  narrative. 

A  few  years  later,  Mather  incorporated  the  Decennium 


Luduosum,  as  an  appendix  or  seventh  chapter  to  book  vii.,  in 
his  chief  historical  work,  the  famous  Magnolia  Christi  Ameri- 
cana. That  strange  mosaic,  so  valuable  for  New  England  his- 
tory but  so  disorderly  and  inaccurate,  was  in  good  part  made 
up  out  of  pieces  already  printed — and  insufficiently  revised. 
Its  first  edition  was  published  in  London  in  1702.  There  are 
modern  editions  of  1820  and  1853.  The  spirit  in  which  the 
"bulky  thing,"  as  the  author  calls  the  entire  work,  was  written 
may  be  fairly  j udged  from  the  following  quotations.  The  twelfth 
of  January,  1698,  writes  Mather  in  his  private  records,  "I  set 
apart  ...  for  the  exercise  of  a  secret  fast  before  the  Lord," 
in  order  to  obtain  "the  direction  of  Heaven  about  my  Church 
History."  So  soon  as  the  author  had  seen  the  completed  vol- 
ume in  print  a  second  day  was  set  apart  "for  solemn  thanks- 
giving unto  God  for  his  watchful  and  gracious  Providence 
over  that  work  and  for  the  harvest  of  so  many  prayers  and 
cares  and  tears  and  resignations  as  I  had  employed  upon  it." 
The  secret  of  the  weakness  as  well  as  of  the  strength  of 
Cotton  Mather  as  an  historian  is  found  in  these  statements. 
His  Magnolia  is  more  a  series  of  sermons  to  prove  the  manner 
in  which  God's  peculiar  care  over  New  England  had  been  made 
manifest  than  a  careful  statement  of  the  exact  facts  as  they 
occurred.  The  result  is  a  strange  and  imperfect  thing,  show- 
ing great  knowledge  and  industry  but  giving  almost  as  much 
irritation  as  pleasure  to  the  reader.  Among  other  advantages 
generally  conceded  to  Mather  was  that  of  an  excellent  memory, 
but  the  critic  is  tempted  to  remark  that  it  would  have  been 
better  if  our  author  had  not  trusted  his  memory  so  absolutely 
when  writing  his  history.  Much  the  same  might  be  said  of 
his  frequent  use  of  Latin  quotations  and  the  numerous  digres- 
sions for  illustrative  purposes.  Both  practices  show  a  wealth 
of  knowledge  on  the  part  of  the  author,  but  they  assume  an 
equal  familiarity  with  Latin  on  the  part  of  the  reader  and  an 
equal  desire  to  turn  aside  from  the  narrative  in  hand,  an  as- 


sumption  which  often  confuses  if  it  does  not  vex  the  student. 
Despite  these  criticisms  of  details,  the  Decennium  Luctuosum 
as  a  whole  covers  the  last  years  of  conflict  in  the  seventeenth 
centuiy  better  than  any  other  contemporary  history,  perhaps 
as  well  as  all  others  combined.  Errors  of  fact  and  of  fancy 
are  to  be  found,  but  the  narrative  is  interesting,  and  with  the 
above  cautions  may  usually  be  trusted. 

Cotton  Mather,  the  more  distinguished  son  of  a  notable 
father,  was  not  only  the  most  complete  type  of  the  old-fashioned 
divine  in  New  England,  as  Professor  Barrett  Wendell  remarks 
in  his  biography,  but  also  New  England's  best  specimen  of 
the  late-seventeenth-century  historian.  His  life  and  his  his- 
torical writings  show  what  in  New  England  history  during  the 
last  quarter  of  that  century  most  appealed  to  the  ablest  men 
of  the  time.  For  this  reason  if  for  no  other,  the  Decennium 
Luctuosum  has  its  proper  place  in  this  series  of  narratives. 
The  author's  description  of  his  work  will  form  a  fitting  close 
to  this  introduction. 

"In  the  Month  of  August,  I  sett  myself  to  Consider  on 
Some  further  and  Special  Services  for  the  Name  of  my  Lord 
Jesus  Christ.  And  I  foresaw  a  very  Comprehensive  One  to 
be  done,  first,  in  Collecting  and  Improving  the  observable  Dis- 
pensations of  God,  which  have  occurred,  in  the  Long  War, 
which  wee  have  had  with  our  Indian  Savages,  and  uttering 
my  Observations,  in  a  Sermon  or  Two,  at  our  Countrey- 
Lecture:  And,  then,  in  composing  as  agreeable  an  History  of 
our  Indian  War  as  I  can  and  Incorporating  into  it  as  charming 
and  useful  entertainments  for  the  Countrey,  as  I  may  think 
upon:  so.  Resigning  myself  up  to  the  Conduct  of  the  Spirit 
of  Grace,  I  sett  about  the  Service  thus  before  mee;  hoping 
within  a  few  weeks  time,  in  the  midst  of  my  other  undertak- 
ings, to  dispatch  it,  for  the  glory  of  my  Heavenly  Lord. 

"The  work,  being  accomplished,  I  putt  upon  it,  the  Title 
of  Decennium  Luctuosum.    It  is  filled  with  a  great  Variety  of 


Things  contrived  as  well  as  I  can  together,  for  the  Glory  of 
my  Lord  Jesus  Christ;  and  the  welfare  of  the  people  through- 
out the  Land. 

"0  my  God,  I  exceedingly  give  Thanks  to  thy  Name,  for 
the  Help  thou  hast  given  mee,  in  Dispatching  this  work." 


Decennium  Luctuosum:  An  History  of  Remarkable  Occurrences 
in  the  Long  War,  which  New-England  hath  had  with  the 
Indian  Salvages,  from  the  year  1688,  to  the  year  1698, 
faithfully  Composed  and  Improved. 

Infandum,  Juhes  Renovare  Dolorem. 

Boston  in  New  England.  Printed  by  B.  Green,  and  J.  Allen, 
for  Samuel  Phillips,  at  the  Brick  Shop  near  the  Old-Meeting- 
House,  1699.1 

To  the  People  of  New  England. 

You  are  Welcome  unto  the  History  of  a  Tedious  war,  and 
unto  a  Period  of  that  War  so  far  in  prospect,  as  to  render  its 
History  Seasonable. 

Every  Reasonable  man  will  readily  allow,  that  it  is  a  duty 
to  God,  and  a  Service  to  the  World,  for  to  preserve  the  Memory 
of  such  matters,  as  have  been  the  more  Memorable  Occur- 
rences in  the  War,  that  has  for  Ten  Years  together  been  mul- 
tiplying Changes  and  Sorrows  upon  us.  And  the  Author,  in 
whose  Historical  Writings  the  most  Inquisitive  Envy  has  never 
to  this  hour  detected  so  much  as  one  Voluntary  and  Material 
Mistake,  or  one  farthing  paid  unto  the  Readers  in  the  Coin 
of  Candia,^  has  now  chosen  to  preserve  the  Memory  of  these 
matters  while  they  are  Fresh  and  New,  and  one  hath  not 
Fifty  years,  which  is  the  Channel  of  the  River  of  Oblivion,  to 
pass  over  unto  them.  This  Expedition  is  used  in  the  pub- 
lication of  our  Decennium  Luctuosum,  in  hope  that  if  any 
mistake  worth  Noting  do  appear  in  these  Writings,  it  may 

*  Title-page  of  the  original.  2  Counterfeit  coin. 



Like,  and  perhaps  With,  a  Second  Edition,  be  Corrected  and 

He  Expects  no  Thanks  for  his  Essayes  to  do  Good,  in  this 
way  or  any  other,  unto  any  part  of  his  Country,  to  whom  he 
would  gladly  devote  all  his  Talents,  if  he  were  a  Thousand 
Times  better  Talented  than  he  is;  and  though  the  most  un- 
grateful Treats  Imaginable  (which  are  too  well  known  by  the 
name  of  Country-pay)  should  be  given  him,  he  would  still  be 
of  that  Opinion,  Redefecisse  Merces  est,  If  a  man  may  Do  Good, 
it  is  enough. 

All  the  Favour  he  desires  of  you  is.  That  you  would  not 
Enquire  after  him;  or  ask,  who  he  is?  but  that  as  he  is  at 
best  but  an  Obscure  Person,  he  may  continue  in  yet  more  Ob- 
scurity: which  will  be  a  greater  pleasure  to  him  than  to  be 
placed  among  the  Great  men  of  Achaia.^ 

For  indeed.  He  hath  often  thought  on  a  passage  written  by 
Holy  Mr.  Row  ^  to  his  Excellent  Son,  /  pray  that  God  would 
make  use  of  my  self  and  you  in  such  a  way,  as  that  God  only  may 
he  seen  and  we  not  he  taken  notice  of  at  all;  that  He  may  have  the 
Glory,  and  we  may  not  he  seen. 

Could  he  have  invited  his  Excellency  unto  such  a  glorious 
Table  as  that  in  a  certain  Cabinet  at  Florence,  which  is  fur- 
nished with  Birds  and  flowers,  all  consisting  of  Neatly  polished 
Jewels  inlaid  into  it;  a  work  Fifteen  years  in  making,  and  worth 
an  Hundred  Thousand  crowns:  or  could  he  have  written  a 
Book  worthy  to  be  laid  up  in  the  Cabinet  of  Darius:  the 
Author  might  have  been  under  a  Temptation  to  have  had  his 
Name  Engraved  upon  his  Work.  But  a  httle  Boiled  Indian 
Corn  in  a  Tray,  is  as  much  as  our  Best  History  of  an  Indian 
War,  composed  perhaps  in  fewer  Dayes  than  there  were  Years 
in  the  War,  may  presume  to  be  compar'd  unto.  And  since 
our  History  will  not  afford  such  a  Diversion  imto  His  Excel- 
lency, under  the  Indispositions  of  His  Health,  as  those  of 
Livy  and  Curtius  did  unto  the  Princes  that  Recovered  their 
lost  Health  by  Reading  them;  nor  can  any  passage  here  be  so 

^Such  professions  of  aversion  to  notoriety  are  frequent  with  Mather. 
The  emptiness  of  the  present  elaborate  expression  of  this  fine  sentiment  is  mani- 
fest from  the  fact  that  the  sermon  Observable  Things,  which  every  one  in  Boston 
knew  to  be  by  Cotton  Mather,  since  it  had  been  publicly  delivered  September  27, 
1698,  is  included  as  a  part  of  the  volume.     See  the  Introduction,  p.  175  above. 

2  John  Row  (1525?-1580),  the  Scottish  reformer. 



Remarkable  Occmrcmc^, 

In  the  Lofig 

WA  R. 


From  tlie  Year^   i  6$S  . 

To    the  Year,  1 6  qS. 
YaiihMlyCQnvjQfed    and  Iraprowa, 

JiiUnidnm  ^---Juhs  Renuvan*  D oh: rem , 
BOSTON  ixi  H'w-i;ngliind, 

at  the  Wic^Sho^  jicartheOM-Mrcti  n^'-Hmfej6o^ 

LUCTUOSUM,"  1699 

From  the  original  in  the  Boston  Public  Library 


happy,  as  that  which  cured  Laurentius  Medices  ^  of  a  Malady 
by  having  it  read  unto  him:  it  will  require  no  more  than  a 
Nameless  Writer  to  Assure  that  Great  Person  on  this  Occasion, 
That  all  the  good  People  of  New-England  make  their  Fervent 
Vows  unto  the  Almighty,  For  His  Excellencies  Prosperity, 
and  the  Welfare  of  his  Excellent  Lady,  and  of  his  Noble  and 
Hopeful  Offspring. 

And  the  naming  of  the  Author,  is  as  little  Necessary  to 
Qualify  him,  that  he  may  pay  publick  Acknowledgments  unto 
the  Honourable  the  Lieutenant  Governour;  not  only  for  His 
Cares  about  the  Publick,  while  it  was  Tempestuated  with  the 
Indian  War,  which  now  makes  an  History;  but  chiefly  for  his 
more  than  ordinary  Tenderness  of  that  Society,  which  has 
been  the  very  Decus  ac  Tutamen^  of  New-England.  The 
Nameless  Writer  of  this  History  may  Report,  that  with  a 
Greater  Expence  than  that  of  the  First-Founder,  this  Honour- 
able Person  proves  that  he  Loves  our  Nation,  by  Building  us 
another  Edifice  for  the  Supply  of  all  our  Synagogues,  and 
Stoughton-Hall  outshines  Harvard-Colledge:  and  he  Speaks 
Kinder  Language,  as  well  as  Better  Latin,  than  that  eminent 
States-man  in  Flanders,  whose  Answer  to  a  Petition  for  the 
priviledges  of  an  University  there  to  be  restored,  was,  non 
curamus  vostros  privilegios.^  This  Report  may  be  given  with- 
out being  obliged  for  to  confess  any  other  Name  than  this, 
which  he  readily  Confesses;  One  that  was  once  a  Member  of 

1  pray.  Sirs,  Ask  no  further;  Let  this  Writing  be,  like  that 
on  the  Wall  to  Belshazzar,  where  the  Hand  only  was  to  be 
seen,  and  not  who'se  it  was.  The  History  is  compiled  with 
Incontestable  Veracity;  and  since  there  is  no  Ingenuity  in  it, 
but  less  than  what  many  Pens  in  the  Land  might  Command, 
he  knows  not  why  his  Writing  Ajionymously  may  not  Shelter 
him  from  the  Inconveniencies  of  having  any  Notice,  one  way 
or  other,  taken  of  him.  Though  among  his  other  small  Furni- 
ture, he  hath  not  left  himself  unfurnished  with  skill  in  the 

^  Lorenzo  de'  Medici.  The  governor  here  alluded  to  was  Lord  Bellomont, 
the  lieutenant-governor  William  Stoughton,  who  was  in  actual  charge  of  the  gov- 
ernment until  Bellomont's  arrival. 

2  "Glory  and  protection." 

'  He  meant  to  say,  "We  do  not  care  for  your  privileges,"  but  curamus  is 
not  the  proper  word. 


Spanish  Language,  yet  he  never  could  bring  himself  to  the 
Belief  of  the  Spanish  Proverb,  Quien  no  parece,  perece;  i.  e. 
He  that  appears  not,  perishes;  He  that  Shows  not  himself  to 
the  world  is  undone.  At  Milain  there  is  an  Academy  of 
Sensible  Persons,  called  The  Nascosti,  or.  Hidden  men;  At 
Venice  there  is  one  of  such  persons  called.  The  Incogniti;^ 
and  at  Parma  there  is  one  of  them,  called,  The  Innominati.^  If 
there  were  nothing  else  Disagreeable  in  them,  the  Author  of  this 
History  would  be  glad  of  an  Admission  into  such  an  Academy. 

The  History  is  indeed  of  no  very  Fine  Thread;  and  the 
Readers,  who  every  where  Fish  for  nothing  but  Carps,  and  who 
Love,  like  Augustus,  to  Tax  all  the  V\^orld  may  find  Fault 
enough  with  it.  Nevertheless,  while  the  Fault  of  an  Untruth 
can't  be  found  in  it,  the  Author  pretends  that  the  famous 
History  of  the  Trojan  War  it  self  comes  behind  our  little  His- 
tory of  the  Indian  War;  For  the  best  Antiquaries  have  now 
confuted  Homer;  the  Walls  of  Troy  were,  it  seems,  all  made  of 
Poets  Paper;  and  the  Siege  of  the  Town,  with  the  Tragedies 
of  the  Wooden  Horse,  were  all  but  a  piece  of  Poetry. 

And  if  a  War  between  Us  and  an  Handful  of  Indians  do 
appear  no  more  than  a  Batrachomyomachi^  to  the  World 
abroad,  yet  unto  us  at  home  it  hath  been  considerable  enough 
to  make  an  History.  Nor  is  the  Author  afraid  of  promising, 
that  of  all  the  Thirty  Articles  which  make  up  this  History, 
there  shall  not  be  One  without  something  in  it  that  may  by 
our  selves  be  justly  thought  Considerable. 

Should  any  Petit  Monsieur  complain,  (as  the  Captain  that 
found  not  himself  in  the  Tapestry  Hangings,  which  exhibited 
the  story  of  the  Spanish  Invasion  in  1588)  that  he  don't  find 
himself  mentioned  in  this  History,  the  Author  has  this  Apology. 
He  has  done  as  well  and  as  much  as  he  could,  that  whatever 
was  worthy  of  a  mention,  might  have  it;  and  if  this  Collection 
of  Matters  be  not  compleat,  yet  he  supposes  it  may  be  more 
compleat  than  any  one  else  hath  made;  and  now  he  hath 
done,  he  hath  not  puU'd  up  the  Ladder  after  him;  others  may 
go  on  as  they  please  with  a  compleater  Composure. 

If  the  Author  had  taken  Delight,  in  this  History,  and  at  all 
Times,  to  Celebrate  the  Merits  of  such  as  have  Deserved  well 

^  The  unknown.  ^  The  nameless. 

' "  Battle  of  Frogs  and  Mice,"  a  poem  attributed  to  Homer. 


of  his  Country,  (which  he  has  here  done,  it  may  be,  for  some 
that  never  could  afford  him  a  good  word!)  Especially,  if  he 
do  Erect  Statues  for  Dead  Worthies,  when  there  is  no  Room 
Left  for  Flattery,  (for  who  will  bestow  paint  upon  a  Dead 
Face !)  And  if  he  do  all  this  with  all  possible  concern,  to  avoid 
casting  Aspersions  upon  others:  Why  should  any  betray  such 
111  Nature  as  to  be  angry  at  it?  My  Good  Country,  forgive 
him  this  Injury! 

Huic  Uniforsan  poteram  Succumhere  culpcB.^ 

But  whatever  this  History  be,  it  aims  at  the  Doing  of 
Good,  as  well  as  the  Telling  of  Truth;  and  if  its  Aim  shall  be 
attained.  That  will  be  a  sufficient  Reward  for  all  the  Trouble 
of  Writing  it.  When  he  Desires  any  more,  he'll  give  you  his 
Name;  in  the  mean  Time,  as  a  far  greater  man  once  was  called, 
Ludovicus  Nihili,  which  you  may  make  Lewis  of  Nothingham; 
so  the  Author  will  count  himself  not  a  little  favoured,  if  he 
may  pass  for  one  of  no  more  Account  than  a  No-body;  which 
would  certainly  make  a  very  Blameless  person  of  him. 

However,  that  the  History  may  not  altogether  want  a 
Subscription,  the  Author,  finding  it  a  Custome  among  the 
Christian  Writers  of  the  Orient,  when  they  have  written  a 
Treatise,  to  Subscribe  it  after  this  manner:  Scriptum  per  Servum 
vilem  pauperem,  omnibus  Justitiis  privatum,  peccatorem  magis 
quam  omnis  Caro;  Or,  Scripsit  hoc  pauper  N.  N.  Or,  Est 
Scriptura  servi  pauperis,  et  qui  Benevolentia  Dei  indiget,  et 
miserationihusf  he  will  accordingly  Subscribe  himself.  The 
Chief  of  Sinners.  Nevertheless,  he  will  humbly  Lay  claim 
to  the  Words  used  by  the  Nameless  Author  of  a  Treatise 
Entituled,  The  Faithful  Steward',  "Tho'  I  am  worse  than  they 
speak  of  me,  who  cast  Disgrace  upon  me,  and  I  can  Espy 
Ten  Faults  in  my  self,  where  they  can  discern  One;  yet  I  can, 
thro'  Grace,  Appeal  to  Thee,  0  Lord,  with  some  Comfort, 
that  I  am  Displeased  with  my  self  for  my  Sins,  and  would 
fain  please  Thee  in  all  Things,  at  all  Times,  in  all  places,  and 
in  every  Condition." 

^  "Perhaps  I  may  have  incurred  this  one  fault." 

"  "Written  by  a  poor  mean  slave  lacking  all  righteousness,  and  a  greater 
sinner  than  all  other  flesh,"  or,  "Written  by  poor  N.  N.,"  or,  "Written  by  a 
poor  slave  who  needs  the  pity  and  loving  kindness  of  God." 



Twenty  Three  Years  have  Rolled  away  since  the  Nations 
of  Indians  within  the  Confines  of  New  England,  generally 
began  a  fierce  War  upon  the  English  Inhabitants  of  that 
Country.  The  Flame  of  War  then  Raged  thro'  a  great  part 
of  the  Country,  whereby  many  whole  Towns  were  Laid  in 
Ashes,  and  many  Lives  were  Sacrificed.  But  in  little  more 
than  one  years  Time,  the  United  Colonies  of  Plymouth,  Massa- 
chusetts, and  Connecticut,  with  their  United  Endeavours, 
bravely  Conquered  the  Salvages.  The  Evident  Hand  of 
Heaven  appearing  on  the  Side  of  a  people  whose  Hope  and 
Help  was  alone  in  the  Almighty  Lord  of  Hosts,  Extinguished 
whole  Nations  of  the  Salvages  at  such  a  rate,  that  there  can 
hardly  any  of  them  now  be  found  under  any  Distinction  upon 
the  face  of  the  Earth.  Onely  the  Fate  of  our  Northern  and 
Eastern  Regions  in  that  War  was  very  different  from  that  of 
the  rest.  The  Desolations  of  the  War  had  overwhelmed  all 
the  Settlements  to  the  North-East  of  Wells.^  And  when  the 
Time  arrived,  that  all  hands  were  weary  of  the  War,  a  sort  of 
a  Peace  was  patched  up,  which  Left  a  Body  of  Indians,  not 
only  with  Horrible  Murders  Unrevenged,  but  also  in  the  pos- 
session of  no  little  part  of  the  Countrey,  with  circumstances 
which  the  English  might  think  not  very  Honourable.  Upon 
this  Peace  the  English  returned  unto  their  Plantations;  their 
Number  increased;  they  Stock'd  their  Farms,  and  Sow'd 
their  Fields;  they  found  the  Air  as  Healthful,  as  the  Earth 
was  Fruitful;  their  Lumber  and  their  Fishery  became  a  con- 
siderable Merchandize;  continual  Accessions  were  made  unto 

^  In  the  western  part  of  the  coast  of  Maine. 


them,  until  Ten  or  a  Dozen  Towns  in  the  Province  of  Main, 
and  the  County  of  Cornwall,^  were  suddenly  Started  up  into 
something  of  Observation. 

But  in  the  Year  1688,  the  Indians  which  dwelt  after  the 
Indian  manner  among  them.  Commenced  another  War  upon 
these  Plantations  which  hath  broke  them  up,  and  strangely 
held  us  in  play  for  Ten  Years  together.  In  these  Ten  Years 
there  hath  been  a  variety  of  Remarkable  Occurrences;  and 
because  I  have  supposed  that  a  Relation  of  those  Occurrences 
may  be  Acceptable  and  Profitable  to  some  of  my  Country  men, 
I  shall  now  with  aU  Faithfulness  Endeavour  it.  With  all 
Faithfulness,  I  say;  because  tho'  there  should  happen  any 
Circumstantial  Mistake  in  our  Story,  (for  'tis  a  rare  thing  for 
any  Two  men  concern'd  in  the  same  Action,  to  give  the  Story 
of  it  without  some  Circumstantial  Difference)  yet  even  this 
also  I  shall  be  willing  to  Retract  and  Correct,  if  there  be  found 
any  just  occasion:  But  for  any  one  Material  Error  in  the 
whole  Composure,  I  challenge  the  most  Sagacious  Malice 
upon  Earth  to  detect  it,  while  matters  are  yet  so  fresh  as  to 
allow  the  Detection  of  it.  I  disdain  to  make  the  Apology 
once  made  by  the  Roman  Historian,  Nemo  Historicus  non 
aliquid  mentitus,  et  habiturus  sum  mendaciorum  Comites,  quos 
Historice  et  eloquentiw  miramur  Authores?  No,  I  will  write 
with  an  Irreproachable  and  Incontestable  Veracity;  and  I 
will  write  not  one  Thing  but  what  I  am  furnished  with  so 
good  Authority  for,  that  any  Reasonable  man,  who  will  please 
to  Examine  it,  shall  say,  I  do  well  to  insert  it  as  I  do:  And  I 
will  hope  that  my  reader  hath  not  been  Studying  of  Godefridus 
de  Valle's  book,  De  arte  nihil  Credendi;  About  The  Art  of 
Believing  Nothing.^  Wherefore  having  at  the  very  Begin- 
ning thus  given  such  a  Knock  upon  thy  Head,  0  Malice,  that 
thou  canst  never  with  Reason  Hiss  at  our  History,  we  will 
proceed  unto  the  several  Articles  of  it. 

^  The  region  from  the  Kennebec  to  the  St.  Croix  (eastern  Maine),  included 
in  the  patent  of  Charles  II.  to  the  Duke  of  York,  his  brother,  had  been  erected  by 
the  latter  into  the  county  of  Cornwall. 

'"There  is  no  historian  without  some  falsehood  and  I  shall  have  for  com- 
panions in  mendacity  writers  whom  all  admire  as  models  of  historic  truth  and 

'  Geoffroi  Vallee,  sieur  de  la  Planchette,  sceptical  writer,  executed  at  Paris 
in  1574. 


Article  I. 
The  Occasion  and  Beginning  of  the  War. 

If  Diodorus  Siculus  had  never  given  it  as  a  great  Rule  of 
History,  Historian  primum  Studium,  primariaq'  consideratio 
esse  videtur,  insoliti  gravisq^  Casus  principio  causas  investigare,^ 
Yet  my  Reader  would  have  expected  that  I  should  Begin  the 
History  of  our  War,  with  an  History  of  the  Occurrences  and 
Occasions  which  did  Begin  the  War.  Now,  Reader,  I  am  at 
the  very  first  fallen  upon  a  Difficult  Point;  and  I  am  in  danger 
of  pulling  a  War  upon  my  self,  by  Endeavouring  of  thy  Satis- 
faction. In  Truth,  I  had  rather  be  called  a  Coward,  than 
undertake  my  self  to  Determine  the  Truth  in  this  matter; 
but  having  Armed  my  self  with  some  good  Authority  for  it, 
I  will  Transcribe  Two  or  Three  Reports  of  the  matter,  now  in 
my  Hands,  and  Leave  it  unto  thy  own  Determination. 

One  Account  I  have  now  lying  by  me,  Written  by  a  Gentle- 
man of  Dover,^  in  these  Terms. 

The  Eastern  Indians,  and  especially  those  of  Saco  and  Ammo- 
noscoggin,  pretend  many  Reasons  for  the  late  Quarrel  against  the 
English,  which  began  this  long  and  bloody  War. 

1.  Because  the  English  refused  to  pay  that  yearly  Tribute  of 
Corn,  agreed  upon  in  the  Articles  of  Peace  formerly  concluded  with 
them  by  the  English  Commissioners. 

2.  Because  they  were  Invaded  in  their  Fishery,  at  Saco  River, 
by  certain  Gentlemen,  who  stop'd  the  Fish  from  coming  up  the  River 
with  their  Nets  and  Sains.  This  they  were  greatly  Affronted  at, 
saying,  They  thought  (though  the  English  had  got  away  their  Lands 
as  they  had,  yet)  the  Fishery  of  the  Rivers  had  been  a  priviledge  Re- 
served Entire  unto  themselves. 

3.  Because  they  were  Abused  by  the  English,  in  Suffering,  if 
not  Turning,  their  Cattel  over  to  a  certain  Island  to  destroy  their 

4.  But  the  Fourth  and  Main  provocation  was.  The  Granting  or 
Pattenting  of  their  Lands  to  some  English;  at  which  they  were  greatly 

1  "The  first  object  and  primary  consideration  of  history  seems  to  be  the 
investigation  of  the  original  causes  of  great  and  unusual  happenings." 
*  Rev.  John  Pike. 


Enraged,  threatning  the  Surveyor  to  knock  him  on  the  Head  if  he 
came  to  lay  out  any  Lands  there. 

5.  To  these  may  be  added  the  Common  Abuses  in  Trading,  viz. 
Drunkenness,  Cheating,  etc.  which  such  as  Trade  much  with  them 
are  seldom  Innocent  of. 

Doubtless  these  Indian  Allegations  may  be  answered  with 
many  English  Vindications.  But  I  shall  at  present  Inter- 
meddle no  further  than  to  offer  another  Account,  which  also 
I  have  in  my  Hands,  written  by  a  Gentleman  of  Casco.^  It 
runs  in  such  terms  as  these. 

Many  were  the  Outrages  and  Insultings  of  the  Indians  upon  the 
English,  while  Sir  E.  A.^  was  Governour.  At  North-Yarmouth, 
and  other  places  at  the  Eastward,  the  Indians  killed  sundry  Cattel, 
came  into  Houses,  and  threatned  to  knock  the  people  on  the  Head; 
and  at  several  Times  gave  out  Reports  that  they  would  make  a  War 
upon  the  English,  and  that  they  were  animated  to  do  so  by  the 
French.  The  Indians  behaving  themselves  so  insultingly,  gave  just 
occasion  of  great  suspicion.  In  order  for  the  finding  out  the  Truth, 
and  to  Endeavour  the  preventing  of  a  War,  Capt.  Blackman,' 
Justice  of  Peace,  with  some  of  the  Neighbourhood  of  Saco  River, 
Seized  several  Indians  that  had  been  bloody  murderous  Rogues  in 
the  first  Indian  War,  being  the  chief  Ring-Leaders,  and  most  capable 
to  do  mischief.  The  said  Capt.  Blackman  Seized  to  the  Number  of 
between  Sixteen  and  Twenty,  in  order  for  their  Examination,  and  to 
bring  in  the  rest  to  a  Treaty.  The  said  Blackman  soon  sent  the  said 
Indians  with  a  Good  Guard  to  Falmouth*  in  Casco-bay,  there  to 
be  Secured,  until  orders  could  come  from  Boston  concerning  them. 
And  in  the  mean  Time  the  said  Indians  were  well  provided  with  Pro- 
visions and  Suitable  Necessaries.  The  rest  of  the  Indians  Robb'd 
the  English,  and  took  some  English  Prisoners:  Whereupon  Post  was 
sent  to  Boston.  Sir  Edmond  Andross  being  at  New- York,  the 
Gentlemen  of  Boston  sent  to  Falmouth  some  Souldiers  for  the  De- 
fence of  the  Country,  and  also  the  Worshipful  Mr.  Stoughton,^ 
with  others,  to  Treat  with  the  Indians  in  order  for  the  Settling  of  a 
Peace,  and  getting  in  of  our  English  Captives.  As  soon  as  the  said 
Gentlemen  arrived  to  the  East-ward,  they  sent  away  one  of  the 
Indian  Prisoners  to  the  rest  of  the  Indians,  to  Summon  them  to  bring 

*  Rev.  Shubael  Dummer,  of  York,  Maine. 

'  Sir  EdmuBd  Andros.    North  Yarmouth  is  in  Maine. 

3  Benjamin  Blackman.  *  Near  and  in  Portland,  Maine. 

^  William  Stoughton,  lieutenant-governor  of  Massachusetts. 


in  the  English  they  had  taken;  Also  that  their  Sachims  should  come 
in  to  treat  with  the  English,  in  order  that  a  Just  Satisfaction  should 
be  made  on  both  sides.  The  Gentlemen  waited  the  Return  of  the 
Indian  Messenger;  and  when  he  Returned  he  brought  Answer,  That 
they  would  meet  our  English  at  a  place  called  Macquoit,i  and  there 
they  would  bring  in  the  English  Captives,  and  Treat  with  the  English. 
And  although  the  place  appointed  by  the  Indians  for  the  Meeting 
was  some  Leagues  distant  from  Falmouth,  yet  our  English  Gentlemen 
did  condescend  to  it,  in  hope  of  getting  in  our  Captives,  and  putting 
a  stop  to  further  Trouble.  They  Dispatch'd  away  to  the  place,  and 
carried  the  Indian  Prisoners  with  them,  and  staid  at  the  place  ap- 
pointed, expecting  the  coming  of  the  Indians  that  had  promised  a 
Meeting.  But  they,  like  false  perfidious  Rogues,  did  not  appear. 
Without  doubt  they  had  been  counselled  what  to  do  by  the  French 
and  their  Abettors,  as  the  Indians  did  declare  afterwards;  and  that 
they  were  near  the  place,  and  saw  our  English  that  were  to  Treat 
with  them,  but  would  not  shew  themselves;  but  did  Endeavour  to 
take  an  Opportunity  to  Destroy  our  English  that  were  to  Treat  [with] 
them.  Such  was  their  Treachery!  Our  Gentlemen  staid  days  to 
wait  their  coming;  but  seeing  they  did  not  appear  at  the  place  ap- 
pointed, they  Returned  to  Falmouth,  and  brought  the  Indian  Pris- 
oners, expecting  that  the  other  Indians  would  have  sent  down  some 
Reason  why  they  did  not  appear  at  the  place  appointed,  and  to  make 
some  excuse  for  themselves.  But  instead  of  any  compliance,  they 
fell  upon  North  Yarmouth,  and  there  kill'd  several  of  our  English. 
Whereupon  the  Eastern  parts  were  ordered  to  get  into  Garrisons,  and 
to  be  upon  their  Guard  until  further  Orders  from  Sir  Edmond  Andros; 
and  that  the  Indian  Prisoners  should  be  sent  to  Boston,  which  was 
done  with  great  care,  and  not  one  of  them  hurt;  and  care  taken  daily 
for  provision.  But  Sir  E.  A.  Returning  from  New- York,  set  them  all 
at  Liberty;  not  so  much  as  taking  care  to  Redeem  those  of  our  Eng- 
lish for  them,  that  were  in  their  hands.  I  had  kept  one  at  Falmouth 
a  Prisoner,  to  be  a  Guide  into  the  Woods  for  our  English,  to  find  out 
the  Haunts  of  our  Heathen  Enemies.  But  Sir  E.  A.  sent  an  Express 
to  me,  that  upon  my  utmost  peril  I  should  set  the  said  Indian  at 
Liberty,  and  take  care  that  all  the  Arms  that  were  taken  from  him, 
and  all  the  rest  of  those  Capt.  Blackman  had  seized,  should  be  de- 
livered up  to  them,  without  any  Orders  to  Receive  the  like  of  ours 
from  them. 

It  will  be  readily  Acknowledged,  that  here  was  enough  done 
to  render  the  Indians  Inexcusable  for  not  coming  in  upon  the 

*  In  Freeport,  Maine. 


Proclamation,  which  Sir  Edmond  Andros,  then  Governour 
of  New-England,  immediately  Emitted  thereupon,  requiring 
them  to  Surrender  the  Murderers  now  among  them.  A  Span- 
iard, that  was  a  Souldier,  would  say.  That  if  we  have  a  good 
Cause,  the  smell  of  Gunpowder  in  the  Field  is  as  sweet  as  the 
Incense  at  the  Altar.  Let  the  Reader  judge  after  these  things, 
what  scent  there  was  in  the  Gunpowder  spent  for  Nine  or  Ten 
years  together  in  our  War  with  the  Indian  Salvages. 

Now  that  while  we  are  upon  this  Head,  we  may  at  once  dis- 
patch it;  I  will  unto  these  two  Accounts  add  certain  passages 
of  one  more,  which  was  published  in  September,  1689. 

Such  were  the  Obscure  Measures  taken  at  that  Time  of  Day, 
that  the  Rise  of  this  War  hath  been  as  dark  as  that  of  the  River  Nilus; 
only  the  Generality  of  Thinking  People  through  the  Country  can 
Remember  When  and  Where  every  one  did  foretel  A  War.  If  any 
Wild  English  (for  there  are  such  as  well  as  of  another  nation)  did  then 
Begin  to  Provoke  and  Affront  the  Indians,  yet  those  Indians  had  a 
fairer  way  to  come  by  Right  than  that  of  Bloodshed,  nothing  worthy 
of,  or  calling  for,  any  Such  Revenge  was  done  unto  them.  The  most 
Injured  of  them  all,  (if  there  were  any  Such)  were  afterwards  dis- 
missed by  the  English  with  Favours,  that  were  then  Admirable  even 
to  Our  selves;  and  These  too,  instead  of  Surrendring  the  Persons,  did 
increase  the  Numbers  of  the  Murderers.  But  upon  the  Revolution 
of  the  Government  (April,  1689.)  the  State  of  the  War  became  wholly 
New:  and  we  are  more  arrived  unto  Righteousness  as  the  Light,  and 
Justice  as  the  Noon  day.  A  great  Sachem  of  the  East  we  then  im- 
mediately Applied  our  selves  unto,  and  with  no  small  Expences  to 
our  selves,  we  Engaged  Him  to  Employ  his  Interest  for  a  Good 
Understanding  between  us,  and  the  party  of  Indians  then  in  Hostility 
against  us.  This  was  the  Likely,  the  Only  way  of  coming  at  those 
Wandring  Salvages:  But  That  very  Sachem  now  treacherously  of  an 
Embassador  became  a  Traitor,  and  annexed  himself  with  his  People 
to  the  Heard  of  our  Enemies,  which  have  since  been  Ravaging,  Pil- 
laging and  Murdering,  at  a  rate  which  we  ought  to  count  Intolerable. 
The  Penacook  Indians,^  of  whom  we  were  Jealous,  we  likewise 
Treated  with;  and  while  we  were  by  our  Kindnesses  and  Courtesies 
Endeavouring  to  render  them  utterly  Inexcusable,  if  ever  they 

*  The  Peimacook  Indians  were  a  part  of  the  Abenakis,  a  term  covering 
practically  all  the  Indians  from  the  Kennebec  to  the  St.  John  Rivers.  The  Penna- 
cooks  occupied  a  region  on  the  Merrimac  River,  the  present  region  of  Concord 
and  Manchester,  New  Hampshire. 


sought  our  Harm;  Even  Then,  did  Those  also  by  some  Evil  Instiga- 
tion, (the  Devils,  no  doubt !)  quickly  Surprize  a  Plantation  where  they 
had  been  Civilly  treated  a  Day  or  Two  before,  and  Commit  at  once 
more  Plunder  and  Murder  than  can  be  heard  with  patience.^ 

Reader,  Having  so  placed  these  Three  Accounts  as  to  de- 
fend my  Teeth,  I  think  I  may  safely  proceed  with  our  Story. 
But  because  Tacitus  teaches  us  to  distinguish  between  the  meer 
Occasions  and  the  real  Causes  of  a  War,  it  may  be  some  will 
go  a  little  Higher  up  in  their  Enquiries:  They  will  Enquire 
whether  no  body  seized  a  parcel  of  Wines  that  were  Landed 
at  a  French  Plantation  to  the  East  ward?  Whether  an  Order 
were  not  obtained  from  the  King  of  England,  at  the  Instance 
of  the  French  Embassador,  to  Restore  these  Wines?  Whether 
upon  the  Vexation  of  this  Order,  we  none  of  us  ran  a  New  Line 
for  the  Bounds  of  the  Province?  Whether  we  did  not  contrive 
our  New  Line  so  as  to  take  in  the  Country  of  Monsieur  St. 
Casteen?  Whether  Monsieur  St.  Casteen,  flying  from  our 
Encroachments,  we  did  not  seize  upon  his  Arms  and  Goods, 
and  bring  them  away  to  Pemmaquid?  And  Who  were  the  We 
which  did  these  things?  And  whether  the  Indians,  who  were 
Extremely  under  the  Influence  of  St.  Casteen,  that  had  Mar- 
ried a  Sagamore's  Daughter  among  them,  did  not  from  this 
very  Moment  begin  to  be  obstreperous?  And  whether  all  the 
Sober  English  in  the  Country  did  not  from  this  very  Moment 
foretel  a  War?  But  for  any  Answer  to  all  these  Enquiries  I 
will  be  my  self  a  Tacitus.^ 

Article  II. 

The  first  Acts  of  Hostility  between  the  Indians  and  the  English. 

When  one  Capt.  Sargeant'  had  Seized  some  of  the  prin- 
cipal Indians  about  Saco  by  order  of  Justice  Blackman,  pres- 

1  From  Mather's  own  sermon,  Souldiers  Counselled  and  Comforted  (Bos- 
ton, 1689),  pp.  29-31. 

2 1,  e.,  "I  will  be  silent."  Jean  Vincent  de  I'Abadie,  baron  de  St.  Castin,  was 
a  Frenchman,  who  had  established  himself  among  the  Indians,  on  the  east  side 
of  the  Penobscot  near  its  mouth,  at  the  place  now  called  Castine,  Maine.  Re- 
mains of  his  fort  can  still  be  seen  there.  Andros  dispossessed  him  in  the  spring 
of  1688. 

2  Peter  Sargent. 


ently  the  Indians  fell  to  Seizing  as  many  of  the  English,  as 
they  could  catch.  Capt.  Rowden,  with  many  more,  in  one 
place,  and  Capt.  Gendal,^  with  sundry  more,  in  another  place, 
particularly  fell  into  the  Hands  of  these  desperate  Man- 
catchers.  Rowden,  with  many  of  his  Folks,  never  got  out  of 
their  Cruel  Hands;  but  Gendal,  with  his,  got  a  Release,  one 
can  scarce  tell.  How,  upon  the  Return  of  those  which  had  been 
detained  in  Boston.  Hitherto  there  was  no  Spilling  of  Blood! 
But  some  Time  in  September  following,  this  Capt.  Gendal 
went  up,  with  Soldiers  and  others,  to  a  place  above  Casco, 
called  North  Yarmouth,  having  Orders  to  build  Stockados  on 
both  sides  the  River,  for  Defence  of  the  place,  in  case  of  any 
Sudden  Invasion.  While  they  were  at  work,  an  English  Cap- 
tive came  to  'em  with  Information,  that  Seventy  or  Eighty  of 
the  Enemy  were  just  coming  upon  'em;  and  he  advised  'em. 
To  yield  quietly,  that  they  might  Save  their  Lives.  The  Sol- 
diers that  went  thither  from  the  Southward  being  terrifyed  at 
this  Report,  Ran  with  an  Hasty  Terror  to  get  over  the  River; 
but  with  more  Hast  than  good  speed;  for  they  ran  directly 
into  the  Hands  of  the  Indians.  The  Indians  dragging  along 
these  their  Prisoners  with  'em,  came  up  towards  the  Casconians; 
who,  having  but  a  very  Little  Time  to  Consult,  yet  in  this 
Time  Resolved;  First,  That  they  would  not  be  Siezed  by  the 
Salvages:  Next,  That  they  would  free  their  Friends  out  of  the 
Hands  of  the  Salvages,  if  it  were  possible;  Thirdly,  That  if  it 
were  possible  they  would  use  all  other  Force  upon  the  Salvages, 
without  coming  to  down  right  Fight.  Accordingly  They  laid 
hold  on  their  Neighbours,  whom  the  Salvages  had  Siezed,  and 
this  with  so  much  Dexterity  that  they  cleared  them  all.  Except 
one  or  Two;  whereof  the  whole  Number  was  about  a  Dozen. 
But  in  the  Scuffle  one  Sturdy  and  Surly  Indian  held  his  prey 
so  fast,  that  one  Benedict  Pulcifer  gave  the  Mastiff  a  Blow 
with  the  Edge  of  his  Broad  Ax  upon  the  Shoulder,  upon  which 
they  fell  to't  with  a  Vengeance,  and  Fired  their  Guns  on  both 
sides,  till  some  on  both  sides  were  Slain.  These  were,  as  one 
may  call  them,  the  Scower-pit  of  a  long  War  to  follow.  At 
last,  the  EngHsh  Victoriously  chased  away  the  Salvages,  and 
Returned  safely  unto  the  other  side  of  the  River.  And  Thus 
was  the  Vein  of  New-England  first  opened,  that  afterwards 

1  Walter  Gendell. 


Bled  for  Ten  years  together!  ^  The  Skirmish  being  over, 
Captain  Gendal  in  the  Evening  passed  over  the  River  in  a 
Canoo,  with  none  but  a  Servant ;  but  Landing  where  the  Enemy- 
lay  hid  in  the  Bushes,  they  were  both  Slain  immediately.  And 
the  same  Evening,  one  Ryal,^  with  another  man,  fell  unawares 
into  the  Hands  of  the  Enemy;  Ryal  was  afterwards  Ransomed 
by  Monsieur  St.  Casteen,  but  the  other  man,  was  barbarously 
Butchered.  Soon  after  this,  the  Enemy  went  Eastward  unto 
a  place  call'd  Merry-Meeting,  (from  the  Concourse  of  divers 
Rivers  there)^  where  several  English  had  a  Sad-Meeting  with 
them;  for  they  were  killed  several  of  them  even  in  Cold  Blood, 
after  the  Indians  had  Seized  upon  their  Houses  and  their 
Persons.  And  about  this  Time,  the  Town  call'd  Sheepscote 
was  entered  by  these  Rapacious  Wolves,  who  burnt  aU  the 
Houses  of  the  Town,  save  Two  or  Three.  The  People  saved 
themselves  by  getting  into  the  Fort,  aU  but  one  Man,  who 
going  out  of  the  Fort,  for  to  Treat  with  'em,  was  Treacherously 
Assassinated.  Thus  the  place,  which  was  counted.  The  Garden 
of  the  East,  was  infested  by  Serpents;  and  a  Sword  Expell'd 
the  poor  Inhabitants.  Little  more  Spoil  was  done  by  the 
Salvages  before  Winter,  Except  only,  that  a  place  called  Kenne- 
bunk,  near  Winter-harbour,  they  cut  off  Two  Families,  to  wit, 
Barrows,  and  Bussies;  but  Winter  coming  on,  the  Serpents 
retired  into  their  Holes.  When  Summer  comes.  Reader,  look 
for  Tornadoes  enough  to  overset  a  greater  Vessel,  than  little 

Aeticle  III. 

The  First  Expedition  of  the  English  against  the  Indians. 

When  the  Keeper  of  the  Wild  Beasts,  at  Florence,  has 
entertain'd  the  Spectators  with  their  Encounters  on  the  Stage, 

1  Other  writers  date  this  attack  on  North  Yarmouth  in  July,  1688,  and  as 
Mather  refers  to  the  attack  upon  Sheepscot  a  little  later  as  occurring  on  Sep- 
tember 5  the  date  given  here  is  probably  too  late. 

'  John  Royall  or  Royal. 

s  Merrymeeting  Bay  is  in  the  Kennebec  River,  where  the  Androscoggin  flows 
into  it,  just  above  Bath.  The  Sheepscot  Falls  settlement  was  at  the  head  of 
tidewater  on  the  Sheepscot  River,  a  few  miles  above  Wiscasset.  Winter  Harbor 
was  Saco. 


he  has  this  Device  to  make  'em  Retire  into  the  several  Dens 
of  their  Seraglio.  He  has  a  fearful  Machin  of  Wood,  made  like 
a  Great  Green  Dragon,  which  a  man  within  it  rouls  upon 
Wheels,  and  holding  out  a  Couple  of  Lighted  Torches  at  the 
Eyes  of  it,  frights  the  fiercest  Beast  of  them  all  into  the  Cell 
that  belongs  unto  him.  Sir  Edmond  Andros,  the  Governour 
of  New-England,  that  he  might  Express  his  Resolutions,  to 
force  the  Wild  Beasts  of  the  East  into  order,  in  the  Winter 
now  coming  on,  turned  upon  them  as  Effectual  a  Machin  as 
the  Green  Dragon  of  Florence;  that  is  to  say.  An  Army  of 
near  a  Thousand  men.^  With  this  Army  he  marched  him- 
self in  Person  into  the  Caucasaean  Regions,  where  he  built  a 
Fort  at  Pemmaquid,  and  another  Fort  at  Pechypscot  Falls, 
besides  the  Fort  at  Sheepscote.  He,  and  his  Army  underwent 
no  httle  Hardship,  thus  in  the  Depth  of  Winter  to  Expose 
themselves  unto  the  Circumstances  of  a  Campaign,  in  all  the 
Bleak  Winds  and  Thick  Snows  of  that  Northern  Country. 
But  it  was  Hop'd  That  Good  Forts  being  thus  Garrison'd  with 
Stout  Hearts  in  several  Convenient  places,  the  Indians  might 
be  kept  from  their  usual  Retreats,  both  for  Planting  and  for 
Fishing,  and  lye  open  also  to  perpetual  Incursions  from  the 
English,  in  the  fittest  seasons  thereof:  and  it  was  Thought  by 
the  most  sensible,  this  method  would  in  a  little  while  compel 
the  Enemy  to  Submit  unto  any  Terms:  albeit  others  consider- 
ing the  Vast  Woods  of  the  WHdemess,  and  the  French  on  the 
back  of  these  Woods,  fancied  that  this  was  but  a  project  to 
Hedge  in  the  Cuckow.  However,  partly  the  Army,  and  partly 
the  Winter,  frighted  the  salvages  into  their  Inaccessible  Dens: 
and  yet  not  one  of  the  Indians  was  killed;  but  Sickness  and 
Service  kill'd  it  may  be  more  of  our  English,  than  there  were 
Indians  then  in  Hostility  against  them.  The  News  of  matters 
approaching  towards  a  Revolution  in  England,  caused  the 
Governor  to  Return  unto  Boston  in  the  Spring,^  and  upon  his 
Return,  there  fell  out  several  odd  Events,  with  Rumours, 
whereof  I  have  now  nothing  to  say,  but,  that  I  love  my  eyes 

*  Andros  set  out  in  November,  1688.  Other  estimates  place  the  number  of 
the  army  at  700.  His  fort  at  Pemaquid  was  a  mere  stockade,  which  Phips  in 
1692  replaced  by  an  extensive  stone  fort,  still  largely  remaining.  Pechypscot 
(Pejebscot)  is  now  Brunswick,  Maine, 

^  He  returned  to  Boston  toward  the  end  of  March. 


too  well,  to  mention  them.^  Some  of  the  Soldiers  took  Ad- 
vantage from  the  Absence  of  the  Governor  to  desert  their 
Stations  in  the  Army;  and  tho'  this  Action  was  by  Good  men 
generally  condemned,  as  an  Evil  Action,  yet  their  Friends 
began  to  gather  together  here  and  there  in  Little  Bodies  to 
protect  them  from  the  Governor,  concerning  whom,  abmidance 
of  odd  Stories  then  buzz'd  about  the  Country,  made  'em  to 
imagine,  that  he  had  carried  'em  out  only  to  Sacrifice  'em. 
Some  of  the  principal  Gentlemen  in  Boston,  consulting  what 
was  to  be  done,  in  this  Extraordinary  Juncture,  They  Agreed, 
that  altho'  New-England  had  as  much  to  Justifie  a  Revolution 
as  old,  yet  they  would,  if  it  were  possible,  extinguish  all  Essays 
in  the  people,  towards  an  Insurrection;  in  daily  hopes  of 
Orders  from  England  for  our  Safety:  but  that  if  the  Country 
people,  by  any  unrestrainable  Violences  pushed  the  business 
on  so  far,  as  to  make  a  Revolution  unavoidable.  Then  to  pre- 
vent the  Shedding  of  Blood  by  an  ungoverned  Mobile,  some 
of  the  Gentlemen  present,  should  appear  at  the  Head  of  it, 
with  a  Declaration  2  accordingly  prepared.  He  that  Reads 
the  Narrative  of  Grievances  under  the  Male  Administrations 
of  the  Government  then  Tyranizing,  Written  and  Signed  by 
the  Chief  Gentlemen  of  the  Governour's  Council,  will  not 
wonder  at  it,  that  a  Revolution  was  now  rendered  indeed  un- 
avoidable. It  was  a  Government  whereof  Ned  Randolph,  a 
Bird  of  their  own  Feather,  confess'd  as  we  find  in  one  of  his 
published  Letters,  That  they  were  as  Arbitrary  as  the  Great 
Turk.  And  for  such  a  Government  a  better  Similitude  cannot 
perhaps  be  thought  on,  than  that  of  Mons.  Souligne;  'Tis  like 
the  Condition  of  persons  possessed  with  Evil  Spirits,  which 
will  go  an  Hundred  Leagues  in  less  time  than  others  can  Ten; 
but  at  the  Journeys  End  find  themselves  to  be  so  Bruised  that 
they  never  can  Recover  it.  The  Revolution  (and  ye  Tories, 
a  Just  one)  was  accordingly  Made  on  the  Eighteenth  of  April, 
which  their  Majesties,  then  happily  Seated  on  the  British 
Throne,  kindly  Accepted  and  Approved.    The  Governor  and 

*  There  was  a  rumor  that  in  ease  of  an  uprising  in  favor  of  William  and 
Mary,  Andros  had  been  instructed  to  turn  New  England  over  to  the  French. 

2  This  "declaration,"  issued  in  April,  1689,  is  generally  considered  to  have 
been  prepared  by  Cotton  Mather  himself  and  probably  some  time  before  this 
date.    In  the  revolution  which  followed,  Andros  was  deposed. 


Magistrates  of  the  Massachusets-Colony,  which  were  in  power 
Three  years  and  Half  before,  (a  period  often  observed!)  did 
some  Time  after  this  Resume  their  places,  and  apply  them- 
selves to  such  Acts  of  Government,  as  Emergencies  made  neces- 
sary for  them.  Fortified  with  a  Letter  from  the  King  to  Au- 
thorize and  Empower  them  in  their  Administrations.  Thus 
they  waited  for  further  Directions  from  the  Authority  of  Eng- 
land, and  such  a  Settlement  as  would  most  Conduce  (which 
were  the  words  of  the  King's  Letter,  bearing  Date  Aug.  12, 
1689.)  to  the  Security  and  Satisfaction  of  the  Subjects  in  that 

Article  IV. 

A  Flame  Spreading,  upon  the  best  Endeavours  to  Quench  it. 

It  was  hop'd  the  War  would  now  come  to  an  Immediate 
End;  but  the  Great  God  who  Creates  that  Evil,  had  further 
Intentions  to  Chastise  a  Sinful  People,  by  those  who  are  not 
a  People.  The  Government  sent  Capt.  Greenleaf,^  to  treat 
with  the  Indians  at  Penacook,^  who  answered  him  with  fair 
pretences  and  Promises  of  Amity.  They  procured  an  Inter- 
view, with  some  of  the  more  Eastern  Sagamores,  who  not  only 
promised  Friendship  themselves,  but  also  undertook  to  make 
our  Enemies  become  our  Friends.  They  sent  unto  the  Sol- 
diers, yet  remaining  at  Pammaquid  for  to  keep  their  Post, 
Engaging  to  them  that  they  should  not  want  their  Pay.  But 
all  this  care,  was  defeated  by  Methods  of  Mischiefs  too  deep 
for  our  present  penetration.  The  Salvages  began  to  Renew 
their  Hostilities  at  Saco  Falls,  in  the  Beginning  of  April,  on  a 
Lord's  day  morning,  some  while  before  the  Revolution.  The 
Penacook  Indians  were  all  this  while  peaceably  Conversant 
at  Quochecho;  and  so  long  as  that  Conversation  continued, 
the  Inhabitants  were  very  Secure  of  any  Danger,  not  only 
from  those  Cut-throats,  but  also  from  their  Brethren.  Happy 
had  it  been  for  those  Honest  People,  if  their  Fear  had  made  so 
much  Haste  as  my  Pen  has  done,  to  call  'em  Cut-throats  I 

1  Probably  Enoch  Greenleaf. 

2  Pennacook  was  at  Rumford  or  Concord,  New  Hampshire. 


For  the  Penacookian  joining  with  the  Saconian  Indians,  hov- 
ered about  Quochecho/  where  one  Mesandowit,  a  Sagamore, 
being  that  Night  kindly  Entertained  by  Major  Richard  Wal- 
dein,  horribly  betray'd  his  kind  Host,  with  the  Neighbours, 
into  the  hands  of  Murderers.  Above  an  Hundred,  some  say 
Five  Hundred  of  the  Indians,  about  break  of  Day  having  Sur- 
prized the  Secure  and  Silent  English,  they  particularly  rushed 
into  the  Garrison  of  the  Generous  Major,  which  was  by  Simon 
Mesandowit  (for  bestowing  a  Heathen  Name  upon  him,  we 
now  call  him  so,)  opened  for  them,  and  having  first  barbarously 
Murthered  the  Old  Gentleman,  who  was  Equivalent  unto 
Two  and  Twenty,  then  they  Murdered  Two  and  Twenty 
more,  and  Captived  Nine  and  Twenty  of  the  People;  burn't 
four  or  five  of  the  best  Houses,  took  much  Plunder,  and  so 
drew  off;  but  kill'd  Mr.  John  Broughton  in  their  drawing  off: 
while  Mr.  John  Emmerson,  a  worthy  Preacher  at  Berwick, 
by  declining  to  lodge  at  the  hospitable  Major's  that  Night, 
when  strongly  Invited,  received  a  remarkable  Deliverance. 
Hereupon  Forces  were  dispatch'd  for  the  Relief  of  what  Re- 
mained in  Quochecho;  Capt.  Noyes  also  with  more  Forces, 
visited  Penacook,  where  though  the  Men  escaped  him,  he 
destroy'd  the  Corn  of  our  New  Enemies:  but  the  Sculking 
Enemies  at  the  same  Time  Slew  several  Persons  at  an  out-farm 
on  the  North-side  of  Merrimack-River.  A  party  of  men  were 
soon  after  sent  out  of  Piscataqua,  under  the  Command  of 
Capt.  Wincal,  who  went  up  to  Winnopisseag  ponds,^  (upon 
Advice  of  one  John  Church,  who  ran  from  them,  that  the 
Indians  were  there)  where  they  kill'd  One  or  Two  of  the  Mon- 
sters they  Hunted  for,  and  cut  down  their  Corn.  Four  young 
men  of  Saco,  desirous  to  join  with  them,  went  into  the  woods 
to  Seek  their  Horses,  and  Found  their  Deaths  by  an  Ambush 
of  Indians.  Twenty-four  Armed  men,  going  forth  from  Saco 
falls,  to  bury  the  Slain,  had  a  brisk  Encounter  with  the  Indians, 
whom  they  pursued  into  a  Vast  Swamp,  until  a  Greater  Num- 
ber of  Indians  pouring  in  upon  them,  obliged  'em,  with  the 
loss  of  about  Five  or  Six  more,  to  retire  from  any  further  Action. 

'■  Dover,  New  Hampshire.  Waldein  is  a  misprint  for  Waldern  (Waldron). 
Major  Richard  Waldron  had  for  years  been  the  principal  man  of  the  Cocheco 
district,  and  had  been  chief  justice  of  New  Hampshire  and  acting  president. 

2  John  Wincol  or  Winkle  of  Portsmouth;  Lake  Winnepiseogee. 


But  before  the  Dogs-dayes  were  out,  there  was  more  Bleeding 
still;  that  prov'd  fatal  to  us.  On  Aug.  2  One  Starky,  going 
early  in  the  Morning  from  the  Fort  at  Pemmaquid  unto  New 
Harbour,  fell  into  the  Hands  of  the  Indians,  who  to  obtain 
his  own  Liberty  informed  Them,  That  the  Fort  had  at  that 
Instant  but  Few  men  in  it :  and  that  one  Mr.  Giles,  with  Four- 
teen men,  was  gone  up  to  his  Farm,  and  the  rest  Scattered 
abroad  about  their  Occasions.  The  Indians  hereupon  divided 
their  Army;  Part  going  up  to  the  Falls,  kill'd  Mr.  Giles,^  and 
others;  Part,  upon  the  Advantage  of  the  Tide,  Snapt  the 
rest,  before  they  could  Recover  the  Fort.  From  a  Rock  near 
the  Fort,  which  inconveniently  overlook'd  it,  the  Assailants 
now  overlook'd  it,  as  over  Lincoln,  and  grievously  galled  the 
Defendants.  Capt.  Weems  had  but  few  with  him,  that  were 
able  to  Fight;  and  his  own  face  was  in  the  Fight,  by  an  Acci- 
dent, horribly  Scorched  with  Gun  Powder.  Wherefore,  the 
day  following,  they  Surrendered  the  Fort,  upon  Capitulations 
for  Life  and  Liberty;  which  yet  the  Indians  broke,  by  Butcher- 
ing and  Captiving  many  of  them.  Capt.  Skyimer  and  Capt. 
Farnham,  repairing  to  the  Fort,  from  an  Island  about  half  a 
Mile  distant  from  it,  were  both  Slain  as  they  Landed  on  the 
Rocks;  and  Mr.  Patishal,^  as  he  lay  with  his  Sloop  in  the 
Barbican,  was  also  taken  and  Slain.  This,  together  with  more 
Spoil  done  by  the  Indians  on  the  English,  at  Sheepscote,  and 
Kennebeck,  and  other  places  East-ward,  caused  the  inhabitants 
to  draw  off  unto  Falmouth  as  fast  as  they  could :  and,  Well  if 
they  could  have  made  Good  their  Standing  there! 


The  Foregoing  Article  of  our  Tragedies  hath  Related  the 
Taking  of  Quochecho !  The  Condition  of  Two  persons,  under 
and  after  the  Fate  of  Quochecho,  may  have  in  it,  an  Entertain- 

1  Thomas  Gyles,  chief  justice  of  the  county  of  Cornwall  under  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Duke  of  York.  His  son  John,  carried  away  captive  at  this  time, 
and  afterward  for  many  years  Indian  interpreter  to  the  Massachusetts  govern- 
ment, was  author  of  one  of  the  most  famous  narratives  of  Indian  captivity. 
Memoirs  of  the  Odd  Adventures,  etc.  (Boston,  1736). 

2  Richard  Pattishall,  a  sea-captain  of  Boston,  who  figures  in  the  Journal 
of  Jasper  Danckaerts,  in  this  series. 


ment  Acceptable  for  some  sort  of  Readers.  It  shall  be  in  this 
place  Reported,  from  the  Communications  of  Mr.  John  Pike, 
the  worthy  Minister  of  Dover,  to  whom  I  have  been  beholden, 
for  Communicating  to  me  many  other  passages  also,  which 
occur  in  this  our  History. 

I.  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Heard,  a  Widow  of  a  Good  Estate,  a 
Mother  of  many  Children,  and  a  Daughter  of  Mr.  Hull,  a 
Reverend  Minister  formerly  Living  at  Piscataqua,  now  lived 
at  Quochecho.  Happening  to  be  at  Portsmouth,  on  the  Day 
before  Quochecho  was  cut  off.  She  Returned  thither  in  the 
Night,  with  one  Daughter  and  Three  Sons,  all  masters  of 
Families.  When  they  came  near  Quochecho,  they  were  aston- 
ished, with  a  prodigious  Noise  of  Indians,  Howling,  Shooting, 
Shouting,  and  Roaring,  according  to  their  manner  in  making 
an  Assault.  Their  Distress  for  their  Families  carried  them 
still  further  up  the  River,  till  they  Secretly  and  Silently  passed 
by  some  Numbers  of  the  Raging  Salvages.  They  Landed 
about  an  Hundred  Rods  from  Major  Waldern's  Garrison;  and 
running  up  the  Hill,  they  saw  many  Lights  in  the  Windows  of 
the  Garrison,  which  they  concluded  the  English  within  had 
set  up,  for  the  Direction  of  those  who  might  seek  Refuge  there. 
Coming  to  the  Gate,  they  desired  entrance;  which  not  being 
readily  granted,  they  called  Earnestly,  and  bounced,  and 
knocked,  and  cried  out  of  their  unkindiiess  within,  that  they 
would  not  open  to  them  in  this  Extremity.  No  Answer  being 
yet  made,  they  began  to  doubt,  whether  all  was  well;  and  one 
of  the  young  men  then  climbing  up  the  wall,  saw  a  horrible 
Tawny  in  the  Entry,  with  a  Gun  in  his  Hand.  A  grievous 
Consternation  Seiz'd  now  upon  them;  and  Mrs.  Heard  sitting 
down  without  the  Gate,  through  Despair  and  Faintness,  un- 
able to  Stir  any  further,  charg'd  her  Children  to  Shift  for  them- 
selves, for  She  must  unavoidably  There  End  her  Days.  They 
finding  it  impossible  to  carry  her  with  them,  with  heavy  hearts 
forsook  her;  but  then  coming  better  to  herself,  she  fled  and 
hid  among  the  Barberry-bushes  in  the  Garden:  and  then 
hastning  from  thence,  because  the  Day-Light  advanced,  She 
sheltered  herself  (though  seen  by  Two  of  the  Indians)  in  a 
Thicket  of  other  Bushes,  about  Thirty  Rods  from  the  House. 
Here  she  had  not  been  long,  before  an  Indian  came  towards 
her,  with  a  Pistol  in  his  Hand:  the  Fellow  came  up  to  her, 


and  Stared  her  in  the  Face,  but  said  nothing  to  her,  nor  she  to 
him.  He  went  a  Httle  way  back,  and  came  again,  and  Stared 
upon  her  as  before,  but  said  nothing;  whereupon  she  asked 
him,  what  he  would  have?  He  stUl  said  nothing,  but  went 
away  to  the  House  Co-hooping,  and  Returned  unto  her  no 
more.  Being  thus  unaccountably  preserved.  She  made  sev- 
eral Essays  to  pass  the  River;  but  found  herself  unable  to  do 
it;  and  finding  all  places  on  that  side  the  River  fill'd  with 
Blood,  and  Fire,  and  hideous  Outcries,  thereupon  she  Return'd 
to  her  old  bush,  and  there  poured  out  her  ardent  Prayers  to 
God  for  help  in  this  Distress.  She  continued  in  the  Bush, 
untn  the  Garrison  was  Burnt,  and  the  Enemy  was  gone;  and 
then  she  Stole  along  by  the  River  side,  until  she  came  to  a 
Boom,  where  she  passed  over.  Many  sad  Effects  of  Cruelty 
she  Saw  left  by  the  Indians  in  her  way;  until  arriving  at  Cap- 
tain Gerish's  Garrison,  she  there  found  a  Refuge  from  the 
Storm;  and  here  she  soon  had  the  Satisfaction  to  understand, 
that  her  own  Garrison,  though  one  of  the  first  that  was  as- 
saulted, had  been  bravely  Defended  and  maintained  against 
the  Adversary.  This  Gentlewoman's  Garrison  was  the  most 
Extream  Frontier  of  the  Province,  and  more  Obnoxious  than 
any  other,  and  more  uncapable  of  Relief;  nevertheless,  by  her 
presence  and  courage,  it  held  out  all  the  War,  even  for  Ten 
Years  together;  and  the  Persons  in  it  have  Enjoy'd  very 
Eminent  preservations.  The  Garrison  had  been  deserted,  if 
She  had  accepted  Offers  that  were  made  her  by  her  Friends,  of 
Living  in  more  safety  at  Portsmouth;  which  would  have  been 
a  Damage  to  the  Town  and  Land :  but  by  her  Encouragement 
this  Post  was  thus  kept :  and  She  is  yet  Living  in  much  Esteem 
among  her  Neighbours.^ 

11.  Mrs.  Sarah  Gerish,  Daughter  to  Captain  John  Gerish 
of  Quochecho,  a  very  Beautiful  and  Ingenious  Damsel,  about 
Seven  years  of  Age,  lodg'd  at  the  Garrison  of  her  affectionate 
Grandfather,  Major  Waldern,  when  the  Indians  brought  an 
horrible  Destruction  upon  it.  She  was  always  very  Fearful 
of  the  Indians;  but  what  Fear  may  we  think  now  Surprised 
her,  when  they  fiercely  bid  her  go  into  such  a  Chamber  and 
call  the  People  out?    Finding  only  a  little  Child  in  the  Cham- 

^  Her  daughter  was  recovered  from  captivity  when,  in  September,  1690, 
Major  Benjamin  Church  captiured  the  Indian  fort  at  Lewiston  Falls. 


ber,  she  got  into  the  Bed  unto  the  Child,  and  hid  herself  in 
the  Cloaths  as  well  as  she  could.  The  Fell-Salvages  quickly 
pull'd  her  out,  and  made  her  Dress  for  a  March,  but  led  her 
away  with  no  more  than  one  Stockin  upon  her,  a  terrible 
March  through  the  Thick  Woods,  and  a  thousand  other  Mis- 
eries, till  they  came  to  the  Norway-Plains.  From  thence  they 
made  her  go  to  the  end  of  Winnopisseag  Lake,  and  from  thence 
to  the  Eastward,  through  horrid  Swamps,  where  sometimes 
they  must  Scramble  over  huge  Trees  fallen  by  Storm  or  Age 
for  a  vast  way  together,  and  sometimes  they  must  Climb  up 
long,  steep,  tiresome,  and  almost  Inaccessible  Mountains. 
Her  First  Master  was  one  Sebundowit,  a  Dull  sort  of  a  Fellow, 
and  not  such  a  Devil  as  many  of  'em  were;  but  he  Sold  her, 
to  a  Fellow  that  was  a  more  harsh,  and  mad,  sort  of  a  Dragon, 
and  he  carried  her  away  to  Canada. 

A  long  and  a  sad  Journey  she  had  of  it,  thro'  the  midst  of 
&0.  hideous  Desart,  in  the  midst  of  a  dreadful  Winter:  And 
who  can  enumerate  the  Frights,  that  she  endured,  before  the 
End  of  her  Journey?  Once  her  Master  commanded  her  to 
loosen  some  of  her  upper-Garments,  and  stand  against  a  Tree 
while  he  charged  his  Gun;  whereas  the  poor  Child  Shrieked 
out.  He's  going  to  kill  me!  God  knows  what  he  was  going  to 
do;  but  the  Villain  having  charged  his  Gun,  he  call'd  her  from 
the  Tree,  and  forbore  doing  her  any  Damage.  Another  time, 
her  Master  ordered  her  to  run  along  the  Shore  with  some 
Indian  Girls,  while  he  paddled  up  the  River  in  his  canoo.  As 
they  were  upon  a  precipice,  a  Tawny  Wench  violently  push'd 
her  Headlong  into  the  River:  but  it  so  fell  out,  that  in  that 
very  place,  the  Bushes  hung  over  the  Water;  so  that  getting 
Hold  of  them  she  Recovered  herself.  The  Indians  ask'd  her 
How  she  became  so  wet?  but  she  durst  not  say,  how,  through 
Dread  of  the  young  Indians,  who  were  always  very  Abusive 
to  her,  when  they  had  her  alone.  Moreover,  once  being  spent 
with  Travelling  all  Day,  and  lying  down  Spent  and  Wet  at 
Night,  she  fell  into  so  profound  a  Sleep,  that  in  the  Morning 
she  waked  not.  The  Barbarous  Indians  left  her  Asleep,  and 
covered  with  Snow;  but  at  length  waking,  what  Agonies  may 
you  imagine  she  was  in,  to  find  herself  left  a  prey  for  Bears 
and  Wolves,  and  without  any  Sustenance,  in  an  howling  Wilder- 
ness many  Scores  of  Leagues  from  any  Plantation?    She  Ran 


crying  after  them;  and  Providence  having  ordered  a  Snow  to 
fall,  by  means  whereof,  she  Track'd  them  until  she  overtook 
them.  Now  the  young  Indians  began  to  Terrific  her,  with 
daily  Intimations,  that  she  was  quickly  to  be  Roasted  unto 
Death;  and  one  Evening  much  Fuel  was  prepared,  between 
Two  Logs,  which  they  told  her,  was  for  her.  A  mighty  fire 
being  made,  her  Master  call'd  her  to  him,  and  told  her,  that 
she  should  presently  be  Burnt  alive.  At  first,  she  stood 
Amazed;  afterwards  she  burst  into  Tears;  and  then  she  hung 
about  the  Tygre,  and  begg'd  of  hitn,  with  an  inexpressible 
Anguish,  that  he  would  Save  her  from  the  Fire.  Hereupon 
the  Monster  so  Relented,  as  to  tell  her,  That  if  she  would  be  a 
Good  Girl  she  should  not  be  Burnt. 

At  last,  they  arrived  at  Canada,  and  she  was  carried  unto 
the  Lord  Intendant's  House,  where  many  Persons  of  quality 
took  much  notice  of  her.  It  was  a  Week  after  this  that  she 
remained  in  the  Indian  Hands,  before  the  price  of  her  Ransom 
could  be  agreed  on.  But  then  the  Lady  Intendant  sent  her 
to  the  Nunnery,  where  she  was  comfortably  provided  for;  and 
it  was  the  Design,  as  was  said,  for  to  have  brought  her  up  in 
the  Romish  Religion,  and  then  have  Married  her  unto  the 
Son  of  the  Lord  Intendant.^  She  was  kindly  used  there, 
until  Sir  William  Phips,  lying  before  Quebeck,  did,  upon  Ex- 
change of  Prisoners,  obtain  her  Liberty.  After  Sixteen  Months 
Captivity,  she  was  Restored  unto  her  Friends;  who  had  the 
Consolation  of  having  this  their  Desireable  Daughter  again 
with  them.  Returned  from  the  Dead;  But  coming  to  be  Six- 
teen years  old,  in  the  Month  of  July  1697,  Death  by  a  Malig- 
nant Feavor,  more  Irrecoverably  took  her  from  them. 

Akticle  V. 

New  Forces  Raised,  and  New  Actions  done. 

On  Aug.  28, 1689,  Major  Swayn,  with  Seven  or  Eight  Com- 
panies, raised  by  the  Massachuset-Colony,  marched  Eastward; 

^  It  was  Madame  de  Champigny,  wife  of  the  intendant  of  Quebec,  who 
placed  Sarah  in  the  Hotel  Dieu.  Phips's  expedition  against  Quebec  in  August, 
1690,  the  history  of  which  can  be  followed  in  Parkman's  Frontenac,  had  little 
other  result  than  this  exchange  of  prisoners. 


and  soon  after,  Major  Church/  with  a  party  of  Enghsh  and 
Christian-Indians,  raised  in  Plymouth-Colony,  followed  them. 
While  these  were  on  their  March,  the  Indians,  that  lay  Sculk- 
ing  after  the  Indian-fashion  in  the  Thick  Woods,  took  notice 
how  many  men  belong'd  unto  Lieut.  Huckin's  Garrison  i^ 
And  seeing  'em  all  go  out  unto  their  daily  work,  nimbly  ran 
so  between  them  and  the  Garrison,  as  to  kill  'em  all  (about 
Eighteen)  but  one,  who  being  accidentally  gone  over  the 
River,  escaped  them.  They  then  Attacqued  the  Garrison,  in 
which  there  now  were  only  Two  Boys,  (and  one  of  them  Lame) 
with  some  Women  and  Children;  but  these  Two  Boys  very 
Manfully  held  'em  in  play  a  Considerable  while,  and  wounded 
several  of  them,  and  kept  'em  off,  till  the  assailants  had  found 
a  way  to  set  the  House  on  a  Light  Fire  over  their  Heads. 
They  then  urging  'em  to  Surrender,  for  the  sake  of  the  Goods, 
the  Boys  (Brave  Boys,  truly!)  would  not,  until  they  had 
Solemnly  promised  'em  their  Lives:  But  the  perfidious 
Wretches  broke  their  promise,  for  they  persently  kill'd  Three 
or  Four  of  the  Children:  However  one  of  these  Minutius's, 
the  Day  after,  very  happily  got  out  of  their  Clutches.  It  was 
by  a  particular  Accident,  that  these  Indians  were  delivered 
from  falling  into  the  Hands  of  Captain  Garner,  who  pursued 
'em  Vigourously.  But  while  the  Forces  now  gone  into  the 
East,  were  settling  of  Garrisons  in  convenient  places,  a  huge 
Body  of  Indians  fell  upon  Casco,^  where  one  of  their  first 
Exploits  was  their  killing  of  Capt.  Bracket.  Nevertheless, 
Captain  Hall,  (a  valiant  Souldier  in  the  Former  War,  and  a 
valiant  Commander  in  This)  with  his  Vigorous  Lieutenant 
Dawes,  just  then  arriving  with  his  Company,  the  English 
hotly  Engaged  them  for  several  Hours;  and  after  a  deal  of 
true  English  Valour  discovered  in  this  Engagement,  and  the 
loss  of  Ten  or  a  Dozen  men,  the  Indians  Ran  for  it,  with  What 
loss  on  their  part,  we  do  not  know:  That  with  some  we  Do. 
Presently  after  this.  Major  Swayn  passing  through  Extream 

1  Major  Jeremiah  Swain  and  Major  Benjamin  Church.  The  latter's  account 
of  his  expedition  may  be  found  in  his  Entertaining  Passages,  pp.  55-65. 

2  In  present  Durham,  New  Hampshire. 

'Near  Falmouth  and  the  present  Portland.  Captain  Anthony  Brackett 
of  Back  Cove;  Captain  Nathaniel  Hall  of  Yarmouth;  Lieutenant  Sylvanus  Davis 
of  Falmouth.    Blue  Point  was  in  Scarborough. 


Difficulties  to  get  at  it,  gave  some  Relief  to  a  Garrison  at  Blue 
point;  which  was  beset  by  the  Indians,  who  still  Fled  into  their 
Inaccessible  Swamps,  when  our  Bullets  began  to  be  Hail'd 
upon  them.  It  was  judg'd,  That  here  one  or  Two  Opportuni- 
ties of  bringing  the  War  unto  an  End  were  strangely  mist,  and 
lost:  But  where  the  mismanagement  lay  I  cannot  Remember; 
nor  what  were  the  Faux  Pas  of  the  Actors.  Our  Honest  Major 
will  clear  himself,  who  Returning  then  to  his  Head  Quarters 
at  Berwick,  sent  abroad  Scouts,  to  Learn,  if  it  were  possible, 
where  they  might  have  the  best  Game  at  the  Chasse  a  La  Bete 
noire,^  then  to  be  followed.  Capt.  WisweP  having  with  him 
a  party  of  Indian  Auxiliaries,  they  were  sent  out,  under  the 
Conduct  of  Lieut.  Flag:  But  coming  to  Winnopisseag,  these 
Indians  had  a  Consult  in  their  own  Language,  and  Sending 
back  their  Lieutenant,  with  two  Indians,  Nineteen  of  them 
Staid  in  that  Country  Eleven  Days,  not  having  any  English 
with  them :  At  which  the  Major  was  justly  and  greatly  offended. 
It  was  then  Suspected,  and  afterwards  (by  escap'd  Captives) 
Asserted,  that  these  Wretches  found  the  Enemy,  and  Lodg'd 
with  'em  Two  Nights,  and  told  'em  what  they  knew  of  the 
Enghsh  Numbers  and  Motions.  The  Enemy  then  Retired 
into  the  howling  Desarts  where  there  was  no  Coming  at  them : 
And  no  endeavours  being  able  to  reach  them,  the  Army  in  the 
Month  of  November  following  was  Dismissed:  Only  some 
Soldiers  were  left  in  Garrison  at  Wells,  at  York,  at  Berwick, 
and  at  Quechecho,  for  the  Assistance  of  the  poor  Inhabitants 
against  any  more  Invasions.  There  has  been  little  Doubt 
that  our  Northern  Indians  are  Originally  Scythians;  and  it  is 
become  less  a  Doubt,  since  it  appears  from  later  Discoveries, 
That  the  pretended  Straits  of  Anian^  are  a  Sham;  for  Asia 
and  America,  it  seems,  are  there  Contiguous.  Now  of  these 
our  Scythians  in  America,  we  have  still  found  what  Julius 
Caesar  does  report  concerning  Them  of  Asia: 

Difficilius  Invenire  quam  Interficere: 
It  is  harder  to  Find  them  than  to  Foil  them. 

^  This  "Hunt  of  the  Black  Beast"  appears  to  be  the  name  of  a  game  much 
in  vogue  at  the  time  of  writing. 

2  Noah  Wiswell. 

3  Bering  Strait.     Mather's  confidence  that  it  did  not  exist  was  doubtless 
derived  from  his  reading  of  Hennepin. 


A  Digression, 

Relating  some  Wonderful  Judgments  of  God. 

Before  we  pass  to  another  year,  Stand  still.  Reader,  and 
Behold  some  Wonderful  Events  proper  here  to  be  Introduced. 
The  Relation  thereof  shall  be  given,  as  I  have  Received  it. 

Portsmouth,  Feb.27,  1698/9. 

Monsieur  Vincelotte  of  Quebeck,  arrived  here,  the  25th  of  the 
last  Month,*  and  since  Embarked  for  France  by  way  of  Bilboa,  as 
Agent  to  Represent  the  Affairs  of  Canada. 

He  says,  That  about  Nine  or  Ten  years  since,  the  Earl  of  Fron- 
tenac,  Governor  of  that  place  (who  died  last  November),  did  person- 
ally Attempt  to  Subdue  the  Maqua's,  etc.,  having  no  less  than 
Fifteen  Hundred  Soldiers  in  his  Army. 

After  a  few  Days  March,  they  (being  much  Wearied  and  very 
Thirsty)  came  unto  a  certain  small  Well,  of  which  they  drank  very 
plentifully.  But  in  a  few  Hours  after,  sundry  complained  of  much 
Illness,  and  according  to  their  various  Constitutions  fell  Sick  (as  it 
seem'd)  of  different  Distempers;  which  occasioned  so  great  Dis- 
order and  Confusion  in  the  Army,  that  no  less  than  Four  well  men, 
for  a  while,  were  Engaged  in  taking  care  of  every  one  that  was  Sick. 
About  Three  Days  after,  the  Maqua  scout,  narrowly  observing  the 
Motions  of  the  French,  rallied  together,  as  many  as  possible,  to  give 
a  Check  unto  their  Undertaking;  which  they  soon  accomplished, 
with  very  considerable  Advantage.  But  the  French  appearing  so 
Numerous,  forced  them  to  Retreat,  and  in  pursuit  of  them,  took  and 
ransackt  a  Small  Town. 

The  Sickness  by  this  Time  increased  unto  so  great  an  Height,  as 
to  occasion  a  Council  of  War,  which  ordered  their  speedy  Return; 
and  in  a  short  Time,  no  less  than  Eight  Hundred  persons  Dyed  out 
of  the  Army. 

Now  about  Three  Years  ago,  a  certain  Soldier,  who  belong'd  at 
that  Time  to  the  Army,  went  into  France.  In  a  short  Time  after  his 
Arrival,  he  Robb'd  one  of  the  Churches  of  a  considerable  value  of 
Plate;  but  being  soon  discovered,  he  was  Sentenced  to  be  Burnt: 
He  then  sent  unto  sundry  Father-Confessors,  unto  whom  he  acknowl- 
edged his  many  Sins;   particularly  the  Fact  for  which  he  was  Con- 

^  The  Sieur  de  Vincelotte,  Canadian,  had  on  Frontenac's  death  been  sent 
to  France  by  the  intendant  Champigny,  in  a  fruitless  endeavor  to  secure  the 
governorship  for  the  latter.    Maquas  signifies  the  Iroquois,  or  Five  Nations. 


demned.  But  he  therewithal  said,  that  he  had  something  else  of 
more  considerable  moment  to  Impart,  which  did  much  afflict  his 
Conscience;  Namely,  an  Action  of  his,  about  Seven  Years  before 
committed,  when  Listed  under  the  Conduct  of  the  Earl  of  Frontenac, 
in  an  enterprize  against  the  Sennakers^  and  Maqua's;  (for  said  he)  I 
was  the  only  person  at  that  Time  Instrumental  to  the  Death  of  near 
Eight  Hundred  Souls.  Having  Received  some  Affront,  from  some 
of  the  Officers,  I  was  prompted  to  seek  some  speedy  Revenge,  which 
my  own  corrupt  Nature  with  the  Instigation  of  Satan,  did  instantly 
Acomplish;  for  being  plentifully  stored  with  some  Rank  poison  upon 
another  account,  I  threw  it  all  into  a  Well,  of  which  the  Thirsty  Army 
drank  freely,  and  in  the  Event  it  proved  so  fatal  unto  them. 

For  the  further  Confirmation  of  this  Report,  Monsieur  Vince- 
lotte  at  the  same  Time  told  me.  That  he  was  himself  Wounded  in 
the  Engagement,  and  should  continue  Lame  to  his  Dying  Day. 
Reverend  Sir,  Your  most  Humble  Servant, 

S.  Penhallow.2 

Aeticle  VI. 

New  Assaults  from  the  Indians,  with  some  Remarkdbles  of  Cap- 
tives taken  in  those  Assaults. 

The  Sun  and  the  War  be  again  Returning!  The  year  1690 
must  begin,  very  Inauspiciously.  In  February,  the  French, 
with  Indians,  made  a  Descent  from  Canada,  upon  a  Dutch 
Town  called  Schenectada,  Twenty  Miles  above  Albany,  under 
the  Government  of  New- York,  and  in  that  Surprising  Incur- 
sion, they  killed  about  Sixty  Persons,  whereof  one  was  their 
Minister,^  and  carried  about  Half  as  many  into  Captivity; 
but  the  People  there,  assisted  by  the  Maqua's,  pursued  them, 
and  Recovered  some  of  their  Captives  from  them.  Upon  the 
Advice  of  this  Mischief  in  the  West,  order  was  dispatch'd 
unto  Major  Frost ^  in  the  East,  that  the  Towns  there  should 

^  Senecas. 

2  Samuel  Penhallow  (1665-1726),  a  rich  merchant  of  Portsmouth,  and  chief 
justice  of  New  Hampshire,  whose  Narrative  of  the  Indian  Wars  of  New  England 
from  1703  to  1726  is  a  chief  som:ce  for  the  period  named. 

3  Domine  Petrus  Tesschenmaker;  see  the  Journal  of  Jasper  Danekaerts,  in  this 
series.  Frontenac,  governor  of  Canada,  sent  out  three  expeditions  of  French  and 
Indians  this  winter,  one  against  Albany,  which  destroyed  Schenectady,  one  against 
the  frontier  settlements  of  New  Hampshire,  and  one  against  those  of  Maine. 

*  Charles  Frost. 


stand  upon  their  Guard.  The  Major  did  his  Duty;  but  they 
did  not  Theirs:  They  Dream't  that  while  the  Deep  Snow  of 
the  Winter  continued,  they  were  Safe  Enough ;  but  this  prov'd 
as  vain  as  a  Dream  of  a  Dry  Summer.  On  March  18th,  the 
French,  with  Indians,  being  Half  one,  half  t'other,  Half  In- 
dianized  French,  and  Half  Frenchified  Indians,  commanded 
by  Monsieur  Artel  and  Hope-hood^  fell  Suddenly  upon 
Salmon  Falls,  destroying  the  best  part  of  the  Town,  with  Fire 
and  Sword.  Near  Thirty  Persons  were  Slain,  and  more  than 
Fifty  were  led  into  what  the  Reader  will  by  'nd  by  call.  The 
worst  Captivity  in  the  World.  It  would  be  a  Long  Story  to 
tell,  what  a  particular  Share  in  this  Calamity,  fell  to  the  Family 
of  One  Clement  Short:  This  Honest  Man,  with  his  Pious 
Wife,  and  Three  Children,  were  killed:  and  Six  or  Seven  of 
their  Children,  were  made  Prisoners :  the  most  of  which  arrived 
safe  to  Canada,  through  a  thousand  Hardships;  and  the  most 
of  these  were  with  more  than  a  Thousand  Mercies  afterwards 
Redeemed  from  Canada,  unto  their  English  Friends  again. 
But  my  Readers  will  be  so  Reasonable,  as  to  excuse  me,  if  I 
do  not  mention  the  Fate  of  every  Family,  that  hath  Suffered  a 
Share  in  the  Calamity  of  this  Grievous  War;  for  'tis  impossi- 
ble that  I  should  Know  All  that  hath  happened ;  and  it  would 
be  improper  for  me  to  Write  All  that  I  know:  And  very 
little  is  the  Advantage  of  having  a  Name  Standing  upon  Record 
only  among  unhappy  Sufferers.  About  Seven  Score  English 
went  out  after  'em,  and  came  up  with  'em:  nevertheless, 
through  the  Disadvantages  of  their  Feet  by  the  Snow,  they 
could  make  no  Hand  on  it.  Four  or  five  of  ours  were  kill'd, 
and  as  many  of  the  Enemy;  but  the  Night  put  an  End  unto  the 
Action.  Ours  took  one  Prisoner,  a  French  man,  who  Con- 
fessed, that  they  came  from  Canada,  where  both  French  and 
Indians  were  in  Pay  at  Ten  Livers^  Per  Month,  and  he  par- 
ticularly Declared  the  State  of  Canada.  This  Prisoner  met 
with  such  kind  usage  from  us,  that  he  became  a  Freeman  of 
Christ,  and  Embraced  and  Professed  the  Protestant  Religion. 
But  of  the  Prisoners,  which  the  Enemy  took  from  us,  there 
were  Two  which  immediately  met  with  a  very  Different  Fate. 

1  Hopehood  is  often  called  Wohawa;   Artel  is  properly  Frangois  Hertel,  a 
French  officer. 
*  Livres. 


Three  Indians  hotly  pursued  one  Thomas  Toogood,  and  One 
of  them  overtaking  him,  while  the  rest  perceiving  it,  staid 
behind  the  Hill,  he  yielded  himself  a  Prisoner.  While  the 
Salvage  was  getting  Strings  to  bind  him,  he  held  his  Gun  under 
his  Arm ;  which  Toogood  Observing,  Suddenly  pluck't  it  from 
his  Friend  Stark  Naught,  Threatening  and  Protesting,  that  he 
would  Shoot  him  down,  if  he  made  any  Noise,  and  so  Away 
he  ran  with  it,  unto  Quochecho. 

If  my  Reader  be  inclined  now  to  Smile,  when  he  thinks, 
how  Simply  poor  Isgrim  look'd,  returning  to  his  Mates  behind 
the  Hill,  without  either  Gun  or  Prey,  or  any  thing  but  Strings, 
to  Remember  him  of  his  own  Deserts,  the  Smiles  wiU  all  be 
presently  turn'd  into  Tears.  The  Indians  had  now  made  a 
Prisoner  of  one  Robert  Rogers,  and  being  on  their  Journey 
they  came  to  an  Hill,  where  this  man,  being  through  his  Cor- 
pulency, (for  which  he  was  usually  Nicknamed,  Robin  Pork) 
and  an  Insupportable  and  Intolerable  Burden  laid  upon  his 
Back,  not  so  able  to  Travel  as  the  rest,  he  Absconded.  The 
Wretches  missing  him,  immediately  went  in  pursuit  of  him; 
and  it  was  not  long  before  they  found  his  Burden  cast  in  the 
way,  and  the  Track  of  his  going  out  of  the  way,  which  they 
foUow'd,  until  they  found  him  hidden  in  a  Hollow  Tree.  They 
Took  him  out,  they  Stript  him,  they  beat  him,  and  prickt  him, 
and  push'd  him  forward  with  their  Swords,  until  they  were 
got  back  to  the  HiU;  and  it  being  almost  Night,  they  fastned 
him  to  a  Tree  with  his  Hands  behind  him,  and  made  themselves 
a  Supper,  Singing,  Dancing,  Roaring,  and  Uttering  many  Signs 
of  Joy,  but  with  Joy  little  enough  to  the  poor  Creature,  who 
foresaw,  what  all  this  Tended  unto.  They  then  cut  a  parcel 
of  Wood,  and  bringing  it  into  a  plain  place,  they  cut  off  the 
Top  of  a  small  Red  Oak  Tree,  Leaving  the  Trunk  for  a  Stake, 
whereto  they  bound  their  Sacrifice.  They  first  made  a  Great 
Fire  near  this  Tree  of  Death,  and  bringing  him  unto  it,  they 
bid  him  take  his  Leave  of  his  Friends;  which  he  did  in  a  dole- 
ful manner;  no  Pen,  though  made  of  an  Harpies  Quill,  were 
able  to  describe  the  Dolour  of  it!  They  then  allow'd  him  a 
little  Time,  to  make  his  Prayers  unto  Heaven,  which  he  did 
with  an  Extream  Fervency  and  Agony :  whereupon  they  bound 
him  to  the  Stake,  and  brought  the  rest  of  the  Prisoners,  with 
their  Arms  tied  each  to  other,  so  setting  them  round  the  Fire. 


This  being  done,  they  went  behind  the  Fire,  and  thrust  it 
forwards  upon  the  man,  with  much  Laughther  and  Shouting; 
and  when  the  Fire  had  burnt  some  while  upon  him,  even  till 
he  was  near  Stifled,  they  puU'd  it  again  from  him.  They 
Danc'd  about  him,  and  at  every  Turn,  they  did  with  their 
knives  cut  coUops  of  his  Flesh,  from  his  Naked  Limbs,  and 
throw  them  with  his  Blood  into  his  Face.  When  he  was  Dead, 
they  set  his  Body  down  upon  the  Glowing  Coals,  and  left  him 
tyed  with  his  Back  to  the  Stake;  where  the  English  Army  soon 
after  found  him.  He  was  left  for  Us,  to  put  out  the  Fire  with 
our  Tears! 

Reader,  Who  should  be  the  Father  of  these  Myrmidons? 

Article  VII. 

The  Condition  of  the  Captives,  that  from  time  to  time  fell  into 
the  Hands  of  the  Indians ;  with  some  very  Remarkable 

We  have  had  some  Occasion,  and  shall  have  More,  to  men- 
tion Captives  falling  into  the  Hands  of  the  Indians.  We  will 
here,  without  any  thing  worthy  to  be  call'd  A  Digression,  a 
little  Stand  Still,  and  with  mournful  Hearts  look  upon  the 
Condition  of  the  Captives  in  those  cruel  Hands.  Their  Con- 
dition truly  might  be  Express' d  in  the  Terms  of  the  ancient 
Lamentations,  (thus  by  some  Translated)  Lam.  4:3.  The 
Daughter  of  my  People  is  in  the  Hands  of  the  Cruel,  that  are 
like  the  Ostrich  in  the  Wilderness.  Truly,  the  Dark  places  of 
New-England,  where  the  Indians  had  their  Unapproachable 
Kennels,  were  Habitations  of  Cruelty;  and  no  words  can  Suffi- 
ciently describe  the  Cruelty  undergone  by  our  Captives  in 
those  Habitations,  The  Cold,  and  Heat,  and  Hunger,  and 
Weariness,  and  Mockings,  and  Scourgings,  and  Insolencies 
Endured  by  the  Captives,  would  enough  deserve  the  Name  of 
Cruelty;  but  there  was  this  also  added  unto  the  rest,  that 
they  must  ever  now  and  then  have  their  Friends  made  a 
Sacrafice  of  Devils  before  their  Eyes,  but  be  afraid  of  dropping 
a  Tear  from  those  Eyes,  lest  it  should,  upon  that  provocation, 
be  next  their  own  Turn,  to  be  so  Barbarously  Sacrificed. 
Indeed,  some  few  of  the  Captives,  did  very  happily  Escape 
from  their  Barbarous  Oppressors,  by  a  Flight  wisely  managed; 


and  many  more  of  them,  were  Bought  by  the  French,  who 
treated  them  with  a  Civihty  ever  to  be  acknowledged,  until 
care  was  taken  to  fetch  'em  home.  Nevertheless  many  Scores 
of  'em  Dyed  among  the  Indians;  and  what  usage  they  had, 
may  be  gathered  from  the  following  Relations,  which  I  have 
obtained  from  Credible  Witnesses. 

Relation  I. 

James  Key,  Son  to  John  Key  of  Quochecho,  was  a  Child  of 
about  Five  years  of  Age,  taken  Captive  by  the  Indians  at 
Salmon  Falls;  and  that  Hellish  Fellow,  Hope-Hood,  once  a 
Servant  of  a  Christian  Master  in  Boston,  was  become  the 
Master  of  this  Little  Christian.  This  Child,  Lamenting  with 
Tears  the  want  of  Parents,  his  Master  Threatned  him  with 
Death,  if  he  did  not  Refrain  his  Tears;  but  these  Threatnings 
could  not  Extinguish  the  Natural  Affections  of  a  Child.  Where- 
fore, upon  his  Next  Lamentations,  this  Monster  Stript  him 
Stark  Naked,  and  lash'd  both  his  Hands  round  a  Tree,  and 
Scourg'd  him,  so  that  from  the  Crown  of  his  Head  unto  the 
Sole  of  his  Foot,  he  was  all  over  Bloody  and  Swollen;  and  when 
he  was  Tired  with  lajdng  on  his  Blows,  on  the  Forlorn  Infant, 
he  would  lay  him  on  the  Ground,  with  Taunts  remembering 
him  of  his  Parents.  In  this  misery,  the  poor  Creature  lay 
horribly  Roaring  for  divers  Days  together,  while  his  Master, 
gratified  with  the  Musick,  lay  contriving  of  New  Torments, 
wherewith  to  Martyr  him.  It  was  not  long,  before  the  Child 
had  a  Sore  Eye,  which  his  Master  said,  proceeded  from  his 
Weeping  on  the  Forbidden  Accounts:  Whereupon,  laying 
Hold  on  the  Head  of  the  Child  with  his  Left  Hand,  with  the 
Thumb  of  his  Right  he  forced  the  Ball  of  his  Eye  quite  out, 
therewithal  telling  him.  That  when  he  heard  him  Cry  again  he 
would  Serve  t'other  so  too,  and  leave  him  never  an  Eye  to 
Weep  withal.  About  Nine  or  Ten  Days  after,  this  Wretch 
had  Occasion  to  Remove,  with  his  Family,  about  Thirty  Miles 
further;  and  when  they  had  gone  about  Six  Miles  of  the  Thirty, 
the  Child  being  Tir'd  and  Faint,  sat  him  down  to  rest,  at  which 
this  Horrid  Fellow,  being  provoked,  he  Buried  the  Blade  of 
his  Hatchet,  in  the  Brains  of  the  Child,  and  then  chopt  the 
Breathless  Body  to  pieces  before  the  rest  of  the  Company, 


and  threw  it  into  the  River.  But  for  the  sake  of  these  and 
other  such  Truculent  Things,  done  by  Hope-Hood,  I  am  Re- 
solved, that  in  the  course  of  our  Story,  I  will  watch  to  see  what 
becomes  of  that  hideous  Loup-Garou,^  if  he  come  to  his 
End,  as  I  am  apt  to  think  he  will,  before  the  Story. 

Relation  II. 

Mehetabel  Goodwin,  being  a  Captive  among  the  Indians, 
had  with  her  a  Child  about  Five  Months  old;  which  thro' 
Hunger  and  Hardship,  she  being  unable  to  nourish  it,  often 
made  most  grievous  Ejaculations.  Her  Indian  Master  told 
her,  that  if  the  Child  were  not  quiet,  he  would  soon  dispose  of 
it;  which  caused  her  to  use  all  possible  means,  that  his  Ne- 
topship^  might  not  be  offended;  and  sometimes  carry  it  from 
the  Fire,  out  of  his  Hearing,  where  she  sat  up  to  the  wast  in 
Snow  and  Frost  for  several  Hours  until  it  was  Lull'd  asleep. 
She  thus  for  several  dayes  preserved  the  Life  of  her  Babe, 
until  he  saw  cause  to  Travel,  with  his  own  Cubs,  farther  afield; 
and  then,  lest  he  should  be  Retarded  in  his  Travel,  he  violently 
Snatcht  the  Babe  out  of  its  Mother's  Arms,  and  before  her  Face 
knockt  out  its  Brains,  and  stript  it  of  the  Few  Rags  it  had 
hitherto  Enjoy 'd,  and  order'd  her  the  Task,  to  go  wash  the 
Bloody  Cloaths.  Returning  from  this  Melancholy  Task,  She 
found  the  Infant  hanging  by  the  Neck  in  a  Forked  Bough  of  a 
Tree.  She  desired  leave  to  lay  it  in  the  Earth;  but  he  said,  it 
was  better  as  it  was,  for  now  the  Wild  Beasts  would  not  come 
at  it,  (I  am  sure,  they  had  been  at  it!)  and  she  might  have 
the  Comfort  of  seeing  it  again,  if  ever  they  came  that  way. 
The  Journey  now  before  them,  was  like  to  be  very  long,  even 
as  far  as  Canada,  where  his  purpose  was  to  make  Merchandise 
of  his  Captive,  and  glad  was  the  Captive  of  such  happy  Tid- 
ings. But  the  Desperate  length  of  the  way,  and  want  of  Food, 
and  grief  of  Mind,  wherewith  she  now  encountred,  caused  her 
within  a  few  Days  to  faint  under  her  Difficulties.  When  at 
length  she  sat  down  for  some  Repose,  with  many  Prayers, 
and  Tears  unto  God,  for  the  Salvation  of  her  Soul,  she  found 
her  self  unable  to  Rise,  until  she  espied  her  Furious  Executioner 

^  Were-wolf . 

2  Netop,  in  the  language  of  the  Massachusetts  Indians,  meant  "friend." 


coming  towards  her,  with  Fire  in  his  Eyes,  the  Devil  in  his 
Heart,  and  his  Hatchet  in  his  Hand,  ready  to  bestow  a  Mercy- 
Stroak  of  Death  upon  her.  But  then  this  miserable  Creature 
got  on  her  Knees,  and  with  Weeping,  and  Wailing,  and  all 
Expressions  of  Agony  and  Entreaty,  prevailed  on  him,  to 
spare  her  Life  a  little,  and  she  did  not  question  but  God  would 
enable  her  to  Walk  a  little  faster.  The  merciless  Tyrant  was 
prevailed  withal,  to  spare  her  this  Time;  nevertheless  her 
former  Weakness  quickly  Returning  upon  her,  he  was  just 
going  to  Murder  her;  but  a  Couple  of  Indians,  just  at  that 
Instant,  coming  in,  suddenly  call'd  upon  him  to  Hold  his 
Hand;  whereat  such  an  Horror  Surprized  his  Guilty  Soul,  that 
he  ran  away.  But  hearing  them  call  his  Name,  he  Returned, 
and  then  permitted  these  his  Friends,  to  Ransom  his  prisoner 
from  him.  After  this,  being  Seated  by  a  River  side,  they 
heard  several  Guns  go  off,  on  the  other  side;  which  they  con- 
cluded, was  from  a  party  of  Albany  Indians,  who  were  Enemies 
unto  these;  whereupon  this  Bold  Blade  would  needs  go  in  a 
Canoo  to  discover  what  they  were.  They  Fired  upon  him, 
and  shot  through  him,  and  several  of  his  Friends,  before  the 
Discovery  could  be  made  unto  Satisfaction.  But  some  dayes 
after  this,  divers  of  his  Friends  gathered  a  party  to  Revenge 
his  Death,  on  their  Supposed  Enemies;  with  whom  they  joyned 
Battel,  and  fought  several  Hours,  until  their  Supposed  Enemies 
did  Really  put  'em  to  the  Rout.  Among  the  Captives,  which 
they  left  in  their  Flight,  one  was  this  poor  Goodwin,  who  was 
Overjoyed  in  seeing  her  self  thus  at  Liberty;  but  the  Joy  did 
not  last  long,  for  these  Indians  were  of  the  Same  Sort  with  the 
other,  and  had  been  by  their  own  Friends,  thus  through  a  strange 
Mistake  set  upon.  However,  this  crew  proved  more  Favour- 
able to  her  than  the  former,  and  went  away  Silently  with  their 
Booty,  being  loth  to  have  any  Noise  made  of  their  foul  Mistake. 
And  yet,  a  few  Dayes  after,  such  another  Mistake  happened ; 
for,  meeting  with  another  party  of  Indians,  which  they  imag- 
ined in  the  English  Interests,  they  furiously  engaged  each  other, 
And  many  were  killed  and  wounded  on  either  side;  but  they 
proved  a  party  of  the  French  Indians,  who  took  this  poor 
Goodwin,  and  presented  her  to  the  French  Captain,  by  whom 
she  was  carried  unto  Canada,  where  she  continued  Five  years, 
and  then  was  brought  safe  Back  into  New-England. 


Relation  III. 

Mary  Plaisted,  the  Wife  of  Mr.  James  Plaisted,  was  made 
a  Captive  by  the  Indians  about  Three  Weeks  after  her  De- 
livery of  a  Male  Child.^  They  then  Took  her,  with  her 
Infant,  off  her  Bed,  and  forced  her  to  Travel  in  this  her  Weak- 
ness the  best  part  of  a  Day,  without  any  Respect  or  Pitty. 
At  Night  the  Cold  Ground  in  the  Open  Air  was  her  Lodging; 
and  for  many  a  Day  she  had  no  Nourishment,  but  a  little 
Water  with  a  little  Bears-flesh:  which  rendred  her  so  feeble, 
that  she,  with  her  Infant,  were  not  far  from  totally  Starved. 
Upon  her  Cries  to  God,  there  was  at  length  some  Supply  sent 
in,  by  her  Masters  taking  a  Moose,  the  Broth  whereof  Recov- 
ered her.  But  she  must  now  Travel,  many  Days,  thro'  Woods, 
and  Swamps,  and  Rocks,  and  over  Mountains,  and  Frost  and 
Snow,  until  she  could  stir  no  farther.  Sitting  down  to  Rest, 
she  was  not  able  to  Rise,  until  her  Diabolical  Master  help'd 
her  up;  which  when  he  did,  he  took  her  Child  from  her,  and 
carried  it  unto  a  River,  where  stripping  it  of  the  few  Rags  it 
had,  he  took  it  by  the  Heels,  and  against  a  Tree  dash'd  out  its 
Brains,  and  then  flang  it  into  the  river.  So  he  Returned  unto 
the  miserable  Mother,  telling  her,  she  was  now  eased  of  her 
Burden,  and  must  walk  faster  than  she  did  before! 

Relation  IV. 

Mary  Ferguson,  taken  Captive  by  the  Indians  at  Salmon 
Falls,  declares,  that  another  Maid  of  about  Fifteen  or  Sixteen 
years  of  Age,  taken  at  the  same  Time,  had  a  Great  Burden 
Imposed  on  her.  Being  over-born  with  her  Burden,  she  burst 
out  into  Tears,  telling  her  Indian  Master,  That  she  could  go 
no  further.  Whereupon  he  immediately  took  off  her  Burden, 
and  leading  her  aside  into  the  Bushes,  he  cut  off  her  Head, 
and  Scalping  it,  he  ran  about  Laughing  and  Bragging  what 

^  She  must  have  been  well  known  to  Mather,  her  sister  being  the  wife  of  his 
friend  Rev.  Shubael  Dummer.  She  embraced  the  Catholic  faith  at  Montreal  in 
1693,  but  was  redeemed  in  1695.  A  daughter,  captured  at  the  same  time,  became 
a  nun,  and  head  of  the  mission  school  for  girls  at  Sault  au  Recollet;  another  was 
married  in  Canada  and  remained  there. 


an  Act  he  had  now  done;  and  showing  the  Scalp  unto  the  rest, 
he  told  them,  They  should  all  be  Served  so  if  they  were  not 

In  fine,  when  the  Children  of  the  English  Captives  Cried 
at  any  Time,  so  that  they  were  not  presently  quieted,  the 
manner  of  the  Indians  was,  to  dash  out  their  Brains  against  a 

And  very  often,  when  the  Indians  were  on,  or  near  the 
Water,  they  took  the  Small  Children,  and  held  'em  under  Water, 
till  they  had  near  Drowned  them,  and  then  gave  'em  unto  their 
Distressed  Mothers  to  quiet  'em. 

And  the  Indians  in  their  Frolicks  would  Whip  and  Beat 
the  Small  Children,  until  they  set  'em  into  grievous  outcries, 
and  then  throw  'em  to  their  Ajnazed  Mothers,  for  them  to 
quiet  'em  again  as  well  as  they  could. 

This  was  Indian  Captivity! 

Reader,  a  Modern  Traveller  assures  us,  that  at  the  Villa 
Ludovisia,  not  far  from  Rome,  there  is  to  be  seen  the  Body  of 
a  Petrified  Man;  and  that  he  himself  saw,  by  a  piece  of  the 
man's  Leg,  Broken  for  Satisfaction,  both  the  Bone  and  the 
Stone  Crusted  over  it.  All  that  I  will  say,  is,  That  if  thou 
canst  Read  these  passages  without  Relenting  Bowels,  thou 
thyself  art  as  really  Petrified  as  the  man  at  Villa  Ludovisia. 

Nescio  tu  quibus  es,  Lector,  Ledums  Ocellis; 
Hoc  Scio  quod  Siccis  scribere  non  potui} 

Article  VIIL 

A  Little  Account  of  the  Greatest  Action  that  ever  New-England 


I  have  Read  or  Heard,  That  when  the  Insufferable  Abuses 
which  the  English  Nation  suffered  from  the  Abbeys  were  in 
the  Parliament  complained  of,  the  Total  Dissolution  of  those 
Abbeys  was  much  forwarded,  by  a  Speech  of  a  Gentleman  in 
the  House  of  Commons,  to  this  purpose;  that  his  own  House 
had  been  much  annoy'd  by  Rooks  building  in  a  Tree,  near  unto 

1  "I  know  not,  reader,  whether  you  will  be  moved  to  tears  by  this  narrative; 
I  know  I  could  not  write  it  without  weeping." 


it,  and  that  he  had  used  many  ineffectual  ways  to  disturb, 
and  disroost  these  mischievous  Rooks,  until  at  Last  he  found 
out  an  infallible  way  to  be  delivered  from  the  Rooks,  and  that 
was  to  cut  down  the  Tree  that  Lodged  'em.  The  Distresses 
into  which  New-England  was  now  fallen,  made  this  very  com- 
parison to  be  thought  of.  The  Indian  Rooks  grievously  in- 
fested the  Country;  and  while  the  Country  was  only  on  the 
Defensive  Part,  their  Men  were  Thinned,  their  Towns  were 
Broken,  and  their  Treasures  consumed,  without  any  Hope  of 
seeing  an  End  of  these  Troublesome  Tragedies.  The  French 
Colonies  to  the  Northward  were  the  Tree  in  which  those 
Rooks  had  their  Nests;  and  the  French  having  in  person  first 
fallen  upon  the  English  of  New-England,  it  was  thought  that 
the  New-Englanders  might  very  justly  take  this  Occasion  to 
Reduce  those  French  Colonies  under  the  English  Government, 
and  so  at  once  take  away  from  all  the  Rooks  for  ever,  all  that 
gave  'em  any  Advantage  to  Infest  us.  Accordingly,  a  Naval 
Force,  with  about  Seven  Hundred  men,  under  the  Conduct  of 
Sir  William  Phips,  was  dispatched  away  to  L'Accady  and 
Nova  Scotia.  This  Fleet  setting  Sail  from  New-England, 
April  28,  1690,  in  a  Fortnight  Arrived  at  Port-Royal,  and  Sir 
William  having  the  Fort  Surrenderd  unto  him,  took  Possession 
of  that  Province,  for  the  Crown  of  England.  But  this  was  only 
a  step  towards  a  far  greater  Action!  There  was  no  Speech 
about  the  Methods  of  Safety  made,  which  did  not  conclude 
with  a,  Delenda  est  Carthago.  It  was  become  the  concurring 
Resolution  of  all  New-England,  with  New- York,  that  a  vigor- 
ous Attack  should  be  made  upon  Canada  at  once,  both  by  Sea 
and  Land.^  A  fleet  of  Thirty-Two  Sail,  under  the  Command 
of  Sr.  William  Phips,  was  Equipp'd  at  Boston,  and  began  their 
Voyage,  Aug.  9,  and  the  whole  Matter  was  put  into  Form, 
with  so  much  Contrivance  and  Caution  and  Courage,  that 
nothing  but  an  Evident  Hand  of  Heaven  was  likely  to  have 
given  such  a  Defeat  unto  it,  as  has  been  indeed  generally  and 
Remarkably  given  unto  all  the  Colonies  of  America,  when 
they  have  Invaded  one  onother.  If  this  Expedition  did  mis- 
carry, and  if  Canada  proved  unto  New-England,  what  it 
prov'd  unto  the  Spaniards,  when  at  their  Deserting  it,  they 
call'd  it,  II  Capo  de  Nada;  or,  The  Cape  of  Nothing,  (whence 

^  See  p.  201,  note. 


the  Name  Canada)  ^  there  is  no  New-Englander,  but  what 
will  maintain,  that  it  was  with  a  less  Disgraceful  miscarriage, 
than  what  baffled  every  one  of  those,  that  were  made  in  this 
War,  against  the  French  Islands,  by  more  powerful  Fleets  of 
those,  who  were  forward  Enough  to  Reproach  New-England. 
I  am  sure,  he  that  Reads  the  Account  of  what  was  done  at 
Martineco,  in  the  Relation  of  the  Voyage  of  M.  de  Gennes, 
lately  published,^  must  be  very  easy  in  his  Reflections  upon 
what  was  done  at  Canada.  Ajid  I  will  add,  That  if  the  New- 
England-men  return'd  re  infecta^  from  Canada,  yet  they  did 
not  leave  Two  Hundred  men  behind  them  to  the  mercy  of  the 
French,  as  they  who  most  Reproached  New-England,  soon 
after  did  at  Guadalupa. 

The  fuller  narrative  of  these  memorable  Things  the  Reader 
may  find  written  in  The  Life  of  Sir  William  Phipps,  lately 
published ;  ^  of  which  I  must  here  give  this  Attestation,  That 
as  my  Acquaintance  with  the  Author,  gives  me  Assurance  of 
his  being  as  Willing  to  Retract  a  Mistake,  as  unwilling  to  Com- 
mit one,  and  of  his  Care  in  whatever  he  writes,  to  be  able  to 
make  the  profession  of  Oecolampadius,  Nolui  aliquid  Scribere, 
quod  improbaturum  putem  Christum:^  so  I  have  Compared 
this  Narrative  with  the  Journals  of  the  Expedition;  and  I 
find  the  most  Contested  passages  of  the  Story,  (nor  did  I  ever 
hear  of  any  more  than  one  or  two  little  circumstantial  passages 
contested,  as  carrying  a  sound  a  little  too  Rhetorical;  but,  I 
say,  I  find  them)  to  be  the  very  Express  Words  thereof,  con- 
tained in  those  Journals;  and  more  than  so,  that  very  credible 
Persons,  concerned  therein,  have  readily  offered  their  Deposi- 

^A  derivation  wholly  without  warrant.  By  "French  islands,"  below,  the 
French  West  Indies  are  meant. 

2  Relation  d'un  Voyage  fait  en  1695,  1696,  1697,  aux  Cotes  d'Afrique,  Detroit 
de  Magellan,  Bresil,  Cayenne,  et  lies  Antilles,  par  une  Escadre  commandee  par  M. 
de  Gennes  (Paris  and  Amsterdam,  1699),  by  Froger. 

3  "With  unaccomplished  purpose." 

*  Pietas  in  Patriam,  the  life  of  Sir  William  Phips  here  referred  to,  was  written 
by  Mather  himself  and  published  in  London  in  1697.  It  is  reprinted  in  the  Mag' 
nalia,  as  an  appendix  to  book  II.  It  is  highly  eulogistic  in  character,  as  might 
be  expected  when  we  remember  that  the  Mathers  endorsed  Phips  for  the  post 
of  governor. 

^  "I  have  been  unwilling  to  write  anything  which  I  think  Christ  would  not 


tions  upon  Oath,  to  the  Truth  of  what  is  Written.  So  I  take 
my  leave  of  that  History,  and  of  Sir  WiUiam  Phipps,  the 
Memorable  Subject  of  that  History,  whom  I  leave  under  this 


Bonus  non  est,  qui  non  ad  Invidium  usque  Bonus  est.^ 

{A  Digression) 

Reader,  since  we  can  give  no  better  an  Account  of  the  Last 
English  Expedition  to  Canada,  why  may  we  not  for  a  Minute 
or  Two  Refresh  our  selves  with  a  Story  of  an  Old  one. 

In  the  very  year,  when  the  Massachuset-Colony  began,  the 
English  Attempted  the  Conquest  of  Canada;  and  though  the 
First  Attempt  miscarried,  the  Second  prospered.  The  Story  of 
it  makes  a  Chapter  in  Father  Hennepin's  Account  of  the  Vast 
Country  lately  discovered,  betwixt  Canada  and  Mexico  ;2 
and  this  is  the  Sum  of  it. 

While  a  Colony  was  forming  it  self  at  Canada,  an  English 
Fleet  was  Equipp'd,  in  the  year,  1628,  under  the  Command 
of  Admiral  Kirk,  with  a  Design  to  take  Possession  of  that 
Country.  In  their  Voyage,  having  taken  a  French  Ship,  at 
the  Isle  Percee,  they  Sailed  up  the  River,  as  far  as  Tadousac, 
where  they  found  a  Bark  in  which  they  set  ashore  some  Sol- 
diers, to  Seize  on  Cape  Tourment.  And  here  a  Couple  of 
Salvages  discovering  them,  ran  away  to  advise  the  people  of 
Quebeck,  that  the  English  were  approaching.  When  the  Fleet 
arrived,  the  Admiral  Summoned  the  Town  to  Surrender  by 
a  Letter  to  Monsieur  Champelin,^  the  governour:  but  the 
Governour  notwithstanding  his  being  so  Surprized  with  the 
Invasion,  made  such  a  Resolute  Answer,  that  the  English, 
(though  as  the  Historian  says,  they  are  a  People  that  will 
sooner  Die  than  quit  what  they  once  undertake)  did  conclude 
the  fort  Quebeck,  was  in  a  much  better  condition  for  Defence 
than  it  really  was;   and  therefore  desisting  from  any  further 

^  "He  is  not  good  who  is  not  good  enough  to  be  hated." 

*  Louis  Hennepin,  Nouvelle  Description  d'un  tres  grand  Pays  Situe  dans 

I'Amerique  entre  le  Nouveau  Mexique  et  la  Mer  glaciate  (Utrecht,  1697).    But  it 

contains  no  such  chapter. 

'  Champlain.    The  English  commander  was  David  Kirke. 


Attempt  at  this  Time,  they  returned  into  England  with  Reso- 
lution further  to  pursue  their  Design  at  a  more  favourable 

Accordingly,  on  July  19,  1629,  in  the  Morning,  the  English 
Fleet  appeared  again,  over  against  in  the  Great  Bay  of  Quebeck, 
at  the  point  of  the  Isle  of  Orleans;  which  Fleet  Consisted  of 
Three  men  of  War  and  Six  other  Vessels.  Admiral  Kirk  send- 
ing a  Summons  form'd  in  very  Civil  Expressions,  for  the  Sur- 
render of  the  Place,  the  miserable  State  of  the  Country,  which 
had  been  by  the  English  Interceptions,  hindred  of  Supplies 
from  France,  for  Two  years  together,  oblig'd  the  Sieur  Cham- 
pelin  to  make  a  softer  Answer  than  he  did  before.  He  sent 
Father  Joseph  Le  Caron  aboard  the  Admiral  to  treat  about  the 
Surrender,  and  none  of  his  Demands  for  Fifteen  Dayes,  and 
then  for  five  dayes,  Time  to  consider  on't,  could  obtain  any 
longer  Time,  than  till  the  Evening,  to  prepare  their  Articles. 
Upon  the  DeHvery  of  this  Message,  a  Council  was  held, 
wherein  some  urged,  that  the  English  had  no  more  than  Two 
Hundred  men  of  Regular  Troops  aboard,  and  some  others  which 
had  not  much  of  the  Air  of  Soldiers;  and  that  the  Courage 
of  the  Inhabitants  was  much  to  be  relied  upon,  and  therefore 
it  was  best  for  to  run  the  risk  of  a  Siege :  but  Monsieur  Cham- 
pelin,  apprehending  the  Bravery  of  the  English,  remonstrated 
unto  the  Council,  that  it  was  better  to  make  a  Surrender  on 
Good  Terms,  than  be  all  cut  in  pieces  by  an  unreasonable 
Endeavour  to  Defend  themselves.  Upon  this,  the  Articles 
regulating  all  matters,  were  got  ready,  and  Father  Joseph  had 
his  Commission,  to  carry  them  aboard  the  English  Admiral, 
where  the  Signing  of  them  was  deferred  until  To  Morrow. 
On  July  20,  the  Articles  of  Capitulation  were  Signed,  on  both 
sides,  and  the  English  being  Landed,  were  put  in  possession 
of  Canada  by  the  Governour  of  it.  The  French  Inhabitants, 
who  were  then  in  the  Country,  had  twenty  Crowns  apiece 
given  them,  the  rest  of  their  Effects  remained  unto  the  Con- 
querors, but  those  who  were  willing  to  stay,  were  favoured  by 
the  English  with  great  Advantages.  The  Fleet  set  Sail  again 
for  England,  Sept.  14,  and  arrived  at  Plymouth,  Oct.  18,  in 
that  year.^ 

1  Canada  was  given  back  to  France  by  the  treaty  of  St.  Germain-en-Laye, 
March  29,  1632. 


Article  IX. 

Casco  Lost. 

When  the  Indians  at  last  perceived  that  the  New-Englanders 
were  upon  a  Likely  Design  to  Swallow  up  the  French  Terri- 
tories, the  Prospect  of  it  began  to  have  the  same  Operation 
upon  them,  that  the  Success  of  the  Design  would  have  made 
Perpetual;  that  is,  to  Dis-spirit  them,  for  giving  the  New- 
Englanders  any  further  Molestations.  Nevertheless,  Before 
and  Until  they  were  thoroughly  Advised  of  what  was  a  doing, 
and  likely  to  be  done,  they  did  molest  the  Country  with  some 
Tragical  Efforts  of  their  Fury.  Captain  James  Converse  was 
Marching  through  the  vast  Wilderness  to  Albany,  with  some 
Forces,  which  the  Massachusets  Colony  were  willing  to  send 
by  Land  (besides  what  they  did  send  by  Sea  unto  Quebeck,) 
for  the  Assistance  of  the  Army,  in  the  West,  that  was  to  go 
from  thence  over  the  Lake,  and  there  fall  upon  Mount  Real;^ 
but  unhappy  Tidings  out  of  the  East  required  the  Diversion 
of  those  Forces  thither.  About  the  Beginning  of  May,  the 
French  and  Indians,  between  Four  and  Five  Hundred,  ^  were 
seen  at  Casco,  in  a  great  Fleet  of  canoos  passing  over  the 
Bay;  but  not  Seeing  or  Hearing  any  more  of  them,  for  Two  or 
Three  Weeks  together,  the  Casconians  flattered  themselves  with 
Hopes,  That  they  were  gone  another  way.  But  about  May 
16.  those  Hopes  were  over;  for  one  Gresson,^  a  Scotchman, 
then  going  out  Early,  fell  into  the  mouths  of  these  Hungry- 
Salvages.  It  proved  no  kindness  to  Casco,  tho'  it  proved  a 
great  one  to  himself,  that  a  Commander  so  qualified  as  Cap- 
tain Willard,  was  called  off.  Two  or  Three  Days  before.^ 
But  the  Officers  of  the  place,  now  concluding,  that  the  whole 
Army  of  the  Enemy  were  watching  for  an  Advantage  to  Sur- 

1  Montreal. 

2  Some  other  writers  place  the  number  of  French  and  Indians  at  above  500. 
Casco  is  Falmouth  (Portland).  The  commander  of  the  French  forces  was  M. 
Robineau  de  Portneuf. 

3  Robert  Gresson  or  Greason. 

*  Major  Simon  Willard  was  succeeded  by  Captain  Sylvanus  Davis,  later 
taken  prisoner  and  held  at  Quebec  until  exchanged  at  the  time  of  the  expedition 
of  Phips  in  November,  1690. 


prize  The  town,  Resolved  that  they  would  keep  a  Strict 
watch,  for  Two  or  Three  days,  to  make  some  further  Discovery, 
before  they  salley'd  forth.  Notwithstanding  this,  one  Lieut. 
Clark,^  with  near  Thirty  of  their  Stoutest  young  men,  would 
venture  out,  as  far  as  the  Top  of  an  Hill  in  the  Entrance  of 
the  Wood,  half  a  mile  distant  from  the  Town.  The  out-let 
from  the  Town  to  the  Wood  was  thro'  a  Lane,  that  had  a 
Fence  on  each  side,  which  had  a  certain  Block-house  at  one 
End  of  it;  and  the  English  were  Suspicious,  when  they  came 
to  Enter  the  Lane,  that  the  Indians  were  lying  behind  the  Fence 
because  the  Cattel  stood  staring  that  way,  and  would  not 
pass  into  the  Wood  as  they  use  to  do.  This  mettlesome  Com- 
pany then  ran  up  to  the  Fence  with  an.  Huzza !  thinking  thereby 
to  discourage  the  Enemy,  if  they  should  be  lurking  there; 
but  the  Enemy  were  so  well  prepared  for  them,  that  they  an- 
swered them  with  an  horrible  Vengeance,  which  kill'd  the 
Lieutenant,  with  Thirteen  more  upon  the  Spot,  and  the  rest 
escaped  with  much  ado  unto  one  of  the  Garrisons.  The  Enemy 
then  coming  into  Town,  beset  all  the  Garrisons  at  once.  Except 
the  Fort;  which  were  manfully  Defended  so  long  as  their 
Ammunition  lasted;  but  That  being  spent,  without  a  prospect 
of  a  Recruit,  they  quitted  all  the  Four  Garrisons,  and  by  the 
Advantage  of  the  Night,  got  into  the  Fort.  Upon  this,  the 
Enemy  Setting  the  Town  on  Fire,  bent  their  whole  Force 
against  the  Fort,  which  had  hard  by  it  a  deep  Gully,  that  con- 
tributed not  a  little  unto  the  Ruin  of  it:  For  the  Besiegers 
getting  into  that  Gully,  lay  below  the  Danger  of  our  Guns. 
Here  the  Enemy  began  their  Mine,  which  was  carried  so  near 
the  Walls,  that  the  English,  who  by  Fighting  Five  Days  and 
Four  Nights,  had  the  greatest  part  of  their  men  killed  and 
wounded,  (Captain  Lawrence  mortally,  among  the  rest,) 
began  a  parley  with  them.  Articles  were  Agreed,  That  they 
should  have  liberty  to  March  unto  the  Next  English  Town, 
and  have  a  Guard  for  their  Safety  in  their  March;  and  the 
French  Commander,  lifting  up  His  Hand,  Swore  by  the  Ever- 
lasting God,  for  the  performance  of  these  Articles.  But  the 
Agreement  was  kept,  as  those  that  are  made  with  Hugonots 
use  to  be:  The  English  being  first  Admonished,  by  the  French, 

^Thaddeus  Clark.    The  capture  and  entire  destruction  of  Casco   (Fal- 
mouth) was  one  of  the  great  disasters  of  the  war. 


that  they  were  all  rebels,  for  proclaiming  the  Prince  of  Orange 
their  King,  were  Captived,  and  many  of  them  cruelly  Murdered 
by  the  Indians:  Only  some  of  them  (and  particularly,  Major 
Davis,)  were  Carried  unto  Canada,  where  the  Gentry  very 
civilly  Treated  them.  The  Garrisons  at  Papoodack,  Spurwink, 
Black  Point,  and  Blue  Point,^  were  so  disanimated  at  these 
Disasters,  that,  without  Orders  they  drew  off  immediately,  to 
Saco,  Twenty  miles  within  Casco,  and  from  Saco  in  a  few  Days 
also  they  drew  off  to  Wells,  Twenty  miles  within  the  said 
Saco;  and  about  Half  Wells  drew  off  as  far  as  Lieutenant 
Storers.  But  the  Arrival  of  Orders  and  Soldiers  from  the  Gov- 
ernment, stopt  them  from  Retiring  any  further;  and  Hope- 
Hood,  with  a  party  that  staid  for  further  mischief,  meeting 
with  some  Resistance  here,  turn'd  about,  and  having  first  had 
a  skirmish  with  Captain  Sherborn,  they  appear'd  the  next 
Lords  day  at  Newichawannick,  or,  Berwick,  where  they  Burnt 
some  Houses,  and  Slew  a  man.  Three  Days  after,  they  came 
upon  a  Small  Hamlet,  on  the  South  side  of  Piscataqua  River, 
called  Fox  Point,  and  besides  the  Burning  of  several  Houses, 
they  Took  Half  a  Dozen,  and  kill'd  more  than  a  Dozen,  of  the 
too  Securely  Ungarrisoned  People;  which  it  was  as  easy  to 
do,  as  to  have  Spoiled  an  ordinary  Hen-Roost.  But  Captain 
Floyd^  and  Captain  Greenleaf  coming  upon  those  Indians, 
made  some  Slaughter  among  them.  Recovered  some  Captives 
with  much  Plunder,  and  bestow'd  a  Good  wound  upon 
Hope-Hood,  who  left  his  gun  (which  was  next  his  life)  in  this 

All  that  shall  further  belong  to  this  Paragraph  of  our  Story, 
is.  That  when  the  Indians  were  got  into  the  Woods,  they  made 
one  Goody  Stockford  their  messenger  to  her  Neighbours, 
whose  Charity  she  so  well  Sollicited,  that  she  got  a  Shalop  full 
of  it  unto  Casco,  where  the  Indians  permitted  us  to  Redeem 
several  of  the  Prisoners. 

iPurpooduck  and  Spurwick  were  in  Cape  Elizabeth,  Black  Point  and 
Blue  Point  in  Scarborough. 

2  James  Floyd. 

3  Marginal  note:  "Villain!  Thou  shalt  not  escape  so:  There  must  quickly 
be  another  stroke  upon  theel" 


Article  X. 

Harm  Watched  and  Catch'd  by  the  Indians,  and  several  Rare 
Instances  of  Mortal  wounds  upon  the  English,  not  proving 

That  memorable  Tygre,  Hope-Hood,  (called  also  Wohawa,) 
finding  the  Coast  hereabouts  too  hot  for  him,  went  away  with 
his  Crew,  a  great  way  to  the  West-ward,  with  a  Design  to 
Bewitch  another  Crew  at  Aquadocta  into  his  Assistance. 
Here  a  party  of  French  Indians,  by  a  strange  Mistake,  sup- 
posing Hope-Hood  and  his  Wretches  to  have  been  the  Indians, 
who  had  lately  done  some  Spoil  upon  them  at  Canada,  furi- 
ously fell  upon  them,  and  in  their  Blind  Fury  slew  him,  and  a 
considerable  part  of  his  Company.  So  we  have  now  done 
with  him!  In  the  mean  Time,  some  other  Indians  came  upon 
an  Helpless  place,  called  Spruce  Creek,  and  kill'd  an  old  man, 
and  carried  a  Woman  into  Captivity;  but  tho'  Captain  Con- 
verse pursued  'em  Three  Days,  they  were  too  Nimble  for  him. 
On  July  4,  Eight  or  Nine  persons  working  in  a  Field,  at  a  place 
call'd  Lampereel  River,^  the  Scythe  of  Death  unhappily 
mow'd  them  down,  in  that  Field  of  Blood:  The  Indians  by 
Surprize  kill'd  'em  all,  and  carried  a  Lad  Captive.  About  this 
Time  a  Council  of  War  was  called  at  Portsmouth,  by  which 
'twas  thought  adviseable  to  send  out  Captain  Wiswel,  with  a 
considerable  Scout,  for  to  Scour  the  Woods  as  far  as  Casco; 
and  it  being  Resolved,  That  one  of  the  other  Captains  with 
about  Fourscore  Stout  men  should  accompany  Captain  Wiswel 
in  this  Action,  they  All  with  such  a  Generous  Emulation  offered 
it,  that  it  was  necessary  to  determine  it  by  a  Lot,  which  fell 
upon  Captain  Floyd.  On  July  4,  assisted  with  Lieut.  Andrews, 
and  a  Detachment  of  Twenty-two  men  from  Wells,  they  took 
their  March  from  Quochecho  into  the  Woods.  But  the  Day 
following,  the  Enemy  set  upon  Captain  Hilton's  Garrison  in 
Exeter,  which  Lieutenant  Bancroft,  then  posted  at  Exeter, 
with  the  loss  of  a  few  of  his  men  Relieved.  At  this  Time 
there  happened  a  Remarkable  Thing.  I  know  not  whether 
the  Story  told  by  Plato  ^  be  true,  That  one  Herus  Armenius 

1  Now  Newmarket,  New  Hampshire.  *  Republic,  X.  614. 


(whom  Clemens  will  have  to  be  Zoroaster)  being  Slain  in  War, 
lay  Ten  Days  among  the  Dead,  and  then  being  brought  away, 
and  on  the  Twelfth  Day  laid  on  the  funeral  pile,  he  came  to 
Life  again.  But  it  is  true,  that  one  Simon  Stone  being  here 
wounded  with  Shot,  in  Nine  several  places,  lay  for  Dead  (as 
it  was  Time!)  among  the  Dead.  The  Indians  coming  to  Strip 
him,  attempted  with  Two  several  Blows  of  an  Hatchet  at  his 
Neck,  to  cut  off  his  Head,  which  Blows  added,  you  may  be 
sure,  more  Enormous  wounds  unto  those  Port-holes  of  Death, 
at  which  the  Life  of  the  poor  man,  was  already  running  out,  as 
fast  as  it  could.  Being  charged  hard  by  Lieut.  Bancroft,  they 
left  the  man,  without  Scalping  him;  and  the  English  now  com- 
ing to  Bury  the  Dead,  one  of  the  Soldiers  perceived  this  poor 
man  to  fetch  a  gasp :  whereupon  an  Irish  Fellow  then  present, 
advised  'em  to  give  him  another  Dab  with  an  Hatchet,  and  so 
Bury  him  with  the  rest.  The  English  detesting  this  Barbarous 
Advice,  lifted  up  the  wounded  man,  and  poured  a  little  Fair 
Water  into  his  Mouth,  at  which  he  Coughed;  then  they  poured 
a  little  Strong  Water  after  it,  at  which  he  opened  his  Eyes. 
The  Irish  Fellow  was  ordered  now  to  hale  a  Canoo  ashore,  to 
carry  the  wounded  men  up  the  River  unto  a  Chirurgeon ;  and 
as  Teague  was  foolishly  pulling  the  Canoo  ashore,  with  the 
Cock  of  his  Gun,  while  he  held  the  Muzzle  in  his  Hand,  his 
Gun  went  off,  and  broke  his  Arm,  whereof  he  remains  a  Cripple 
to  this  Day:  But  Simon  Stone  was  thoroughly  cured,  and  is 
at  this  Day  a  very  lusty  man;  and  as  he  was  Born  with  Two 
Thumbs  on  one  Hand,  his  Neighbours  have  thought  him  to 
have  at  least  as  many  Hearts  as  Thumbs! 

Reader,  Let  us  Leave  it  now  unto  the  Sons  of  >^sculapius, 
to  Dispute  out  the  Problem,  What  Wounds  are  to  be  Judged 
Mortal?  The  Sovereign  Arbiter  of  Life  and  Death,  seems  to 
have  determined  it.  That  no  Wounds  are  Mortal,  but  such 
as  He  shall  in  his  Holy  Providence  Actually  make  so.  On  the 
one  side,  let  it  be  Remembered,  That  a  Scratch  of  a  Comb 
has  proved  Mortal;  That  the  Incomparable  Anatomist  Spi- 
gelius,  at  the  Wedding  of  his  Daughter,  gathering  up  the 
Reliques  of  a  Broken  Glass,  a  Fragment  of  it  scratched  one  of 
his  Fingers;  and  all  his  Exquisite  Skill  in  Anatomy,  could  not 
prevent  its  producing  an  Empyema,  that  Killed  him:  That 
Colonel  Rossiter,  cracking  a  Plumb-stone  with  his  Teeth, 


broke  his  Tooth,  and  Lost  his  Life;  That  the  Lord  Fairfax, 
cutting  a  Corn  in  his  Foot,  Cut  asunder  the  Thread  of  his  Life; 
That  Mr.  Fowler,  a  Vintner,  playing  with  his  Child,  received 
a  little  scratch  of  a  Pin,  which  turn'd  unto  a  Gangrene,  that 
Cost  him  his  Life.  And,  Reader,  Let  the  Remembrance  of 
such  Things,  cause  thee  to  Live,  preparing  for  Death  continu- 
ally. But  then,  on  the  other  side.  That  nothing  may  be  De- 
spaired of,  Remember  Simon  Stone.  And,  besides  him,  I  call 
to  Remembrance,  That  the  Indians  making  an  Assault  upon 
Deerfield,  in  this  Present  War,  they  struck  an  Hatchet  some 
inches  into  the  Scull  of  a  Boy  there,  even  so  deep,  that  the  Boy 
felt  the  Force  of  a  Wrench  used  by  'em  to  get  it  out.  There 
he  lay  a  long  while  Weltring  in  his  Blood;  they  found  him, 
they  Dress'd  him,  considerable  Quantities  of  his  Brain  came 
out  from  time  to  time,  when  they  opened  the  Wound;  yet  the 
Lad  Recovered,  and  is  now  a  Living  Monument  of  the  Power 
and  Goodness  of  God.  And  in  our  Former  War,  there  was  one 
Jabez  Musgrove,  who  tho'  he  were  Shot  by  the  Indians,  with 
a  Bullet,  that  went  in  at  his  Ear,  and  went  out  at  his  Eye  on 
the  other  side  of  his  head;  and  a  Brace  of  Bullets,  that  went 
into  his  Right  Side,  a  little  above  his  Hip,  and  passing  thro' 
his  Body  within  the  Back-Bone,  went  out  at  his  Left  Side; 
yet  he  Recovered,  and  Lived  many  years  after  it. 

Aeticle  XL 

A  Worthy  Captain  Dying  in  the  Bed  of  Honour. 

On  July  6.  Lord's-Day,  Captain  Floyd,  and  Captain  Wis- 
wel,  sent  out  their  Scouts  before  their  Breakfast,  who  imme- 
diately returned,  with  Tidings  of  Breakfast  enough  provided 
for  those,  who  had  their  Stomach  sharp  set  for  Fighting :  Tid- 
ings of  a  considerable  Track  of  the  Enemy,  going  to  the  West- 
ward. Our  Forces  vigorously  followed  the  Track,  till  they 
came  up  with  the  Enemy,  at  a  place  call'd  Wheelwright's 
Pond;  where  they  engaged  'em  in  a  Bloody  Action  for  several 
Hours.  The  manner  of  the  Fight  here  was  as  it  is  at  all  times, 
with  Indians;  namely,  what  your  Artists  at  Fighting  do  call, 
A  la  disbandad :  ^  And  here,  the  Worthy  Captain  Wiswel,  a  man 

^Spanish,  meaning,  "separately,  not  in  company  formation." 


worthy  to  have  been  Shot  (if  he  must  have  been  Shot),  with  no 
Gun  inferior  to  that  at  Florence,  the  Barrel  whereof  is  all  pure 
Gold,  behaving  himself  with  much  Bravery,  Sold  his  Life  as 
dear  as  he  could;  and  his  Lieutenant  Flag,  and  Sergeant 
Walker,  who  were  Valient  in  their  Lives,  in  their  Death  were 
not  divided.  Fifteen  of  ours  were  Slain,  and  more  Wounded; 
but  how  many  of  the  Enemy  'twas  not  exactly  known,  because 
of  a  singular  care  used  by  them  in  all  their  Battels  to  carry  off 
their  Dead,  tho'  they  were  forced  now  to  Leave  a  good  Number 
of  them  on  the  Spot.  Captain  Floyd  maintained  the  Fight, 
after  the  Death  of  Captain  Wiswel,  several  Hours,  until  so 
many  of  his  Tired  and  Wounded  men  Drew  off,  that  it  was  Time 
for  him  to  Draw  off  also;  for  which  he  was  blamed  perhaps, 
by  some  that  would  not  have  continued  at  it  so  long  as  he. 
Hereupon  Captain  Converse  repaired  with  about  a  score  Hands 
to  look  after  the  Wounded  men,  and  finding  seven  yet  Alive, 
he  brought  'em  to  the  Hospital  by  Sun-rise  the  next  morning. 
He  then  Returned  with  more  Hands,  to  Bury  the  Dead,  which 
was  done  immediately;  and  Plunder  left  by  the  Enemy  at 
their  going  off,  was  then  also  taken  by  them.  But  the  same 
Week,  these  Rovers  made  their  Descent  as  far  as  Amesbury, 
where  Captain  Foot  being  Ensnared  by  them,  they  Tortured 
him  to  Death ;  which  Disaster  of  the  Captain,  was  an  Alarum 
to  the  Town,  and  an  Effectual  Word  of  Command,  causing 
'em  to  fly  out  of  their  Beds  into  their  Garrisons;  otherwise 
they  had  all  undoubtedly  before  next  morning  Slept  their  last; 
their  Beds  would  have  been  their  Graves.  However,  the  enemy 
Kill'd  Three  Persons,  Burnt  Three  Houses,  Butchered  many 
Cattel;  and  so,  that  Scene  of  the  Tragedy  being  over,  away 
they  went. 

In  fine.  From  the  First  Mischief  done,  at  Lampereel  River, 
to  the  Last  at  Amesbury,  all  belong'd  unto  one  Indian  Expedi- 
tion, in  which,  though  no  English  Places  were  taken,  yet  Forty 
English  People  were  cut  off. 


Article  XII. 
An  Indian  Fort  or  Two  taken,  and  some  other  Actions. 

Reader,  I  remember  the  prolixity  of  Guicciardine,  the 
Historian/  gave  such  Offence,  that  BoccaHni  brings  in  an 
Offender  at  Verbosity,  Ordered  for  his  punishment  by  the 
Judges  at  Parnassus,  to  Read  that  punctual  Historian;  but 
the  poor  Fellow  begg'd  rather  to  be  Fley'd  alive,  than  to  be 
Tortured  with  Reading  an  Historian,  who  in  relating  the  War 
between  the  Florentines  and  Pisans  made  longer  Narrations 
about  the  Taking  of  a  Pigeon-House,  than  there  needed  of  the 
most  Fortified  Castle  in  the  World.  For  this  cause,  let  me  be 
excused,  Reader,  if  I  make  Short  Work,  in  our  Story,  and  Leave 
the  Honest  Actors  themselves  to  Run  over  Circumstances 
more  at  large,  with  their  Friends  by  the  Fireside. 

The  Enemy  appearing  a  Little  Numerous  and  Vexatious, 
the  Government  sent  more  Forces  to  break  up  the  Enemies 
Quarters;  and  Auxiliaries  both  of  English  and  Indians,  under 
the  Command  of  Major  Church,  assisted  the  Enterprize.^ 
About  Three  Hundred  Men,  were  dispatched  away  upon  this 
Design,  in  the  Beginning  of  September,  who  Landed  by  Night 
in  Casco  Bay,  at  a  place  called  Macquoit,  and  by  Night 
Marched  up  to  Pechypscot-fort;^  where,  from  the  Informa- 
tion of  some  Escaped  Captives,  they  had  an  Expectation  to 
meet  with  the  Enemy;  but  found  that  the  Wretches  were  gone 
farther  afield.  They  then  marched  away  for  Amonoscoggin 
Fort,^  which  was  about  Forty  Miles  up  the  River;  and 
Wading  through  many  Difficulties,  whereof  one  was  a  Branch 
of  the  River  it  self,  they  met  with  Four  or  Five  Salvages,  going 
to  their  Fort,  with  two  English  Prisoners.  They  sav'd  the 
Prisoners,  but  could  not  catch  the  Salvages;  however,  on  the 
Lord's-Day  they  got  up  to  the  Fort  undiscovered,  where  to 
their  sorrowful  Disappointment,  they  found  no  more  than  one 
and  Twenty  of  the  Enemy,  whereof  they  Took  and  Slew 

1  Francesco  Guicciardini  (1483-1540),  the  historian  of  Florence;  Trajano 
Boccalini  (1556-1613),  satirist. 

2  See  Church,  Entertaining  Passages,  pp.  66-76. 

8  Freeport;  Brunswick.  *  At  Lewiston. 


Twenty.  They  found  some  Considerable  Store  of  Plunder, 
and  Rescued  Five  English  Captives,  and  laid  the  Fort  in  Ashes; 
but  one  Disaster  they  much  Complained  of;  That  the  Captain 
of  the  Fort,  whose  Name  was  Agamcus,  alias,  Great  Tom, 
slipt  away  from  the  Hands  of  his  too  Careless  keepers.  But  if 
this  piece  of  Carelessness  did  any  Harm,  there  was  another 
which  did  some  Good:  for  Great  Tom  having  terribly  Scared 
a  party  of  his  Country-men,  with  the  Tidings  of  what  had 
happened,  and  an  English  Lad  in  their  Hands  also  telling 
some  Truth  unto  them,  they  betook  themselves  to  such  a 
Flight,  in  their  Fright,  as  gave  one  Mr.  Anthony  Bracket,^ 
then  a  Prisoner  with  'em,  an  Opportunity  to  Fly  Four-score 
miles  another  way.  Our  Forces  returning  to  Macquoit,  one 
of  our  Vessels  was  there  Carelessly  ran  aground,  and  compelled 
thereby  to  stay  for  the  next  Tide;  and  Mr.  Bracket  had  been 
miserably  aground,  if  it  had  not  so  fell  out;  for  he  thereby  got 
thither  before  she  was  afloat,  otherwise  He  might  have  per- 
ished, who  was  afterwards  much  Improved  in  Service  against 
the  Murderers  of  his  Father.  Arriving  at  Winter  harbour,  a 
party  of  men  were  sent  up  the  River,  who  coming  upon  a 
parcel  of  the  Mankeen  Wolves  then  hunted  for,  killed  some  of 
them,  and  Seized  most  of  their  Arms,  and  Stores,  and  Recov- 
ered from  them  an  English  man,  who  told  them,  that  the 
Enemy  were  intending  to  Rendezvouz  on  Pechypscot  Plain, 
in  order  to  an  attempt  upon  the  Town  of  Wells.  Upon  this, 
they  Reimbark'd  for  Macquoit,  and  repaired  as  fast  as  they 
could  unto  Pechypscot  Plain,  and  being  Divided  into  Three 
parties,  they  there  waited  for  the  Approach  of  the  Enemy. 
But  being  tyred  with  one  of  the  three  Italian  miseries.  Waiting 
for  those  who  did  not  come,  they  only  possessed  themselves 
of  more  Plunder  there  hid  by  the  Enemy,  and  returned  unto 
Casco-harbour.  The  Enemy  it  seems  dogg'd  their  Motions; 
and  in  the  Night  they  made  a  mischievous  Assault  upon  such 
of  the  English  Army,  as  were  too  Remiss  in  providing  for  their 
own  Safety  in  their  going  ashore;  Killing  Five  of  our  Plymouth 
Friends,  who  had  Lodg'd  themselves  in  an  House,  without 
Commanders  or  Centinels.  The  English,  as  soon  as  the  Light 
of  the  Day  (which  was  the  Lord's-day,  Sept.  21,)  gave  'em 

iSon   of   the  Anthony  Brackett   previously  mentioned,  p.    202,   su'pra. 
Agamagus  was  a  Penobscot  chief,  also  called  Moxus. 


leave,  quickly  Ran  upon  the  Enemy,  and  Eased  the  world  of 
some  of  them,  and  made  the  rest  Scamper  from  that  part  of 
the  world,  and  got  many  of  their  Canoos,  and  not  a  little  of 
their  Ammunition,  and  their  best  Furniture  for  the  Winter. 
The  Army  was  after  this  Dismissed,  only  an  Hundred  men 
were  left,  with  Captain  Converse,  and  Lieutenant  Plaisted,^ 
who  spent  their  Time,  as  profitably  as  they  could,  in  Scouting 
about  the  Frontiers,  to  prevent  Surprizals,  from  an  Enemy 
which  rarely  did  Annoy,  but  when  they  could  Surprize. 

Akticle  XIII. 

A  Flag  of  Truce. 

New-England  was  now  quite  out  of  Breath!  A  tedious, 
lingring,  expensive  Defence,  against  an  Ever-Approaching 
and  Unapproachable  Adversary,  had  made  it  so.  But  nothing 
had  made  it  more  so,  than  the  Expedition  to  Canada,  which 
had  Exhausted  its  best  Spirits,  and  seem'd  its  Ultimus  Cona- 
tus.'^  While  the  Country  was  now  in  too  Great  Amazements 
to  proceed  any  farther  in  the  War,  the  Indians  themselves 
Entreat  them  to  proceed  no  farther.  The  Indians  came  in  to 
Wells,  with  a  Flag  of  Truce :  and  there  Ensued  some  Overtures, 
with  the  English  Commissioners,  Major  Hutchinson,^  and 
Captain  Townsend,  sent  from  Boston  to  join  with  some  others 
at  Wells.  At  length  a  meeting  was  Appointed  and  obtained 
at  Sagadehock,^  Nov.  23,  Where  the  Redemption  of  Ten 
English  Captives  was  accomplished;  one  of  whom  was  Mrs. 
Hull,  whom  the  Indians  were  very  loth  to  part  withal,  because 
being  able  to  Write  well,  they  made  her  serve  them  in  the 
Quality  of  a  Secretary :  another  was  named  Nathanael  White, 
whom  the  Barbarous  Canibals  had  already  ty'd  unto  a  Stake, 
and  cut  off  one  of  his  Ears,  and  made  him  Eat  it  Raw,  and  in- 
tended for  to  have  Roasted  the  rest  of  him  alive:  the  poor 
man,  being  astonished  at  his  own  Deliverance!    At  last,  they 

1  James  Converse  of  Woburn;   Ichabod  Plaisted  of  Kittery. 

2  "Last  effort." 

*  Elisha  Hutchinson,  grandson  of  Anne  Hutchinson. 

*  Sagadahoc,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Kennebec  River,  where  Popham  had 
built  his  fort  of  St.  George  in  1607. 


Signed  Articles,  dated,  Nov.  29,  1691,  wherein  they  Engaged, 
that  no  Indians  in  those  parts  of  the  World  should  do  any 
Injury  to  the  Persons  or  Estates  of  the  English  in  any  of  the 
English  Colonies,  until  the  first  of  May,  next  Ensuing:  and 
that  on  the  said  First  of  May,  they  would  bring  into  Storer's 
Garrison  at  Wells  all  the  English  Captives  in  their  Hands,  and 
there  Make,  and  Sign,  and  Seal  Articles  of  Peace  with  the 
English;  and  in  the  mean  time  give  seasonable  Advice  of  any 
Plots,  which  they  might  know  the  French  to  have  against 
them.  To  this  Instrument  were  set  the  Paws  of  Edgeremet,^ 
and  Five  more  of  their  Sagamores,  and  noblemen. 

But  as  it  was  not  upon  the  Firm  Land,  but  in  their  Canoos 
upon  the  Water,  that  they  Signed  and  Sealed  this  Instrument ; 
so.  Reader,  we  will  be  Jealous,  that  it  will  prove  but  a  Fluctu- 
ating, and  unstable  sort  of  a  Business;  and  that  the  Indians 
will  Do  a  Ly,  as  they  use  to  do.  However,  we  will  Dismiss  all 
our  Soldiers  to  their  several  Homes,  Leaving  only  Captain 
Converse  to  keep  Wells  in  some  Order,  until  the  First  of  May 
do  show,  whether  any  more  than  a  meer  Flag  of  Truce  be  yet 
shown  unto  us. 

Article  XIV. 

Remarkable  Encounters. 

At  the  Day  appointed,  there  came  to  the  place  Mr.Danforth, 
Mr.  Moodey,  Mr.  Vaughan,  Mr.  Brattle,  and  several  other 
Gentlemen,  guarded  with  a  Troop,  to  see  how  the  Frenchified 
Indians  would  keep  their  Faith  with  the  Hereticks  of  New- 
England.  The  Indians  being  poor  Musicians  for  keeping  of 
Time,  came  not  according  to  their  Articles,  and  when  Captain 
Converse  had  the  courage  to  go  fetch  in  some  of  them,  they 
would  have  made  a  Lying  excuse,  That  they  did  not  know  the 
Time.  They  brought  in  Two  Captives,  and  promised  That  in 
Twenty  Days  more,  they  would  bring  in  to  Captain  Converse 
all  the  rest;  but  finding  that  in  Two  and  Twenty  days  they 
came  not,  with  much  concern  upon  his  Mind,  he  got  himself 
Supplied,  as  fast  as  he  could,  with  Five  and  Thirty  men,  from 
the  County  of  Essex.     His  men  were  not  come  half  an  Hour 

1  Edgeremet  or  Egeremet  was  an  Indian  leader  near  Machias. 


to  Storer's  House,  on  June  9,  1691,  nor  had  they  got  their 
Indian  Weed  fairly  lighted  into  their  Mouths,  before  Fierce 
Moxus,  with  Two  Hundred  Indians,  made  an  Attacque  upon 
the  Garrison.  This  Recruit  of  Men,  thus  at  the  very  Nick  of 
Time,  Saved  the  place;  for  Moxus  meeting  with  a  brave  Re- 
pulse, drew  off;  and  gave  Modockawando  cause  to  say,  (as  a 
Captive  aftewards  related  it)  My  Brother  Moxus  has  miss'd 
it  now,  but  I  will  go  my  self  the  next  year,  and  have  the  Dog 
Converse  out  of  his  Hole.  About  this  Time,  the  Enemy  Slew 
Two  men  at  Berwick,  Two  more  at  Exeter,  and  the  biggest 
part  of  Nine,  loading  a  Vessel  at  Cape  Nidduck.  But  about 
the  latter  End  of  July,  we  sent  out  a  small  Army  under  the 
Command  of  Captain  March,  Captain  King,  Captain  Sher- 
burn,  and  Captain  Walten,  (Converse  lying  Sick  all  Summer, 
had  this  to  make  him  yet  more  Sick  that  he  could  have  no  part 
in  these  Actions,)  who  landing  at  Macquoit,  Marched  up  to 
Pechypscot,  but  not  finding  any  signs  of  the  Enemy,  Marched 
down  again.  While  the  Commanders  were  waiting  ashore,  till 
the  Soldiers  were  got  aboard,  such  Great  Numbers  of  Indians 
poured  in  upon  them,  that  tho'  the  Commanders  wanted  not 
for  Courage  or  Conduct,  yet  they  found  themselves  obliged, 
with  much  ado,  (and  not  without  the  Death  of  Worthy  Cap- 
tain Sherburn)  to  retire  into  the  Vessels  which  then  lay  aground. 
Here  they  kept  pelting  at  one  another  all  night ;  but  unto  little 
other  purpose  than  this,  which  was  indeed  Remarkable :  that 
the  Enemy  was  at  this  Time  Going  to  Take  the  Isle  of  Shoales, 
and  no  doubt  had  they  gone,  they  would  have  Taken  it,  but 
having  Exhausted  all  their  Ammunition  on  this  Occasion,  they 
desisted  from  what  they  designed.  For  the  Rest  of  the  Year, 
the  Compassion  of  Heaven  towards  Distressed  New-England, 
kept  the  Indians  under  a  strange  Inactivity;  only,  on  Sept. 
28,  Seven  persons  were  Murthered  and  Captived  at  Berwick; 
and  the  Day  following,  Thrice  Seven  of  Sandy-Beach;  on 
Octob.  23,  One  Goodridge  and  his  Wife,  were  murthered  at 
Newberry,^  and  his  Children  Captived :  and  the  Day  follow- 
ing, the  like  Fate  befel  a  Family  at  Haverhil.  And  this  year, 
a  very  Good  Strong  Fort  at  Cape  Nidduck,  owned  by  a  Widdow, 
was  unhappily  Deserted;  after  which,  the  Enemy  came,  and 
burnt  the  Houses  in  it. 

*  In  the  Magnalia  this  is  corrected  to  Rowley. 


Article  XV. 

The  Martyrdome  of  Mr.  Shubael  Dummer,  with  the  Fate  of  York. 

But  the  Winter  must  not  pass  over,  without  a  Storm  of 
Blood!  The  Popish  Indians,  after  long  Silence  and  Repose  in 
their  Inaccessible  Kennels,  which  made  our  Frontier  Towns  a 
little  Remit  their  Tired  Vigilance,  did,  Jan.  25,  1691,^  Set 
upon  the  Town  of  York,  where  the  Inhabitants  were  in  their 
unguarded  Houses,  here  and  there  scattered.  Quiet  and  Secure. 
Upon  the  Firing  of  a  Gim  by  the  Indians,  which  was  their 
Signal,  the  Inhabitants  looked  out,  but  unto  their  Amazement, 
found  their  Houses  to  be  Invested  with  horrid  Salvages,  who 
immediately  kill'd  many  of  those  unprovided  Inhabitants,  and 
more  they  took  Prisoners.  This  Body  of  Indians,  Consisting 
of  divers  Hundreds,  then  sent  in  their  Summons,  to  some  of 
the  Garrison'd  Houses;  and  those  Garrisons,  whereof  some 
had  no  more  than  Two  or  Three  Men  in  them,  yet  being  so  well 
Manned,  as  to  Reply,  That  they  would  Spend  their  Blood  unto 
the  last  Drop,  e'er  they  would  Surrender,  these  Cowardly 
miscreants  had  not  mettle  enough  to  meddle  with  'em.  So 
they  Retired  into  their  Howling  Thickets,  having  first  Murdered 
about  Fifty,  and  Captivated  near  an  Hundred  of  that  unhappy 
People.2  jji  tiiig  Calamity  great  was  the  Share  that  fell  to 
the  Family  of  Mr.  Shubael  Dummer,  the  Pastor  of  the  Little 
Flock  thus  prey'd  upon;  Those  Blood-Hounds,  being  set  on 
by  some  Romish  Missionaries,  had  long  been  wishing,  that 
they  might  Embrue  their  Hands  in  the  Blood  of  some  New- 
English  Minister;  and  in  this  Action,  they  had  their  Diabolical 
Satisfaction.  Our  Dummer,  the  Minister  of  York,^  was  One 
of  whom,  for  his  Exemplary  Holiness,  Humbleness,  Modesty, 
Industry  and  Fidelity,  the  world  was  not  worthy.  He  was  a 
Gentleman  Well-Descended,  Well-Tempered,  Well-Educated; 

1 1,  e.,  1692. 

2  Rev.  John  Pike  in  his  diary  gives  the  loss  as  48  killed  and  73  captured. 
The  captives  were  taken  to  Sagadahoc  and  many  were  redeemed  later;  see  p. 
232,  post. 

3  Shubael  Dummer  was  born  in  1632,  was  graduated  from  Harvard  in  1656, 
had  been  minister  at  York  for  many  years,  and  was  one  of  Mather's  most  valued 


and  now  short  of  Sixty  years  of  Age.  He  might  have  taken  for 
his  Coat  of  Arms  the  same  that  the  Holy  Martyr  Hooper 
Prophetically  did,  A  Lamb  in  a  Flaming  Bush,  with  Rays  from 
Heaven  shining  on  it.  He  had  been  SoUicited  with  many 
Temptations  to  Leave  his  Place,  when  the  Clouds  grew  Thick 
and  Black  in  the  Indian  Hostilities,  and  were  like  to  break 
upon  it;  but  he  chose  rather,  with  a  paternal  Affection,  to 
stay  amongst  those  who  had  been,  so  many  of  them.  Converted 
and  Edified  by  his  Ministry,  and  he  spent  very  much  of  his 
own  Patrimony  to  Subsist  among  them,  when  their  Distresses 
made  them  unable  to  support  him  as  otherwise  they  would  have 
done.  In  a  word,  He  was  one  that  might,  by  way  of  Eminency, 
be  called,  A  Good  Man.  This  Good  Man  was  just  going  to 
Take  Horse,  at  his  own  Door,  upon  a  Journey  in  the  Service 
of  God,  when  the  Tygres,  that  were  making  their  Depredations 
upon  the  Sheep  of  York,  seiz'd  upon  this  their  Shepherd;  and 
they  shot  him  so,  that  they  left  him  Dead  among  the  Tribe 
of  Abel  on  the  Ground.  Thus  was  he,  as  Ambrose  in  his  Ele- 
gant Oration,  De  obitu  Fratris,^  expresses  it,  Non  nobis  ereptus, 
sed  periculis.^  His  Wife  they  carried  into  Captivity,  where 
through  Sorrows  and  Hardships  among  those  Dragons  of  the 
Desert,  she  also  quickly  Died;  and  his  Church,  as  many  of 
them  as  were  in  that  Captivity,  Endured  This,  among  other 
Anguishes,  that  on  the  next  Lord's  Day,  one  of  those  Tawnies 
chose  to  Exhibit  himself  unto  them,  (A  Devil  as  an  Angel  of 
Light !)  in  the  Cloaths,  whereof  they  had  Stript  the  Dead  Body 
of  this  their  Father.  Many  were  the  Tears  that  were  dropt 
throughout  New-England,  on  this  Occasion;  and  These  among 
the  rest;  for  Tho'  we  do  not,  as  Tradition  tells  us,  the  Ante- 
diluvians did  use  to  do.  By  the  Blood  of  Abel,  yet  we  cannot 
but  mournfully  Sing  of  the  Blood  of  such  an  Abel. 


Dummer  The  Shepherd  Sacrific'd, 

By  Wolves,  because  the  Sheep  he  priz'd. 

The  Orphans  Father,  Churches  Light, 

*  "On  the  Death  of  a  Brother."    The  allusion  is  to  a  funeral  discourse  de- 
livered by  St.  Ambrose  (d.  397),  commonly  called  De  Excessu  Fratris  sui  Satyri. 
2  "Not  snatched  from  us  but  from  dangers." 


The  Love  of  Heav'n,  of  Hell  the  Spight. 
The  Countries  Gapman,  and  the  Face 
That  Shone,  but  knew  it  not,  with  Grace. 
Hunted  by  Devils,  but  Rehev'd 
By  Angels,  and  on  High  Receiv'd. 
The  Martyr'd  Pehcan,  who  Bled 
Rather  than  leave  his  Charge  Unfed. 
A  proper  Bird  of  Paradise, 
Shot,  and  Flown  thither  in  a  Trice. 

Lord,  Hear  the  Cry  of  Righteous  Dununer's  wounds, 
Ascending  still  against  the  Salvage  Hounds, 
That  Worry  thy  dear  Flocks;  and  let  the  Cry 
Add  Force  to  Theirs,  that  at  thine  Altar  ly. 

To  Compleat  the  Epitaph  of  this  Good  man,  there  now 
needs  no  more,  than  the  famous  old  Chaucer's  Motto. 

Mors  mihi  wrumnarum  Requies} 

Article  XVL 

The  Memorable  Action  at  Wells. 

A  Vessel,  the  Name  whereof  I  know  not,  (Reader,  Let  it  be 
the  Charity)  being  immediately  dispatched  unto  Sagadehock, 
by  the  charitable  Compassions  of  the  more  Southward  Neigh- 
bours, with  Effects  to  accomplish  it,  happily  Effected  the  Re- 
demption of  many  that  were  taken  Captives  at  York.  But  the 
rest  of  the  People  in  that  Broken  Town  talking  of  Drawing  off, 
the  Government  sent  Captain  Converse  and  Captain  Greenleaf , 
with  such  Encouragements  unto  them,  to  keep  their  Station, 
as  prevailed  with  'em  still  to  Stand  their  Ground.  In  Feb- 
ruary Major  Hutchinson  was  made  Commander  in  Chief,  and 
Forces  under  the  Command  of  Captain  Converse,  Captain 
Floyd,  and  Captain  Thaxter,  were  by  him  so  prudently  posted, 
on  the  Frontiers,  that  by  maintaining  a  continual  Communica- 
tion, it  became  a  Difficult  Thing  for  the  Enemy  to  make  any 

^  "Death  is  the  end  of  my  misfortunes." 


more  Approaches.  Lieutenant  Wilson  particularly  hearing  of 
a  man  Shot  at,  in  Quochecho-Woods,  went  out  with  a  Scout  of 
about  Eighteen  men,  who  came  upon  the  Indians  that  had  shot 
at  the  man;  and  killed  and  wounded  all  but  one  of  the  whole 
Company.  But  now,  Reader,  the  Longest  Day  [of]  the  Year  is 
to  come  on,  and  if  I  mistake  not,  the  Bravest  Act  in  the  War, 
fell  out  upon  it.^ — Modockawando  is  now  come,  according 
to  his  Promise  a  Twelve-Month  ago.  Captain  Converse  was 
lodg'd  in  Storer's  Garrison  at  Wells,  with  but  Fifteen  men; 
and  there  came  into  Wells  Two  Sloops,  with  a  Shallop,  which 
had  aboard  Supplies  of  Ammunition  for  the  Soldiers,  and  Con- 
tribution for  the  Needy.  The  Cattel  this  Day  came  Frighted 
and  Bleeding  out  of  the  Woods,  which  was  a  more  certain 
Omen  of  Indians  a  coming,  than  all  the  Prodigies  that  Livy 
reports  of  the  Sacrificed  Oxen.  Converse  immediately  issued 
out  his  Commands  unto  all  Quarters,  but  especially  to  the 
Sloops  just  then  arrived.  The  Sloops  were  Commanded  by 
Samuel  Storer,  and  James  Gouge,  and  Gouges  being  two  miles 
up  the  River,  he  wisely  brought  her  down  undiscovered,  unto 
Storers,  by  the  advantage  of  a  Mist  then  prevailing.  A  care- 
ful Night  they  had  on't!  The  next  Morning,  before  Day- 
Light,  one  Johii  Diamond,  a  Stranger  that  came  in  the  Shallop 
on  a  Visit,  came  to  Captain  Converse's  Garrison,  where  the 
Watch  invited  him  in;  but  he  chose  rather  to  go  aboard  the 
Sloops,  which  were  little  more  than  a  Gun-Shot  off;  and,  alas, 
the  Enemy  issuing  out  from  their  Lurking-places,  immediately 
Seiz'd  him,  and  haled  him  away  by  the  Hair  of  the  Head,  (in 
spight  of  all  the  Attempts  used  by  the  Garrison,  to  Recover 
him)  for  an  horrible  Story  to  be  told  by  and  by  concerning  him. 
The  General  of  the  Enemies  Army  was  Monsieur  Burniff;^ 
and  one  Monsieur  Labrocree^  was  a  principal  Commander; 
(the  Enemy  said,  he  was  Lieutenant  General :)  there  were  also 
Divers  other  Frenchmen  of  Quality,  Accompanied  with  Mo- 
dockawando, and  Moxus,  and  Egeremet,  and  Warumbo,  and 
several  more  Indian  Sagamores;  The  Army  made  up  in  all, 
about  Five  Hundred  Men,  or  Fierce  Things  in  the  Shape  of 
Men,  all  to  Encounter  Fifteen  Men  in  one  little  Garrison, 

^The  attack  and  repulse  at  Wells  occurred  on  June  10  and  11,  1692,  old 
style;  June  20  and  21,  new  style. 

*  Burniff  is  a  corruption  of  Portneuf .  '  La  Broquerie. 


and  about  Fifteen  more  Men,  (worthily  called  Such !)  in  a  Couple 
of  open  Sloops.  Diamond  Having  informed  'em  How  'twas  in 
all  points,  (only  that  for  Fifteen,  by  a  mistake  he  said  Thirty,) 
they  fell  to  Dividing  the  Persons  and  Plunder,  and  Agreeing, 
that  such  an  English  Captain  should  be  Slave  to  such  a  one,  and 
such  a  Gentleman  in  the  Town  should  serve  such  a  one,  and  his 
Wife  be  a  Maid  of  Honour  to  such  or  such  a  Squaw  proposed,  and 
Mr.  Wheelright^  (instead  of  being  a  Worthy  Counsellor  of  the 
Province,  which  he  Now  is !)  was  to  be  the  Servant  of  such  a 
Netop;  and  the  Sloops,  with  their  Stores,  to  be  so  and  so 
parted  among  them.  There  wanted  but  One  Thing  to  Con- 
summate the  whole  matter,  even  the  Chief  Thing  of  all,  which 
I  suppose  they  had  not  thought  of;  That  was.  For  Heaven  to 
Deliver  all  this  prize  into  their  Hands:  But,  Aliter  Statutum 
est  in  Ccelo!^  A  man  Habited  like  a  Gentleman  made  a 
Speech  to  them  in  Enghsh,  Exhorting  'em  to  Courage,  and 
Assuring  'em,  that  if  they  would  Courageously  fall  upon  the 
English,  all  was  their  own.  The  Speech  being  Ended,  they  fell 
to  the  Work,  and  with  an  horrid  Shout  and  Shot,  made  their 
Assault,  upon  the  Feeble  Garrison;  but  the  English  answered 
with  a  brisk  Volley,  and  sent  such  a  Leaden  Shower  among 
them,  that  they  retired  from  the  Garrison  to  spend  the  Storm 
of  their  Fury  upon  the  Sloops. 

You  must  know.  That  Wells  Harbour  is  rather  a  Creek 
than  a  River,  for  'tis  very  Narrow,  and  at  low  water,  in  many 
places  Dry;  nevertheless,  where  the  Vessels  ride,  it  is  Deep 
enough,  and  so  far  off  the  Bank,  that  there  is  from  thence  no 
Leaping  aboard.  But  our  Sloops  were  sorely  incommoded  by 
a  Turn  of  the  Creek,  where  the  Enemy  could  ly  out  of  danger 
so  near  'em  as  to  throw  Mud  aboard  with  their  Hands.  The 
Enemy  was  also  priviledged  with  a  Great  Heap  of  Plank, 
lying  on  the  Bank,  and  with  an  Hay  Stock,  which  they  Strength- 
ened with  Posts  and  Rayles;  and  from  all  these  places,  they 
poured  in  their  Vengeance  upon  the  poor  Sloops,  while  they  so 
placed  Smaller  parties  of  their  Salvages,  as  to  make  it  impossi- 
ble for  any  of  the  Garrisons  to  afford  'em  any  relief.  Lying 
thus,  within  a  Dozen  yards  of  the  Sloops,  they  did  with  their 
Fire  Arrows,  divers  times  desperately  set  the  Sloops  on  Fire: 
but  the  brave  Defendants,  with  a  Swab  at  the  End  of  a  Rope 

^  Samuel  Wheelwright.  '^  "It  was  ordered  otherwise  in  Heaven." 


tyed  unto  a  Pole,  and  so  dipt  into  the  Water,  happily  put  the 
Fire  out.  In  brief,  the  Sloops  gave  the  Enemy  so  brave  a 
Repulse,  that  at  Night  they  Retreated:  when  they  Renewed 
their  Assault,  finding  that  their  Fortitude  would  not  assure 
the  Success  of  the  Assault  unto  them,  they  had  recourse  unto 
their  Policy.  First,  an  Indian  comes  on  with  a  Slab  for  a 
Shield,  before  him;  when  a  Shot  from  one  of  the  Sloops 
pierced  the  Slab,  which  fell  down  instead  of  a  Tombstone 
with  the  Dead  Indian  under  it ;  on  which,  as  little  a  Fellow  as 
he  was,  I  know  not  whether  some  will  not  reckon  it  proper  to 
inscribe  the  Epitaph,  which  the  Italians  use  to  bestow  upon 
their  Dead  Popes:  When  the  Dog  is  Dead,  all  his  Malice  is 
Dead  with  him.  Their  next  Stratagem  was  This :  They  brought 
out  of  the  Woods  a  kind  of  a  Cart,  which  they  Trimm'd  and 
Rigg'd,  and  Fitted  up  into  a  Thing,  that  might  be  called,  A 
Chariot:  whereupon  they  built  a  platform,  shot-proof  in  the 
Front,  and  placed  many  men  upon  that  platform.  Such  an 
Engine  they  understood  how  to  Shape,  without  having  Read 
(I  suppose)  the  Description  of  the  Pluteus  in  Vegetius !  ^  This 
Chariot  they  push'd  on,  towards  the  Sloops,  till  they  were  got, 
it  may  be,  within  Fifteen  yards  of  them;  when,  lo,  one  of 
their  Wheels,  to  their  Admiration,  Sunk  into  the  Ground.  A 
Frenchman  Stepping  to  heave  the  Wheel,  with  an  Helpful 
Shoulder,  Storer  Shot  him  down;  Another  Stepping  to  the 
Wheel,  Storer  with  a  well-placed  Shot,  sent  him  after  his  Mate : 
so  the  Rest  thought  it  was  best  to  let  it  stand  as  it  was.  The 
Enemy  kept  galling  the  Sloops,  from  their  Several  Batteries, 
and  calling  'em  to  Surrender,  with  many  fine  promises  to  make 
them  Happy,  which  ours  answered  with  a  just  Laughter,  that 
had  now  and  then  a  mortiferous  Bullet  at  the  End  of  it.  The 
Tide  Rising,  the  Chariot  overset,  so  that  the  men  behind  it  lay 
open  to  the  Sloops,  which  immediately  Dispenced  an  horrible 
Slaughter  among  them;  and  they  that  could  get  away,  got  as 
fast,  and  as  far  off,  as  they  could.  In  the  Night  the  Enemy 
had  much  Discourse  with  the  Sloops;  they  Enquired,  Who 
were  their  Commanders?  and  the  English  gave  an  Answer, 
which  in  some  other  Cases  and  Places  would  have  been  too 
true.  That  they  had  a  great  many  Commanders:    but  the 

1  Vegetius  was  the  chief  Roman  writer  on  the  miHtary  art;  the  pluteus  was 
a  shed  or  penthouse  to  protect  soldiers  while  attacking  a  fortification. 


Indians  Replied,  You  ly,  you  have  none  but  Converse,  and 
we  will  have  him  too  before  Morning!  They  also  knowing, 
that  the  Magazine  was  in  the  Garrison,  lay  under  an  Hill- 
Side,  Pelting  at  That  by  Times;  but  Captain  Converse,  once 
in  the  Night,  sent  out  Three  or  Four  of  his  men  into  a  Field 
of  Wheat,  for  a  Shot,  if  they  could  get  one.  There  seeing  a 
Black  Heap  lying  together,  Ours  all  at  once  let  Fly  upon  them, 
a  Shot  that  Slew  several  of  them  that  were  thus  Caught  in  the 
Corn,  and  made  the  rest  glad,  that  they  found  themselves  Able 
to  Run  for  it.  Captain  Converse  was  this  while  in  much  Dis- 
tress, about  a  Scout  of  Six  men,  which  he  had  sent  forth 
to  Newichawannick,^  the  Morning  before  the  Arrival  of  the 
Enemy,  ordering  them  to  Return  the  Day  following.  The 
Scout  Return'd,  into  the  very  Mouth  of  the  Enemy,  that  lay 
before  the  Garrison;  but  the  Corporal,  having  his  Wits  about 
him,  call'd  out  aloud,  (as  if  he  had  seen  Captain  Converse 
making  a  Sally  forth  upon  'em)  "captain,  Wheel  about  your 
men  round  the  Hill,  and  we  shall  Catch  'em;  there  are  but  a 
Few  Rogues  of  'em!"  Upon  which  the  Indians  imagining, 
that  Captain  Converse  had  been  at  their  Heels,  betook  them- 
selves to  their  Heels;  and  our  Folks  got  safe  into  another  Gar- 
rison. On  the  Lord's-day  Morning,  there  was  for  a  while  a 
Deep  Silence  among  the  Assailants ;  but  at  length  getting  into 
a  Body,  they  marched  with  great  Formality  towards  the  Gar- 
rison, where  the  Captain  ordered  his  Handful  of  men  to  ly 
Snug,  and  not  to  make  a  Shot,  until  every  Shot  might  be  likely 
to  do  some  Execution.  WTiile  they  thus  beheld  a  Formidable 
Crew  of  Dragons,  coming  with  open  mouth  upon  them,  to 
Swallow  them  up  at  a  Mouthful,  one  of  the  Soldiers  began  to 
speak  of  Surrendring;  upon  which  the  captain  Vehemently 
protested,  That  he  would  lay  the  man  Dead,  who  should  so 
much  as  mutter  that  base  word  any  more!  and  so  they  heard 
no  more  on  't:  but  the  Valiant  Storer  was  put  upon  the  like 
protestation,  to  keep  'em  in  good  Fighting  trim,  aboard  the 
Sloops  also.  The  enemy  now  Approaching  very  near,  gave 
Three  Shouts,  that  made  the  Earth  ring  again;  and  Crying 
out,  in  English,  Fire,  and  Fall  on,  Brave  Boys!  The  whole 
Body,  drawn  into  Three  Ranks,  Fired  at  once.  Captain  Con- 
verse immediately  ran  into  the  several  Flankers,  and  made 

*  Berwick. 


their  Best  Guns  Fire  at  such  a  rate,  that  several  of  the  Enemy- 
fell,  and  the  rest  of  'em  disappeared  almost  as  Nimbly,  as  if 
there  had  been  so  many  Spectres:  Particularly,  a  parcel  of  them 
got  into  a  small  Deserted  House;  which  having  but  a  Board- 
Wall  to  it,  the  Captain  sent  in  after  them  those  Bullets  of 
Twelve  to  the  Pound,  that  made  the  House  too  hot,  for  them 
that  could  get  out  of  it.  The  Women  in  the  Garrison  on  this 
occasion  took  up  the  Amazonian  Stroke,  and  not  only  brought 
Ammunition  to  the  Men,  but  also  with  a  Manly  Resolution 
fired  several  Times  upon  the  Enemy.  The  Enemy  finding 
that  Things  would  not  yet  go  to  their  minds  at  the  Garrison, 
drew  off,  to  Try  their  Skill  upon  the  Sloops,  which  lay  still 
abreast  in  the  Creek,  lash'd  fast  one  to  another.  They  built 
a  Great  Fire- Work,  about  Eighteen  or  Twenty  Foot  Square, 
and  fiird  it  up  with  Combustible  matter,  which  they  Fired; 
and  then  they  set  it  in  the  way,  for  the  Tide  now  to  Float  it 
up,  unto  the  Sloops,  which  had  now  nothing  but  an  horrible 
Death  before  them.  Nevertheless  their  Demands,  of  both  the 
Garrison  and  the  Sloops  to  yield  themselves,  were  answered 
no  otherwise  than  with  Death  upon  many  of  them.  Spit  from 
the  Guns  of  the  Beseiged.  Having  tow'd  their  Fire- Work  as 
far  as  they  durst,  they  committed  it  unto  the  Tide;  but  the 
Distressed  Christians  that  had  this  Deadly  Fire  Swimming 
along  upon  the  Water  towards  'em,  committed  it  unto  God: 
and  God  looked  from  Heaven  upon  them,  in  this  prodigious 
Article  of  their  Distress.  These  poor  men  cried,  and  the  Lord, 
heard  them,  and  saved  them  out  of  their  Troubles:^  The  Wind, 
unto  their  Astonishment,  immediately  turn'd  about,  and  with 
a  Fresh  Gale  drove  the  Machin  ashore  on  the  other  side,  and 
Split  it  so,  that  the  Water,  being  let  in  upon  it,  the  Fire  went 
out.  So,  the  godly  men  that  saw  God  from  Heaven  thus 
Fighting  for  them,  Cried  out,  with  an  Astonishing  Joy,  //  it 
had  not  been  the  Lord,  who  was  on  our  Side,  they  had  Swallowed 
us  up  quick;  Blessed  be  the  Lord,  who  hath  not  given  us  a  prey  to 
their  Teeth;  our  Soul  is  Escaped,  as  a  Bird  out  of  the  Snare  of 
the  Fowlers!^  The  Enemy  were  now  in  a  pittiful  pickle, 
with  Toiling,  and  Moiling  in  the  Mud,  and  black'ned  with  it, 
if  Mud  could  add  Blackness  to  such  Miscreants;  and  their 
Ammunition  was  pretty  well  Exhausted:   so  that  now  they 

*  Psalm  xxxiv.  6.  *  Psalm  cxxiv.  2,  3,  6,  7. 


began  to  Draw  off,  in  all  parts,  and  with  Rafts  get  over  the 
River;  some  whereof  breaking,  there  did  not  a  few  Cool  their 
late  Heat  by  falling  into  it.  But  first,  they  made  all  the  Spoil 
they  could,  upon  the  Cattel  about  the  Town;  and  giving  one 
Shot  more  at  the  Sloops,  they  kill'd  the  only  Man,  of  ours, 
that  was  kill'd  aboard  'em.  Then,  after  about  Half  an  Hours 
Consultation,  they  sent  a  Flag  of  Truce  to  the  Garrison,  ad- 
vising 'em  with  much  Flattery,  to  Surrender;  but  the  Captain 
sent  'em  word.  That  he  wanted  for  nothing,  but  for  men  to 
come,  and  Fight  him.  The  Indian  replied  unto  Captain  Con- 
verse, Being  you  are  so  Stout,  why  don't  you  come  and  Fight 
in  the  open  Field,  like  a  Man,  and  not  Fight  in  a  Garrison, 
like  a  Squaw?  The  Captain  rejoined;  what  a  Fool  are  you? 
do  you  think.  Thirty  men  a  Match  for  Five  Hundred?  No, 
(says  the  Captain,  counting,  as  well  he  might,  each  of  his 
Fifteen  men  to  be  as  Good  as  Two!)  Come  with  your  Thirty 
men  upon  the  Plain,  and  I'le  meet  you  with  my  Thirty,  as 
soon  as  you  will.  Upon  this,  the  Indian  answered;  Nay,  mee 
own,  English  Fashion  is  all  one  Fool;  you  kill  mee,  mee  kill 
you!  No,  better  ly  somewhere,  and  Shoot  a  man,  and  hee  no 
see!  That  the  best  Soldier!  Then  they  fell  to  Coaksing  the 
Captain,  with  as  many  Fine  Words  as  the  Fox  in  the  Fable 
had  for  the  Allurement  of  his  Prey  unto  him;  and  urged 
mightily,  that  Ensign  Hill,  who  stood  with  the  Flag  of  Truce, ^ 
might  stand  a  little  nearer  their  Army.  The  Captain,  for  a 
Good  Reason,  to  be  presently  discerned,  would  not  allow  That : 
whereupon  they  fell  to  Threatning  and  Raging,  like  so  many 
Defeated  Devils,  using  these  Words,  Damn  ye,  we'll  cut  you 
as  small  as  Tobacco,  before  to  morrow  Morning.  The  Cap- 
tain bid  'em  to  make  Hast,  for  he  wanted  work;  so,  the  Indian 
throwing  his  Flag  on  the  Ground,  ran  away,  and  Ensign  Hill 
nimbly  Stripping  his  Flag  ran  into  the  Valley,  but  the  Salvages 
presently  Fired,  from  an  Ambushment  behind  a  Hill,  near  the 
place,  where  they  had  urged  for  a  Parley. 

And  now  for  poor  John  Diamond!  the  Enemy  Retreating 
(which  opportunity  the  Sloops  took,  to  Burn  down  the  Danger- 
ous Hay-Stock,)  into  the  plain,  out  of  Gun-shot,  they  fell  to 
Torturing  their  Captive  John  Diamond,  after  a  manner  very 
Diabohcal.    They  Stripped  him,  they  Scalped  him  ahve,  and 

1  John  Hill  of  Saco. 


after  a  Castration,  they  Finished  that  Article  in  the  Punish- 
ment of  Traitors  upon  him ;  they  Sht  him  with  Knives,  between 
his  Fingers  and  his  Toes ;  They  made  cruel  Gashes  in  the  most 
Fleshy  parts  of  his  Body,  and  stuck  the  Gashes  with  Firebrands, 
which  were  afterwards  found  Sticking  in  the  wounds.  Thus 
they  Butchered  One  poor  Englishman,  with  all  the  Fury  that 
they  would  have  spent  upon  them  all;  and  performed  an  Ex- 
ploit, for  Five  Hundred  Furies  to  brag  of,  at  their  coming  home. 
Ghastly  to  Express!  what  was  it  then  to  Suffer?  They  Re- 
turned then  unto  the  Garrison,  and  kept  Firing  at  it  now  and 
then,  till  near  Ten  a  Clock  at  Night;  when  they  all  marched 
off,  leaving  behind  'em  some  of  their  Dead;  whereof  one  was 
Monsieur  Labocree,  who  had  about  his  Neck  a  Pouch  with 
about  a  Dozen  Reliques  ingeniously  made  up,  and  a  Printed 
Paper  of  Indulgencies,  and  several  other  Implements;  but  it 
seems  none  of  the  Amulets  about  his  Neck  would  save  him 
from  a  Mortal  Shot  in  the  Head.  Thus  in  Forty-Eight  Hours, 
was  Finished  an  Action  as  Worthy  to  be  Related,  as  perhaps 
any  that  occurs  in  our  Story.  Ajid  it  was  not  long  before  the 
Valiant  Gouge,  who  bore  his  part  in  this  Action,  did  another 
that  was  not  much  inferiour  to  it,  when  he  suddenly  Recovered 
from  the  French  a  valuable  prey,  which  they  had  newly  taken 
upon  our  Coast. 

I  doubt.  Reader,  we  have  had  this  Article  of  our  History 
a  little  too  long.  We  will  finish  it,  when  we  have  Remark'd, 
That  albeit  there  were  too  much  Feebleness  discovered  by  my 
Countrymen,  in  some  of  their  Actions,  during  this  War  at  Sea, 
as  well  as  on  Shore,  yet  several  of  their  Actions,  especially  at 
Sea,  deserve  to  be  Remembered.  And  I  cannot  but  particu- 
larly bespeak  a  Remembrance,  for  the  Exploit  performed  by 
some  of  my  Neighbours,  in  a  Vessel  going  into  Barbadoes. 
They  were  in  sight  of  Barbadoes  assaulted  by  a  French  Vessel, 
which  had  a  good  number  of  Guns,  and  between  Sixty  and 
Seventy  Hands.  Our  Vessel  had  Four  Guns,  and  Eight  Fight- 
ing Men  (Truly  such!)  with  two  Tawny  Servants.  The 
Names  of  these  Men  were  Barret,  Sunderland,  Knoles,  Nash, 
Morgan,  Fosdyke,  and  Two  more,  that  I  now  forget.  A  des- 
perate Engagement  ensued;  wherein  our  Eight  Marriners 
managed  the  matter  with  such  Bravery,  that  by  the  Help  of 
Heaven  they  kill'd  between  Thirty  and  Forty  of  the  French 


Assailants,  without  losing  one  of  their  own  little  Number: 
And  they  sank  the  French  Vessel,  which  lay  by  their  side,  out 
of  which  they  took  Twenty-Seven  prisoners,  whereof  some 
were  wounded,  and  all  ciying  for  Quarter.  In  the  Fight  the 
French  Pennant,  being  by  the  wind  fastned  about  the  Top- 
mast of  the  English  Vessel,  it  was  torn  off  by  the  sinking  of 
the  French  Vessel,  and  left  pleasantly  fl3dng  there.  So  they 
sail'd  into  Barbadoes,  where  the  Assembly  voted  them  one 
Publick  Acknowledgment,  of  their  Courage  and  Conduct,  in 
this  Brave  Action,  and  our  History  now  gives  them  Another. 

Article  XVII. 

The  Fort  at  Pemmaquid. 

His  Excellency  Sir  William  Phips  being  arrived  now  the 
Governour  of  New-England,^  applied  himself  with  all  possible 
Vigour,  to  carry  on  the  War :  And  the  Advice  of  a  New  Slaughter 
some  time  in  July  made  by  the  Indians,  on  certain  poor  Hus- 
bandmen in  their  Meadows,  at  the  North  Side  of  Merrimack- 
River,  put  an  Accent  upon  the  Zeal  of  the  Designs,  which  he 
was  now  vigorously  prosecuting.  He  Raised  about  Four 
Hundred  and  Fifty  Men,  and  in  pursuance  of  his  Instructions 
from  Whitehall,  he  laid  the  Foundations  of  a  Fort  at  Pemma- 
quid, which  was  the  Finest  Thing  that  had  been  seen  in  these 
parts  of  America.^  Captain  Wing,  assisted  with  Captain  Ban- 
croft, went  through  the  former  part  of  the  Work;  and  the 
latter  part  of  it  was  Finished  by  Captain  March.  His  Excel- 
lency, attended  in  this  matter  with  these  worthy  Captains, 
did,  in  a  few  Months,  dispatch  a  Service  for  the  King,  with  a 
Prudence,  and  Industry,  and  Thriftiness,  Greater  than  any 
Reward  they  ever  had  for  it.  The  Fort,  called  The  William 
Henry,  was  built  of  Stone,  in  a  Quadrangular  Figure;  being 
about  Seven  hundred  and  thirty-seven  Foot  in  Compass, 
without  the  Outer  Walls,  and  an  Hundred  and  Eight  Foot 
Square,  within  the  Inner  ones;  Twenty-Eight  Ports  it  had,  and 
Fourteen  (if  not  Eighteen)  Guns  mounted,  whereof  Six  were 

^  Governor  Phips  arrived  at  Boston  on  Saturday,  May  14,  1692. 

» Early  in  August,  1692.    Extensive  remains  of  the  fort  are  still  to  be  seen. 


Eighteen-Pounders.  The  Wall  on  the  South  Line,  fronting  to 
the  Sea,  was  Twenty-Two  Foot  High,  and  more  than  Six  Foot 
Thick  at  the  Ports,  which  were  Eight  Foot  from  the  Ground. 
The  Great  Flanker  or  Round  Tower,  at  the  Western  End  of 
this  Line,  was  Twenty-Nine  Foot  High.  The  Wall  on  the 
East  line,  was  Twelve  Foot  High,  on  the  North  it  was  Ten,  on 
the  West  it  was  Eighteen.  It  was  Computed,  that  in  the 
whole,  there  were  laid  above  Two  Thousand  Cart-Loads  of 
Stone.  It  stood  about  a  Score  of  Rods  from  High-Water 
Mark;  and  it  had  generally  at  least  Sixty  men  posted  in  it,  for 
its  Defence,  which  if  they  were  Men,  might  easily  have  main- 
tained it  against  more  than  Twice  Six  Hundred  Assailants. 
Yea,  we  were  almost  Ready  to  flatter  our  selves  that  we 
might  have  writ  on  the  Gates  of  this  Fort,  as  the  French  did 
over  that  of  Namur,  (yet  afterwards  taken  by  K.  WilHam) 
Reddi,  non  Vinci  'potest}  Now,  as  the  Architect,  that  built 
the  Strong  Fortress  at  Name  in  Poland,  had,  for  his  Recom- 
pence,  his  Eyes  put  out,  lest  he  should  build  such  another; 
Sir  WiUiam  Phips  was  almost  as  hardly  Recompenced,  for  the 
Building  of  This  at  Pammaquid.  Although  this  Fort  thus 
Erected  in  the  Heart  of  the  Enemies  Country  did  so  Break 
the  Heart  of  the  Enemy,  that  indeed  they  might  have  call'd 
it,  as  the  French  did  theirs  upon  the  River  of  the  Illinois,  the 
Fort  of  Crevecoeur;2  and  the  Tranquillity  After  Enjoyed  by 
the  Country,  (which  was  very  much  more  than  Before)  was, 
under  God,  much  owing  thereunto :  Yet  the  Expense  of  main- 
taining it,  when  we  were  so  much  impoverished  otherwise, 
made  it  continually  complained  of,  as  one  of  the  Countryes 
Grievances.  The  Murmurings  about  this  Fort  were  so  Epi- 
demical, that,  if  we  may  speak  in  the  Foolish  cant  of  Astrology, 
and  Prognosticate  from  the  Aspect  of  Saturn  upon  Mars,  at 
its  Nativity,  Fort  William-Henry,  Thou  hast  not  long  to  Live! 
Before  the  year  Ninety-Six  Expire,  thou  shalt  be  demolished. 
In  the  mean  Time,  let  us  accompany  Major  Church  going  with 
a  Company  to  Penobscot,  where  he  took  Five  Indians;  and 
afterwards,  to  Taconet,  where  the  Indians  discovering  his 
Approach,  set  their  own  Fort  on  fire  themselves,  and  flying 

1  "It  may  be  given  up  but  it  cannot  be  conquered." 

2  Fort  Crevecoeur  was  the  fort  which  La  Salle  built  in  1680,  near  the  site  of 
Peoria,  Illinois. 


from  it,  left  only  their  Corn  to  be  destroyed  by  him.^  And 
so  we  come  to  the  end  of  1692,  Only  we  are  stopt  a  little,  with 
a  very  strange  Parenthesis. 

Akticle  XVIII. 

A  Surprising  Thing  laid  before  the  Reader  for  him  to  Judge,  (if 
he  can)  what  to  make  of  it. 

Reader,  I  must  now  address  thee,  with  the  Words  of  a  Poet : 

Dicam  Insigne  Recens,  adhuc 
Indictum  ore  alio.    Horat.^ 

But  with  Truths  more  confirmed,  than  what  uses  to  come 
from  the  Pen  of  a  Poet.  The  Story  of  the  Prodigious  War, 
made  by  the  Spirits  of  the  Invisible  World  upon  the  People  of 
New-England,  in  the  year,  1692,  hath  Entertain'd  a  great  part 
of  the  English  World,  with  a  just  Astonishment:  and  I  have 
met  with  some  Strange  Things,  not  here  to  be  mentioned, 
which  have  made  me  often  think,  that  this  inexplicable  War 
might  have  some  of  its  Original  among  the  Indians,  whose 
chief  Sagamores  are  well  known  unto  some  of  our  Captives, 
to  have  been  horrid  Sorcerers,  and  hellish  Conjurers  and  such 
as  Conversed  with  Daemons.  The  Sum  of  that  Story  is  written 
in  The  Life  of  Sir  William  Phips;  with  such  Irreproachable 
Truth,  as  to  Defy  the  utmost  Malice  and  Cunning  of  all  our 
Sadduces,  to  Confute  it,  in  so  much  as  one  Material  Article: 
And  that  the  Balant,  and  Latrant  Noises  of  that  sort  of  Peo- 
ple, may  be  forever  Silenced,  the  Story  will  be  abundantly 
Justified,  when  the  further  Account  written  of  it,  by  Mr.  John 
Hale,  shall  be  published :  For  none  can  suspect  a  Gentleman, 
so  full  of  Dissatisfaction,  at  the  proceedings  then  used  against 
the  Supposed  Witchcrafts,  as  Now  that  Reverend  Person  is, 
to  be  a  Superstitious  Writer  upon  that  Subject.^ 

*  This  was  the  third  eastern  expedition  of  Benjamin  Church.  See  his 
Entertaining  Passages,  pp.  82-86.  The  site  of  the  Teconnet  fort  is  in  Winslow, 
Maine,  well  up  the  Kennebec  River. 

2  "I  will  sing  a  notable  event,  hitherto  unsung  by  any  other  lips."  Horace, 
Odes,  III.  25,  V.  7. 

3  Rev.  John  Hale's  Modest  Enquiry  into  the  Nature  of  Witchcraft  was  pub- 
lished at  Boston  in  1702.     The  narrative  parts  of  it  will  be  reprinted  in  the  next 


Now  in  the  Time  of  that  matchless  War,  there  fell  out  a 
Thing  at  Glocester,  which  falls  in  here  most  properly  to  be 
related:  A  town  so  Scituated,  Surrounded,  and  Neighboured, 
in  the  County  of  Essex,  that  no  man  in  his  Wits  will  imagine, 
that  a  Dozen  Frenchmen  and  Indians  would  come  and  alarm 
the  Inhabitants  for  Three  weeks  together,  and  Engage  'em  in 
several  Skirmishes,  while  there  were  two  Regiments  Raised, 
and  a  Detachment  of  Threescore  men  sent  unto  their  Succour, 
and  not  one  man  Hurt  in  all  the  Actions,  and  all  End  unaccount- 
ably. And  because  the  Relation  will  be  Extraordinary,  I  will 
not  be  my  self  the  Author  of  any  one  clause  in  it:  but  I  will 
Transcribe  the  words  of  a  Minister  of  the  Gospel,  who  did  me 
the  Favour,  with  much  critical  Caution,  to  Examine  Witnesses, 
not  long  after  the  Thing  happened,  and  then  sent  me  the 
Following  Account. 

A  Faithful  Account  of  many  Wonderful  and  Surprising  Things  which 
happened  in  the  Town  of  Glocester,  in  the  Year  1692. 

Ebenezer  Bapson,  about  midsummer,  in  the  year  1692,  with  the 
rest  of  his  Family,  almost  every  Night  heard  a  Noise,  as  if  persons 
were  going  and  running  about  his  House.  But  one  Night  being  abroad 
late,  at  his  Return  home  he  saw  Two  men  come  out  of  his  Door,  and 
run  from  the  end  of  the  House  into  the  Corn.  But  those  of  the  Family 
told  him,  there  had  been  no  person  at  all  there:  whereupon  he  got 
his  Gun,  and  went  out  in  pursuit  after  them,  and  coming  a  little 
Distance  from  the  House,  he  saw  the  Two  men  start  up  from  behind 
a  Log,  and  run  into  a  little  Swamp,  saying  to  each  other,  "  The  Man 
of  the  House  is  Come  now,  Else  we  might  have  taken  the  House."  So, 
he  heard  nor  saw  no  more  of  them. 

Upon  this,  the  whole  Family  got  up,  and  went  with  all  speed,  to 
a  Garrison  near  by;  and  being  just  got  into  the  Garrison,  they  heard 
men  Stamping  round  the  Garrison:  Whereupon  Bapson  took  his 
Gun,  and  ran  out,  and  saw  Two  men  again  Running  down  an  Hill 
into  a  Swamp.  The  next  Night  but  one,  the  said  Bapson  going  toward 
a  fresh  Meadow,  saw  Two  men,  which  looked  like  Frenchmen,  one  of 
them  having  a  Bright  Gun  upon  his  Back,  and  both  running  a  great 
pace  towards  him,  which  caused  him  to  make  the  best  of  his  way  to 
the  Garrison,  where  being  come,  several  heard  a  Noise,  as  if  men 
were  Stamping  and  Running,  not  far  from  the  Garrison.     Within  a 

volume  of  this  series,  Narratives  of  the  Witchcraft  Cases,  to  which  the  reader  is 
referred  for  fuller  accounts  of  this  painful  episode  of  1692-1693. 


Night  or  two  after  this,  the  persons  in  the  Garrison  heard  a  Noise, 
as  if  men  were  throwing  Stones  against  the  Barn.  Not  long  after  this, 
Bapson,  with  John  Brown,  saw  Three  men,  about  a  Gun-shot  off  the 
Garrison,  which  they  endeavoured  to  Shoot  at,  but  were  disappointed 
by  their  Running  to  and  fro,  from  the  Corn  into  the  Bushes.  They 
were  seen  Two  or  Three  Nights  together:  but  though  the  abovesaid 
strove  to  shoot  at  them,  they  could  never  attain  it.  On  July  14, 
Bapson  and  Brown,  with  the  rest  of  the  men  in  the  Garrison,  saw, 
within  Gun-shot,  half  a  dozen  men;  whereupon  all  the  men,  but  one, 
made  hast  out  of  the  Garrison,  marching  towards  them.  Bapson 
presently  overtook  two  of  them,  which  run  out  of  the  Bushes,  and 
coming  close  to  them,  he  presented  his  Gun  at  them,  and  his  Gun 
missing  fire,  the  two  men  Returned  into  the  Bushes.  Bapson  then 
called  unto  the  other  persons,  which  were  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Swamp,  and  upon  his  call,  they  made  Answer,  "  Here  they  are !  Here 
they  arel  '*  Bapson  then  running  to  meet  them.  Saw  Three  men  walk 
softly  out  of  the  Swamp  by  each  other's  Side;  the  middlemost  having 
on  a  white  Wastcoat.  So  being  within  Two  or  Three  Rod  of  them, 
he  Shot,  and  as  soon  as  his  Gun  was  off,  they  all  fell  down.  Bapson 
then  running  to  his  supposed  prey,  cried  out  unto  his  Companions, 
whom  he  heard  on  the  other  side  of  the  Swamp,  and  said,  he  had 
kill'd  Three!  he  had  kill'd  Three!  But  coming  almost  unto  them, 
they  all  rose  up,  and  one  of  them  Shot  at  him,  and  hearing  the  Bullet 
whiss  by  him,  he  ran  behind  a  Tree,  and  Loaded  his  Gun,  and  seeing 
them  lye  behind  a  Log,  he  crept  toward  them  again,  telling  his  Com- 
panions, they  were  here!  So,  his  Companions  came  up  to  him,  and 
they  all  Ran  directly  to  the  Log,  with  all  speed;  but  before  they  got 
thither,  they  saw  them  start  up,  and  run  every  man  his  way;  One  of 
them  run  into  the  Corn,  whom  they  pursued,  and  hemm'd  in;  and 
Bapson  seeing  him  coming  toward  himself.  Shot  at  him,  as  he  was 
getting  over  the  Fence,  and  saw  him  fall  off  the  Fence  on  the  Ground, 
but  when  he  came  to  the  Spot,  he  could  not  find  him.  So  they  all 
searched  the  Corn;  and  as  they  were  searching,  they  heard  a  great 
Discoursing  in  the  Swamp,  but  could  not  understand  what  they  said; 
for  they  spoke  in  an  unknown  Tongue.  Afterwards,  looking  out 
from  the  Garrison,  they  saw  several  men  Sculking  among  the  Corn, 
and  Bushes,  but  could  not  get  a  Shot  at  them. 

The  next  morning,  just  at  Day-break,  they  saw  one  man  come 
out  of  the  Swamp,  not  far  from  the  Garrison,  and  stand  close  up 
against  the  Fence,  within  Gun-shot.  Whereupon  Isaac  Prince,  with 
a  long  Gun,  shot  at  him  with  Swan-shot,  and  in  a  moment  he  was 
gone  out  of  sight,  they  saw  him  no  more.  Upon  this,  Bapson  went, 
to  carry  News  to  the  Harbour;  and  being  about  Half  a  mile  in  his 


way  thither,  he  heard  a  Gun  go  off,  and  heard  a  Bullet  whiss  close 
by  his  Ear,  which  Cut  off  a  Pine  bush  just  by  him,  and  the  Bullet 
lodg'd  in  an  Hemlock-Tree.  Then  looking  about,  he  saw  Four  men 
Running  towards  him,  one  with  a  Gun  in  his  Hand,  and  the  other 
with  Guns  on  their  Shoulders.  So  he  ran  into  the  Bushes,  and  turn- 
ing about,  shot  at  them,  and  then  ran  away  and  saw  them  no  more. 
About  Six  men  returned  from  the  Harbour  with  him,  searching  the 
woods  as  they  went;  and  they  saw,  where  the  Bullet  had  cut  off  the 
Pine-bush,  and  where  it  was  lodg'd  in  the  Hemlock-Tree,  and  they 
took  the  Bullet  out,  which  is  still  to  be  seen.  When  they  were  come 
to  the  Garrison,  they  went  to  look  for  the  Tracks  of  the  Strange  men, 
that  had  been  seen,  and  saw  several  Tracks;  and  whilst  they  were 
looking  on  them,  they  saw  one,  which  look'd  like  an  Indian,  having 
on  a  Blue  coat,  and  his  Hair  Ty'd  up  behind.  Standing  by  a  Tree, 
and  looking  on  them.  But  as  soon  as  they  spake  to  each  other,  he 
ran  into  a  Swamp,  and  they  after  him,  and  one  of  them  shot  at  him, 
but  to  no  purpose.  One  of  them  also  saw  another,  which  look'd 
like  a  Frenchman,  but  they  quickly  lost  the  sight  of  him. 

July  15.  Ezekiel  Day,  being  in  Company  with  several  others, 
who  were  ordered  to  Scout  the  woods,  when  they  came  to  a  certain 
Fresh  Meadow,  two  miles  from  any  House,  at  some  Distance  from 
the  said  Meadow  he  saw  a  man,  which  he  apprehended  to  be  an 
Indian,  cloathed  in  Blue;  and  as  soon  as  he  saw  him  start  up  and 
run  away,  he  shot  at  him;  whereupon  he  saw  another  rise  up  a  little 
way  off,  who  also  run  with  speed;  which,  together  with  the  former, 
were  quickly  out  of  sight;  and  though  himself,  together  with  his 
Companions,  diligently  sought  after  them,  they  could  not  find  them. 
The  same  Day  John  Hammond,  with  several  other  persons.  Scouting 
in  the  woods,  saw  another  of  these  Strange  men,  having  on  a  blue 
Shirt,  and  white  Breeches,  and  something  about  his  Head;  but  could 
not  overtake  him. 

July  17.  Three  or  Four  of  these  Unaccountable  Troublers  came 
near  the  Garrison;  but  they  could  not  get  a  shot  at  them.  Richard 
DoUiver,  also,  and  Benjamin  Ellary,  creeping  down  an  Hill,  upon 
Discovery,  saw  several  men  come  out  of  an  Orchard,  walking  back- 
ward and  forward,  and  striking  with  a  stick  upon  John  Row's  Deserted 
House,  (the  Noise  of  which,  was  heard  by  others  at  a  Considerable 
Distance;)  Ellary  counting  them,  to  be  Eleven  in  all;  Dolliver  Shot 
at  the  midst  of  them,  where  they  stood  Thickest,  and  immediately 
they  dispersed  themselves,  and  were  quickly  gone  out  of  sight. 

July  18.  Which  was  the  Time  that  Major  Appleton  sent  about 
Sixty  men,  from  Ipswich,  for  the  Towns  Assistance,  under  these  in- 
explicable Alarms,  which  they  had  suffered  Night  and  Day,  for  about 


a  Fortnight  together;  John  Day  testifies,  that  he  went  in  Company 
with  Ipswich  and  Gloucester  Forces,  to  a  Garrison,  about  Two  miles 
and  an  Half,  from  the  Town;  and  News  being  brought  in,  that  Guns 
went  off,  in  a  Swamp  not  far  from  the  Garrison,  some  of  the  men, 
with  himself,  ran  to  discover  what  they  could;  and  when  he  came  to 
the  Head  of  the  Swamp,  he  saw  a  man  with  a  Blue  Shirt,  and  bushy 
black  Hair,  run  out  of  the  Swamp,  and  into  the  Woods;  he  ran  after 
him,  with  all  speed,  and  came  several  Times  within  shot  of  him:  but 
the  woods  being  Thick,  he  could  not  obtain  his  Design  of  Shooting 
him;  at  length,  he  was  at  once  gone  out  of  sight;  and  when  after- 
wards, he  went  to  look  for  his  Track,  he  could  find  none,  though  it 
were  a  low  miry  place,  that  he  ran  over. 

About  July  25,  Bapson  went  into  the  Woods,  after  his  Cattel, 
and  saw  Three  men  stand  upon  a  point  of  Rocks,  which  look'd  toward 
the  Sea.  So  he  crept  among  the  Bushes,  till  he  came  within  Forty 
yards  of  them:  and  then  presented  his  Gun  at  them,  and  Snapt,  but 
his  Gun  miss'd  Fire,  and  so  it  did  above  a  Dozen  Times,  till  they  all 
Three  came  up  towards  him,  walking  a  slow  pace,  one  of  them  having 
a  Gun  upon  his  Back.  Nor  did  they  take  any  more  Notice  of  him, 
than  just  to  give  him  a  Look;  though  he  snapt  his  Gun  at  them,  all 
the  while  they  walked  toward  him,  and  by  him;  neither  did  they 
quicken  their  pace  at  all,  but  went  into  a  parcel  of  Bushes,  and  he 
saw  them  no  more.  When  he  came  home,  he  snapt  his  Gun  several 
Times,  sometimes  with  but  a  few  Corns  of  Powder,  and  yet  it  did  not 
once  miss  Fire. — After  this,  there  occurred  several  Strange  Things; 
but  now  concluding  they  were  but  Spectres,  they  took  little  further 
Notice  of  them. 

[Several  other  Testimonies,  all  to  the  same  Effect  with  the  Fore- 
going, my  Friend  had  added,  which  for  brevity  I  omit:  and  only  add, 
the  most  considerable  of  these  passages  were  afterward  Sworn  before 
one  of  Their  Majesties  council.] 

Reverend  and  truly  Honoured  Sir,  According  to  your  Request, 
I  have  Collected  a  brief  Account  of  the  Occurrences,  remark'd  in  our 
Town,  the  last  year.  Some  of  them  are  very  Admirable  Things,  and 
yet  no  less  True  than  Strange,  if  we  may  Believe  the  Assertions  of 
Credible  persons.  Tho'  because  of  Great  Hast,  it  is  a  rough  Draught, 
yet  there  is  nothing  written,  but  what  the  persons  mentioned  would, 
if  duely  called,  confirm  the  Truth  of,  by  Oath. 

I  might  have  given  you  a  larger  Account;  only  several  who  Saw 
and  Heard  some  of  the  most  Remarkable  things,  are  now  beyond  Sea. 
However,  I  hope,  the  Substance  of  what  is  written,  will  be  enough  to 
Satisfy  all  Rational  Persons,  that  Glocester  was  not  Alarumed  last 
Summer,  for  above  a  Fortnight  together,  by  real  French  and  Indians, 


but  that  the  Devil  and  his  Agents  were  the  cause  of  all  the  Molesta- 
tion, which  at  this  Time  befel  the  Town;  in  the  Name  of  whose  In- 
habitants I  would  take  upon  me,  to  Entreat  your  Earnest  Prayers  to 
the  Father  of  mercies,  that  those  Apparitions  may  not  prove  the  sad 
Omens  of  some  future  and  more  horrible  Molestations  to  them. 
May  19.  1693.  Sir, 

Your  very  Humble  Servant, 

J.  E.i 

Now  Reader,  albeit  that  passage  of  the  Sacred  Story, 
2  Chron.  20 :  22.  The  Lord  set  Ambushments  against  the  Children 
of  Ammon,  Moah,  and  Mount  Seir,  and  they  were  Smitten;  is 
by  the  best  Expositors  thus  understood;  that  there  was  the 
Ministry  of  the  Holy  Angels  wondrously  employ'd  in  this 
matter;  the  Angels  in  the  Shape  of  Moabites  and  Ammonites 
fell  upon  them  of  Mount  Sier,  and  upon  this  apprehended  prov- 
ocation they  then  all  fell  upon  one  another,  until  the  whole 
Army  was  destroyed :  Nevertheless  I  entirely  refer  it  unto  thy 
judgment,  (without  the  least  offer  of  my  own)  whether  Satan 
did  not  now  Set  Ambushments  against  the  Good  People  of 
Glocester,  with  Daemons,  in  the  Shape  of  Armed  Indians  and 
Frenchmen  appearing  to  considerable  Numbers  of  the  In- 
habitants and  mutually  Firing  upon  them,  for  the  best  part 
of  a  Month  together.  I  know,  the  most  Considerate  Gentle- 
men in  the  Neighbourhood,  unto  this  Day,  Believe  this  whole 
matter  to  have  been  a  Prodigious  piece  of  the  Strange  Descent 
from  the  Invisible  World,  then  made  upon  other  parts  of  the 
Country.  And  the  publication  of  this  Prodigy  among  other 
Wonders  of  the  Invisible  World  among  us,  has  been  Delay'd 
until  Now,  that  so  the  Opinion  of  our  most  considerate  Gentle- 
men about  it,  might  have  Time  for  a  thorough  Concoction: 
and  that  the  Gentlemen  of  the  Order  of  St.  Thomas,  may  have 
no  Objection  to  make  against  it.  But,  be  it  what  it  will,  they 
are  not  a  few  profane  Squibs  from  the  Sons  of  the  Extravagant 
Bekkar,^  that  will  be  a  fit  Explication  for  Things  thus  At- 
tested, and  so  very  Marvellous. 

1  Rev.  John  Emerson  of  Gloucester. 

^Balthasar  Bekker  (1634-1698),  Dutch  theologian,  who  in  his  De  Betoo- 
verde  Wereld  ("The  Enchanted  World,"  Leeuwarden,  1691,  and  various  other 
editions  and  translations)  combated  valiantly  the  current  notions  respecting 


Article  XIX. 
Pacem,  Te  Poscimus  Omnes} 

In  the  year  1693  his  Excellency  sent  away  Captain  Converse, 
to  draw  off  the  fittest  of  the  OjSicers  and  Soldiers,  quartered  in 
the  East,  for  a  March,  and  causing  about  Three  Hundred  and 
Fifty  more  to  be  Levied,  gave  him,  what  he  had  merited  above 
a  year  ago;  even  a  Commission  of  Major,  and  Commander  in 
Chief  over  these  Forces.  While  Major  Converse  was  at  Wells, 
hearing  of  some  Indians,  that  were  seen  in  the  Woods,  he  Sur- 
prised them  all;  and  finding  that  they  had  cut  off  a  poor 
Family  at  Oyster  River,^  he  gave  the  chief  of  them  some- 
thing of  what  they  also  had  merited.  Going  to  Pemmaquid, 
after  some  service  there,  they  Sailed  up  Sheepscote  River,  and 
then  marched  through  the  Woods  to  Taconet,  which  being 
Deserted  by  the  Indians,  they  ranged  through  many  other 
Woods;  but  could  meet  with  none  of  their  Enemies.  Repair- 
ing then  to  Saco,  they  began  another  Fort,  which  was  carried 
on  by  that  worthy  Gentleman  Major  Hook,^  and  the  truly 
commendable  Captain  Hill,  and  proved  a  matter  of  Good  Con- 
sequence unto  the  Province.  While  these  Things  were  doing, 
sometime  in  July,  the  Straggling  Indians  did  some  Spoil  upon 
Quaboag,^  a  remote  Village,  in  the  Road  unto  Connecticut: 
but  Advice  being  dispatch'd  unto  the  Towns  upon  Connecticut- 
River,  a  party  immediately  Sally'd  out  after  the  Spoilers,  and 
leaving  their  Horses  at  the  Entrance  of  a  Swamp,  whither  by 
their  Track  they  had  followed  them,  they  come  upon  the  Secure 
Adversary,  and  kill'd  the  most  of  them,  and  Recovered  the 
Captives,  with  their  Plunder;  and  Returning  home,  had  some 
Reward  for  so  brisk  an  Action. 

But  now,  the  Indians  in  the  East,  probably  Disheartened 
by  the  Forts  Erecting  that  were  like  to  prove  a  sore  Annoyance 
to  them,  in  their  Enterprizes;  and  by  the  Fear  of  wanting 
Ammunition,  with  other  Provisions,  which  the  French  were 
not  so  Able  just  now  to  dispence  unto  them ;  and  by  a  presump- 

'  "We  all  sue  thee  for  peace."  ^  Durham,  New  Hampshire. 

3  Francis  Hooke,  a  member  of  the  provincial  council. 
*  Brookfield,  Massachusetts. 


tion  that  an  Army  of  Maqua's,  (part  of  those  Terrible  Cannibals 
to  the  Westward,  whereof  'tis  affirmed  by  those  who  have 
published  the  Stories  of  their  Travels  among  them,  That  they 
have  destroy'd  no  less  than  Two  Million  Salvages  of  other 
Nations  about  them,  through  their  being  Supplied  with  Fire- 
Arms,  before  Hundreds  of  other  Nations  lying  between  them, 
and  the  River  Meschasippi)^  was  come  into  their  Country, 
because  they  found  some  of  their  Squa's  killed  upon  a  Whortle- 
berry Plain:  and  all  the  charms  of  the  French  Fryar,  then 
Resident  among  them,^  could  not  hinder  them,  from  Suing 
to  the  English  for  Peace.  And  the  English,  being  so  involved 
in  Debts,  that  they  Scarce  knew  how  to  prosecute  the  War 
any  further,  took  some  Notice  of  their  Suit.  Accordingly,  a 
Peace  was  made,  upon  the  Ensuing  Articles.^ 

Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  in  New-England. 

The  Submission  and  Agreement  of  the  Eastern  Indians  at  Fort  William 
Henry  in  Pemmaquid,  the  11th  day  of  August,  in  the  Fifth  year  of 
the  Reign  of  our  Soveraign  Lord  and  Lady,  William  and  Mary,  by 
the  Grace  of  God,  of  England,  Scotland,  France,  and  Ireland,  King 
and  Queen,  Defenders  of  the  Faith,  etc.  1693. 

Whereas  a  Bloody  War  has  for  some  years  now  past  been  made 
and  carried  on  by  the  Indians  within  the  Eastern  parts  of  the  said 
Province,  against  Their  Majesties  Subjects  the  English,  through  the 
Instigation  and  Influences  of  the  French;  and  being  sensible  of  the 
Miseries  which  we  and  our  People  are  reduced  unto,  by  adhering  to 
their  ill  Council:  We  whose  names  are  hereunto  Subscribed,  being 
Sagamores  and  Chief  Captains  of  all  the  Indians  belonging  to  the 
several  Rivers  of  Penobscote  and  Kennebeck,  Amarascogin,  and 
Saco,  parts  of  the  said  Province  of  the  Massachusets  Bay,  within 
Their  said  Majesties  Soveraignty,  Having  made  Application  unto  his 
Excellency  Sir  William  Phips,  Captain  General  and  Governour  in 
Chief  in  and  over  the  said  Province,  that  the  War  may  be  put  to  an 
End;   Do  lay  down  our  Arms,  and  cast  our  selves  upon  Their  said 

1  Mississippi. 

2  The  reference  is  to  Father  Pierre  Thury,  missionary  at  Pentagoet  (Cas- 
tine,  Maine),  but  he  was  a  seminary  priest,  not  a  friar. 

^  This  peace  had  been  forwarded  by  the  fact  that  Count  Frontenac,  en- 
gaged in  war  with  the  Mohawks  or  Five  Nations  in  New  York,  had  summoned 
to  his  aid  many  French  who  had  been  busy  among  the  Indians  of  the  East.  The 
failure  of  Iberville  to  attack  Pemaquid  in  1693  when  he  had  an  advantage  also 
encouraged  the  peace  party  among  the  Abenakis  headed  by  Madockawando. 


Majesties  Grace  and  Favour.  And  each  of  us  respectively  for  our 
selves,  and  in  the  Name  and  with  the  free  consent  of  all  the  Indians 
belonging  unto  the  several  Rivers  aforesaid,  and  of  all  other  Indians 
within  the  said  Province  of  and  from  Merrimack  River,  unto  the 
most  Easterly  Bounds  of  the  said  Province;  hereby  acknowledging 
our  hearty  Subjection  and  Obedience  unto  the  Crown  of  England; 
and  do  solemnly  Covenant,  Promise  and  Agree,  to  and  with  the  said 
Sir  William  Phips,  and  his  Successors,  in  the  place  of  Captain  General 
and  Governour  in  Chief  of  the  aforesaid  Province  or  Territory,  on 
Their  said  Majesties  behalf,  in  manner  following,  viz. 

That  at  all  time  and  times  for  ever,  from  and  after  the  date  of 
these  Presents,  we  will  cease  and  forbear  all  acts  of  Hostility  towards 
the  Subjects  of  the  Crown  of  England,  and  not  offer  the  least  hurt  or 
violence  to  them  or  any  of  them  in  their  Persons  or  Estate :  But  will 
henceforward  hold  and  maintain  a  firm  and  constant  Amity  and 
Friendship  with  all  the  English. 

Item.  We  abandon  and  forsake  the  French  Interest,  and  will 
not  in  any  wise  adhere  to,  join  with,  aid  or  assist  them  in  their  Wars, 
or  Designs  against  the  English,  nor  countenance,  succour,  or  conceal 
any  of  the  Enemy  Indians  of  Canada  or  other  places,  that  shall 
happen  to  come  to  any  of  our  Plantations  within  the  English  Terri- 
tory, but  secure  them  if  in  our  power,  and  deliver  them  up  unto  the 

That  all  English  Captives  in  the  hands  or  power  of  any  of  the 
Indians  within  the  Limits  aforesaid,  shall  with  all  possible  speed  be 
set  at  liberty,  and  returned  home  without  any  Ransom  or  Payment 
to  be  made  or  given  for  them  or  any  of  them. 

That  Their  Majesties  Subjects  the  English,  shall  and  may  peace- 
ably and  quietly  enter  upon,  improve,  and  for  ever  enjoy,  all  and 
singular  their  Rights  of  Lands,  and  former  Settlements  and  posses- 
sions within  the  Eastern  parts  of  the  said  Province  of  the  Massa- 
chusets  Bay,  without  any  pretensions  or  claims  by  us,  or  any  other 
Indians,  and  be  in  no  wise  molested,  interrupted,  or  disturbed  therein. 

That  all  Trade  and  Commerce,  which  hereafter  may  be  allowed 
between  the  English  and  Indians,  shall  be  under  such  Management 
and  Regulation  as  may  be  stated  by  an  Act  of  the  General  Assembly, 
or  as  the  Governour  of  the  said  Province  for  the  time  being,  with  the 
Advice  and  Consent  of  the  Council,  shall  see  cause  to  Direct  and 

If  any  controversie,  or  difference,  at  any  time  hereafter  happen 
to  arise  between  any  of  the  English  and  Indians  for  any  real  or  sup- 
posed wrong  or  injury  done  on  one  side  or  the  other,  no  private  Re- 
venge shall  be  taken  by  the  Indians  for  the  same,  but  proper  Appli- 
cation be  made  to  Their  Majesties  Government,  upon  the  place,  for 


Remedy  thereof  in  a  due  course  of  Justice,  we  hereby  submitting  our 
selves  to  be  ruled  and  governed  by  Their  Majesties  Laws,  and  desire 
to  have  the  benefit  of  the  same. 

For  the  more  full  manifestation  of  our  sincerity  and  integrity  in 
all  that  which  we  have  herein  before  Covenanted  and  Promised,  we 
do  deliver  unto  Sir  William  Phips,  their  Majesties  Governour  as  afore- 
said, Ahassombamett,  Brother  to  Edgeremett,  Wenongahewitt, 
Cousin  to  Madockawando,  and  Edgeremett,  and  Bagatawawongon, 
also^  Sheepscoat  John,  to  abide  and  remain  in  the  Custody  of  the 
English,  where  the  Governour  shall  direct,  as  Hostages  or  Pledges, 
for  our  Fidelity,  and  true  performance  of  all  and  every  the  foregoing 
Articles,  reserving  Liberty  to  exchange  them  in  some  reasonable  time 
for  a  like  number,  to  the  acceptance  of  the  Governour  and  Council  of 
the  said  Province,  so  they  be  persons  of  as  good  account,  and  esteem 
amongst  the  Indians,  as  those  which  are  to  be  exchanged.  In  Testi- 
mony whereof,  we  have  hereunto  set  our  several  Marks  and  Seals, 
the  Day  and  Year  first  above-written. 

The  above-written  Instrument  was  deliberately  read  over,  and 
the  several  Articles  and  Clauses  thereof  interpreted  unto  the  Indians, 
who  said  they  well  understood,  and  consented  thereunto,  and  was 
then  Signed,  Sealed,  and  Delivered  in  the  Presence  of  us, 

John  Wing. 
Nicholas  Manning. 
Benjamin  Jackson. 
Wassambomet  of  Navidgwock. 
Wenobson  of  Teconnet  in  behalf  of  Moxus. 
Ketterramogis  of  Narridgwock. 
Ahanquit  of  Penobscot, 
Robin  Doney. 

Paquaharet,  alias,  Nathaniel. 
John  Hornybrook, 
John  Bagatawawongo,  alias, 
Sheepscoat  John. 
Phill.  Ounsakis,  Squaw. 


^  From  what  appears  in  the  signatures  below,  it  seems  clear  that  this  word 
should  be  alias. 


Article  XX. 

Bloody  Fishing  at  Oyster  River;  ^  and  Sad  Work  at  Groton. 

A  Years  Breathing  Time  was  a  great  Favour  of  Heaven  to 
a  Country  quite  out  of  Breath,  with  Numberless  Calamities: 
But  the  Favour  was  not  so  Thankfully  Enjoyed,  as  it  should 
have  been.  And  now,  The  Clouds  Return  after  the  Rain. 
The  Spectre  that  with  Burning  Tongs  drove  Xerxes  to  his  War 
upon  the  Grsecians,^  had  not  lost  his  Influence  upon  our  In- 
dians. The  Perfidy  of  the  Indians  appeared  first,  in  their  not 
Restoring  the  English  Captives  according  to  their  Covenant; 
but  the  perfidious  Wretches  Excused  this,  with  many  Protesta- 
tions. That  which  added  unto  our  Jealousies  about  them,  was, 
their  Insolent  carriage  towards  a  Sloop,  commanded  by  Cap- 
tain Wing;  and  the  Information  of  a  Fellow  called  Hector, 
that  the  Indians  intended  most  certainly  to  break  the  Peace, 
and  had  promised  the  French  Priests,  taking  the  Sacrament 
thereupon,  to  destroy  the  first  English  Town  they  could 
Surprize.  Rumours  of  Indians  Lurking  about  some  of  the 
Frontier-Plantations,  now  began  to  put  the  poor  people  into 
Consternation;  but  upon  an  Imagination  that  they  were  only 
certain  Bever-Hunters,  the  Consternation  of  the  people  went  off 
into  Security.  'Tis  affirmed  by  English  Captives,  which  were 
then  at  Canada,  that  the  Desolation  of  Oyster  River  was  com- 
monly talk'd  in  the  Streets  of  Quebec,  Two  months  before  it 
was  Effected;  for  the  Spies  had  found  no  Town  so  Secure  as 
That.  And  now  what  was  Talk'd  at  Quebec  in  the  month 
of  May,  must  be  Done  at  Oyster  River  in  the  month  of  July; 
for  on  Wednesday,  July  18,  1694,  the  Treacherous  Enemy 
with  a  great  Army  fell  upon  that  Place,  about  break  of  day, 
and  Kiird  and  Captiv'd  Ninety  Four,  (or,  an  Hundred)  per- 
sons; about  a  Score  of  whom  were  men  belonging  to  the 
Trained  Band  of  the  Town.  Several  persons  Remarkably 
Escaped  this  Bloody  Deluge,  but  none  with  more  Bravery  than 
one  Thomas  Bickford,  who  had  an  House,  a  Little  Pallisado'd, 

^Oyster  River,  the  present  Durham,  was  about  twelve  miles  from  PortS' 
mouth,  New  Hampshire. 
8  Herodotus,  VII.  18. 


by  the  River  Side,  but  no  man  in  it  besides  himself.  He  dex- 
terously put  his  Wife,  and  Mother,  and  Children  aboard  a 
Canoo,  and  Sending  them  down  the  River,  he  Alone  betook 
himself  to  the  Defence  of  his  House,  against  many  Indians,  that 
made  an  Assault  upon  him.  They  first  would  have  perswaded 
him,  with  many  fair  Promises,  and  then  terrified  him  with  as 
many  Fierce  Threatnings,  to  yield  himself;  but  he  flouted  and 
fired  at  them,  daring  'em,  to  come  if  they  durst.  His  main 
Stratagem  was,  to  Change  his  Livery  as  frequently  as  he  could; 
appearing  Sometimes  in  one  Coat,  Sometimes  in  another, 
Sometimes  in  an  Hat,  and  Sometimes  in  a  Cap ;  which  caused 
his  Besiegers  to  mistake  this  One  for  Many  Defendants.  In 
fine.  The  pitiful  Wretches,  despairing  to  Beat  him  out  of  his 
House,  e'en  left  him  in  it;  whereas  many  that  opened  unto 
them,  upon  their  Solemn  Engagements  of  giving  them  Life 
and  Good  Quarter,  were  barbarously  butchered  by  them;  and 
the  Wife  of  one  Adams,  then  with  Child,  was  with  horrible 
Barbarity  Ripped  up.  And  thus  there  was  an  End  of  the 
Peace  made  at  Pemmaquid!  Upon  this,  the  Friends  of  Mrs. 
Ursula  Cutt,  (widow  of  Mr.  John  Cutt,  formerly  President  of 
New-Hampshire,)  desired  her,  to  leave  her  Farm,  which  was 
about  a  Mile  above  the  Bank  Exposed  to  the  Enemy,  on  the 
south  side  of  Piscataqua  River.  She  thank'd  them  for  their 
Care;  but  added,  that  she  believed,  the  Enemy  had  now  done 
their  Do  for  this  Time;  and  however,  by  the  End  of  the  Week, 
her  Business  at  the  Farm  would  be  all  dispatched,  and  on 
Saturday,  she  would  Repair  to  her  Friends  at  the  Bank.  But, 
alas !  before  the  End  of  the  week,  she  saw  the  End  of  her  Life : 
On  Saturday,  about  one  or  two  a  Clock  in  the  Afternoon,  the 
Business  at  the  Farm  was  Dispatched  sure  enough!  The 
Indians  Then  Eall'd  this  Gentlewoman  and  Three  other  Peo- 
ple, a  little  before  they  had  Finished  a  point  of  Husbandry 
then  in  their  Hands.  Nor  did  the  Storm  go  over  so:  Some 
Drops  of  it  fell  upon  the  Town  of  Groton,  a  Town  that  lay, 
one  would  think,  far  enough  off  the  place  where  was  the  last 
Scene  of  the  Tragedy.  On  July  27,  About  break  of  Day 
Groton  felt  some  Surprizing  Blows  from  the  Indian  Hatchets. 
They  began  their  Attacks  at  the  House  of  one  Lieutenant  Lakin, 
in  the  out-skirts  of  the  Town;  but  met  with  a  Repulse  there, 
and  lost  one  of  their  Crew.    Nevertheless,  in  other  parts  of 


that  Plantation,  (when  the  Good  people  had  been  so  tired  out, 
as  to  lay  down  their  Military  Watch)  there  were  more  than 
Twenty  persons  killed,  and  more  than  a  Dozen  carried  away. 
Mr.  Gershom  Hobart,  the  Minister  of  the  place,  with  part  of 
his  Family,  was  Remarkably  preserved  from  falling  into  their 
Hands,  when  they  made  themselves  the  Masters  of  his  House; 
though  they  Took  Two  of  his  Children,  whereof  the  one  was 
killed,  and  the  other  some  Time  after  happily  Rescued  out  of 
his  Captivity. 

I  remember,  the  Jews  in  their  Book  Taanith?-  tell  us.  The 
Elders  Proclaimed  a  Fast  in  their  Cities  on  this  Occasion,  be- 
cause the  Wolves  had  Devoured  two  Little  Children  beyond 
Jordan.  Truly,  the  Elders  of  New-England  were  not  a  little 
concerned  at  it,  when  they  saw  the  Wolves  thus  devouring  their 
Children,  even  on  this  side  of  Merrimack! 

Article  XXI. 

M(yre  English  Blood  Swallowed,  hut  Revenged. 

Reader,  we  must  after  This,  ever  Now  and  Then,  Expect 
the  happening  of  some  unhappy  Accident.  The  Blood  thirsty 
Salvages,  not  content  with  quaffing  the  Blood  of  Two  or  Three 
persons,  found  at  work,  in  a  Field  at  Spruce  creek,  on  Aug.  20, 
and  of  another  person  at  York,  the  same  day,  (Captivating 
also  a  Lad,  which  they  found  with  him;)  They  did  on  Aug.  24, 
Kill  and  Take  Eight  persons  at  Kittery.  Here,  a  little  Girl 
about  Seven  years  old,  the  Daughter  of  one  Mr.  Downing,  fell 
into  their  Barbarous  Hands;  they  knock'd  her  o'th'  Head,  and 
barbarously  Scalped  her,  leaving  her  on  the  Cold  Ground,  (and 
it  was  then  very  Cold,  beyond  what  use  to  be,)  where  she 
lay  all  the  Night  Ensuing:  Yet  she  was  found  Alive  the  Next 
Morning,  and  Recovering,  she  is  to  this  Day  Alive  and  well; 
only  the  place  broke  in  her  skull  will  not  endure  to  be  closed 
up.  He  had  another  Daughter,  which  at  the  same  Time 
almost  miraculously  Escaped  their  Hands.  But  so  could  not 
at  another  Time  Joseph  Pike  of  Newbury,  the  Deputy  Sheriff 
of  Essex,  who,  on  Sept.  4,  Travelling  between  Amesbury  and 
HaverhiL  in  the  Execution  of  his  Office,  with  one  Long,  they 

*  A  treatise  on  fasts,  forming  part  of  the  Talmud. 


both  had  an  Arrest  of  Death  served  upon  them  from  an  Indian 
Ambuscado.  Bommaseen,  a  Commander  of  prime  QuaHty 
among  the  Indians,  who  had  set  his  Hand  unto  the  late  Articles 
of  Submission,  came,  Nov.  19,  with  Two  other  Indians,  to 
Pemmaquid,  as  Loving  as  Bears,  and  as  Harmless  as  Tygres, 
pretending  to  be  just  Arrived  from  Canada,  and  much  Afflicted 
for  the  late  mischiefs,  (whereof  there  was  witness,  that  he  was 
a  principal  Actor,)  but  Captain  March  with  a  Sufficient  Activ- 
ity Seized  them;  as  Robin  Doney,^  another  famous  Villain 
among  them,  with  Three  more,  had  been  Seized  at  Saco  Fort, 
a  little  before.  Bommaseen,  was  Convey'd  unto  Boston,  that 
he  might  in  a  close  Imprisonment  there,  have  Time  to  consider 
of  his  Treacheries,  and  his  Cruelties,  for  which  the  Justice  of 
Heaven  had  thus  Delivered  him  up.  When  he  was  going  to 
Pemmaquid,  he  left  his  Company  with  a  Strange  Reluctancy 
and  Formality,  as  if  he  had  presaged  the  Event;  and  when  at 
Pemmaquid  he  found  the  Event  of  his  coming,  he  discovered 
a  more  than  ordinary  Disturbance  of  mind:  his  Passions 
foam'd  and  boil'd,  like  the  very  Waters  at  the  Fall  of  Niagara. 

But  being  thus  fallen  upon  the  mention  of  that  Vengeance, 
wherewith  Heaven  pursued  the  chief  of  the  Salvage  Murderers, 
it  may  give  some  Diversion  unto  the  Reader,  in  the  midst  of  a 
long  and  a  sad  Story,  to  insert  a  Relation  of  an  Accident  that 
fell  out  a  Uttle  after  this  Time. 

The  Indians,  (as  the  Captives  inform  us)  being  hungry,  and 
hardly  bestead,  passed  through  deserted  Casco,  w^here  they 
spied  several  Horses  in  Captain  Bracket's  Orchard.  Their 
famish'd  Squa's  begg'd  them  Shoot  the  Horses,  that  they  might 
be  revived  with  a  little  Roast-meat ;  but  the  young  men  were 
for  having  a  little  Sport  before  their  Supper.  Driving  the 
Horses  into  a  Pond,  they  took  one  of  them,  and  furnished  him 
with  an  Halter,  suddenly  made  of  the  Main  and  the  Tail  of 
the  Animal,  which  they  cut  off.  A  Son  of  the  famous  Hegon 
was  ambitious  to  mount  this  Pegasaean  Steed;  but  being  a 
pittiful  horseman,  he  ordered  them,  for  fear  of  his  Falling,  to 
ty  his  Legs  fast  under  the  Horse's  Belly.  No  sooner  was  this 
Beggar  Set  on  Horse-back,  and  the  Spark  in  his  own  opinion 

^  Perhaps  a  French  half-breed.  The  seizure  of  Bomazeen  and  others  coming 
under  a  flag  of  truce  was  regarded  by  the  French  and  Indians  as  an  act  of 


thoroughly  Equipt,  but  the  Mettlesome  Horse  furiously  and 
presently  ran  with  him  out  of  Sight.  Neither  Horse  nor  Man 
were  ever  seen  any  more;  the  astonish'd  Tawnies  howl'd  after 
one  of  their  Nobility,  disappearing  by  such  an  unexpected 
Accident.  A  few  Days  after  they  found  one  of  his  Legs  (and 
that  was  AH,)  which  they  buried  in  Captain  Bracket's  Cellar, 
with  abundance  of  Lamentation. 

Article  XXII. 
A  Conference  with  an  Indian-Sagamore. 

But  now  Bommaseen  is  fallen  into  our  Hands,  let  us  have 
a  little  Discourse  with  him. 

Behold,  Reader,  the  Troubles,  and  the  Troublers  of  New- 
England!  That  thou  may'st  a  little  more  Exactly  Behold  the 
Spirit  of  the  matter,  ITl  Recite  certain  passages,  occurring  in  a 
Discourse  that  pass'd  between  this  Bommaseen  (who  was  one 
of  the  Indian  Princes,  or  Chieftains,)  and  a  Minister  of  the 
Gospel,^  in  the  year  1696. 

Bommaseen  was,  with  some  other  Indians,  now  a  Prisoner, 
in  Boston.  He  desired  a  Conference  with  a  Minister,  of  Boston, 
which  was  granted  him.  Bommaseen,  with  the  other  Indians 
assenting  and  asserting  to  it,  then  told  the  Minister,  That  he 
pray'd  his  Instruction  in  the  Christian  religion;  inasmuch  as 
he  was  afraid,  that  the  French,  in  the  Christian  Rehgion,  which 
they  taught  the  Indians,  had  Abused  them.  The  minister 
Enquired  of  him.  What  of  the  Things  taught  'em  by  the  French, 
appear'd  most  Suspicious  to  'em?  He  said,  the  French  taught 
'em,  that  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  was  of  the  French  Nation.; 
that  His  Mother,  the  Virgin  Mary,  was  a  French  Lady;  That 
they  were  the  English  who  had  Murdered  him;  and.  That 
whereas  He  Rose  from  the  Dead,  and  went  up  to  the  Heavens, 
all  that  would  Recommend  themselves  unto  His  Favour,  must 
Revenge  His  Quarrel  upon  the  English,  as  far  as  they  can. 
He  ask'd  the  Minister,  whether  these  Things  were  so;  and 
pray'd  the  Minister  to  Instruct  him  in  the  True  Christian 
Religion.  The  Minister  considering,  that  the  Humour  and 
Manner  of  the  Indians,  was  to  have  their  Discourses  managed 

1  Mather  himself,  of  course. 


with  much  of  Similitude  in  them;  Look'd  about  for  some 
Agreeable  object,  from  whence  he  might  with  apt  Resem- 
blances Convey  the  Idaeas  of  Truth  unto  the  minds  of  Sal- 
vages; and  he  thought,  none  would  be  more  Agreeable  to 
them  than  a  Tankard  of  Drink,  which  happened  then  to 
be  standing  on  the  Table.  So  he  proceeded  in  this  Method 
with  'em. 

He  told  them,  (still  with  proper  Actions  painting  and 
pointing  out  the  Signs  unto  them,)  that  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ 
had  given  us  a  Good  Religion,  which  might  be  Resembled  unto 
the  Good  Drink  in  the  Cup  upon  the  Table. 

That  if  we  Take  this  Good  Religion,  (even  that  Good 
Drink,)  into  our  Hearts,  it  will  do  us  Good,  and  preserve  us 
from  Death. 

That  God's  Book,  the  Bible,  is  the  Cup  wherein  that  Good 
Drink  of  Religion  is  offered  unto  us. 

That  the  French,  having  the  Cup  of  Good  Drink  in  their 
Hands,  had  put  Poison  into  it,  and  then  made  the  Indians  to 
Drink  that  Poisoned  Liquor,  whereupon  they  Run  mad,  and 
fell  to  killing  of  the  English,  though  they  could  not  but  know 
it  must  unavoidably  issue  in  their  own  Destruction  at  the 

That  it  was  plain  the  English  had  put  no  Poison  into  the 
Good  Drink;  for  they  set  the  Cup  wide  open,  and  invited  all 
men  to  Come  and  See  before  they  taste,  even  the  very  Indians 
themselves;  for  we  Translated  the  Bible  into  Indian.  That 
they  might  gather  from  hence,  that  the  French  had  put  Poison 
into  the  Good  Drink,  inasmuch  as  the  French  kept  the  Cup 
fast  shut,  (the  Bible  in  an  Unknown  Tongue,)  and  kept  their 
Hands  upon  the  Eyes  of  the  Indians,  when  they  put  it  unto 
their  mouths. 

The  Indians  Expressing  themselves  to  be  well  Satisfied,  with 
what  the  Minister  had  hitherto  said,  pray'd  him  to  go  on, 
with  showing  'em,  what  was  the  Good  Drink,  and  what  was 
the  Poison,  which  the  French  had  put  into  it. 

He  then  set  before  them  distinctly  the  chief  Articles  of  the 
Christian  Religion,  with  all  the  Simplicity  and  Sincerity  of  a 
Protestant:  Adding  upon  each.  This  is  the  Good  Drink,  in 
the  Lord's  Cup  of  Life:  and  they  still  professed,  That  they 
liked  it  all. 


Whereupon,  he  demonstrated  unto  them,  how  the  Papists 
had  in  their  Idolatrous  Popery,  some  way  or  other  Depraved 
and  Alter'd  every  one  of  these  Articles,  with  Scandalous  In- 
gredients of  their  own  Invention;  Adding  upon  each.  This  is 
the  Poison  which  the  French  have  put  into  the  Cup. 

At  last,  he  mentioned  this  Article. 

"  To  obtain  the  Pardon  of  your  Sins,  you  must  confess  your 
Sins  to  God,  and  pray  to  God,  That  He  would  Pardon  your 
Sins,  for  the  sake  of  Jesus  Christ,  who  died  for  the  Sins  of  His 
People:  God  Loves  Jesus  Christ  infinitely;  and  if  you  place 
your  Eye  on  Jesus  Christ  only,  when  you  beg  the  Pardon  of 
your  Sins,  God  will  Pardon  them.  You  need  confess  your 
Sins  to  none  but  God,  Except  in  cases  when  men  have  known 
your  Sins,  or  have  been  Hurt  by  your  Sins;  and  then  those 
men  should  know  that  you  confess  your  Sins;  but  after  all, 
none  but  God  can  Pardon  them." 

He  then  added,  "the  French  have  put  Poison  into  this 
Good  Drink;  they  tell  you,  that  you  must  confess  your  Sins 
to  a  Priest,  and  carry  skins  to  a  Priest,  and  Submit  unto  a 
Penance  enjoined  by  a  Priest;  and  this  Priest  is  to  give  you  a 
Pardon.  There  is  no  need  of  all  This :  'Tis  nothing  but  French 
Poison,  all  of  it." 

The  Wretches  appearing  astonish'd,  to  meet  with  one  who 
would  so  fairly  put  them  into  a  glorious  way  to  obtain  the 
Pardon  of  their  Sins,  and  yet  take  no  Bever-Skins  for  it,  in  a 
Rapture  of  Astonishment  they  fell  down  on  their  knees,  and 
got  his  Hand  into  theirs,  and  fell  to  kissing  of  it  with  an  Ex- 
tream  show  of  Affection. 

He  shaking  them  off,  with  dislike  of  their  posture,  Bomma- 
seen,  with  the  rest  of  them,  stood  up;  and  first  lifting  up  his 
Eyes  and  Hands  to  Heaven;  declaring.  That  God  should  be 
Judge  of  his  Heart  in  what  he  said,  he  then  said,  "  Sir,  I  thank 
you  for  these  Things;  I  Resolve  to  Spit  up  all  the  French 
Poison;  You  shall  be  my  Father;  I  will  be  your  Son;  I  be- 
seech you,  to  continue  to  Instruct  me  in  that  Religion,  which 

may  bring  me  to  the  Salvation  of  my  Soul!" Now  God 

knows,  what  Heart  this  Indian  had,  when  he  so  Expressed 
himself:  to  Him  let  us  leave  it. 

But  so  much  for  this  Digression. 


Article  XXIII. 
More  Mischiefs  in  spite  of  Treaties. 

Except  it  were  the  Falling  of  Two  soldiers  belonging  to 
Saco  Garrison  into  the  Hands  of  the  Enemy,  who  Took  the 
one,  and  Kill'd  the  other,  some  Time  in  March,  1695,  Many 
Months  pass'd  away,  without  any  Action  between  Them  and 
Us,  And  it  is  Reported  by  Returned  Captives,  That  the  Hand 
of  God  reach' d  them,  when  the  Hand  of  Man  could  not  find 
them,  and  a  Mortal  Sickness  did  at  a  Strange  Rate  carry  off 
multitudes  of  them.  At  length,  upon  the  Mediation  of  old 
Sheepscoat  John,  once  a  praying  Indian,  of  the  Reverend 
Eliot's  Cathecumens,  but  afterwards  a  Pagan,  and  now  a 
Popish  Apostate,  a  Great  Fleet  of  Canoos  came  into  an  Island, 
about  a  League  from  the  Fort  at  Pemmaquid,  May  20,  1695,^ 
and  after  they  had  laid  still  there,  all  the  Lord's  Day,  on  Mun- 
day  morning  they  sent  unto  the  English  for  another  Treaty. 
They  Declared,  Their  Design  was  to  Exchange  Captives,  and 
Renew  the  Peace,  and  condemned  themselves  for  their  Violat- 
ing the  Peace  made  near  Two  years  ago.  Eight  Captives, 
they  Immediately  Delivered  up ;  and  upon  a  Grant  of  a  Truce 
for  Thirty  Days,  Colonel  John  Philips,  Lieut.  Colonel  Haw- 
thorn,^  and  Major  Converse,  were  sent  Commissioners  unto 
Pemmaquid,  for  the  management  of  that  affayr. 

Our  Commissioners,  with  Good  Reason,  demanding  a  Sur- 
render of  all  the  English  Captives,  according  to  former  Agree- 
ment, before  they  would  allow  any  New  Propositions  of  Peace 
to  be  offered,  the  Indians,  disgusted  that  their  Idol  Bommaseen 
was  left  at  Boston,  broke  off  the  Conference,  and  went  off  in 
Discontent.^  Advice  was  immediately  dispatch'd  into  all  parts 
of  the  Eastern  Country  to  stand  well  upon  their  Guard;  not- 
withstanding which,  on  July  6  Major  Hammond  of  Kittery 
fell  into  the  Hands  of  the  Lurking  Indians;  and  the  next  week, 

^  Rutherford  Island  (Christmas  Cove).  The  date  should  certainly  be  1695, 
though  the  Lord's  Day  was  the  19th;  the  Decennium  Luctuosum  gives  it  as  1695, 
but  the  reprint  in  the  Magnolia  alters  this  to  1693. 

2  John  Hawthorn. 

3  The  Indians  thought  that  if  they  gave  up  their  captives  the  English  should 
do  the  same. 


Two  men  at  Exeter  were  kill'd  by  some  of  the  same  Dangerous 
Lurkers.  Major  Hammond  was  now  aboard  a  Canoo,  intend- 
ing to  put  ashore  at  Saco;  but  some  of  the  Garrison-Soldiers 
there,  not  knowing  that  they  had  such  a  good  Friend  aboard, 
inadvertently  Fired  upon  the  Canoo;  and  so  the  Indians  car- 
ried him  clear  away.  They  transported  him  at  length  to 
Canada,  where  he  met  with  Extraordinary  CiviHties;  Count 
Frontenac,  the  Governour  himself,  nobly  purchased  him  of 
his  Tawny  master,  and  sent  him  home  to  New-England,  by  a 
Vessel,  which  also  fetch'd  from  thence  a  Considerable  Number 
(perhaps  near  Thirty)  of  English  Prisoners.  In  August,  the 
House  of  one  Rogers  at  Billerica  was  plundered,  and  about 
Fifteen  people  Kill'd  and  taken,  by  Indians,  which,  by  appear- 
ing and  Approaching,  'tis  said,  on  Horse-back,  were  not  Sus- 
pected for  Indians,  (for,  Who  set  them  on  Horse-back?)  till 
they  Surprized  the  House  they  came  to.  And  about  the  same 
Time,  Sergeant  Haley,  Venturing  out  of  his  Fort  at  Saco,  Stept 
into  the  Snares  of  Death.  On  Sept.  9,  Sergeant  March,  with 
Three  more,  were  Killed  by  the  Indians,  and  Six  more,  at  the 
same  Time,  wounded  at  Pemmaquid,  Rowing  a  Gondula, 
round  an  high  Rocky  point,  above  the  Barbican.  On  Oct.  7, 
the  Indians  entred  the  House  of  one  John  Brown  at  Newbury, 
carrying  away  Nine  Persons  with  them;  whereupon  Captain 
Greenlief,  nimbly  pursuing  the  Murderers,  did  unhappily  so 
Stumble  on  them  in  the  Night,  that  they  wounded  the  good 
man,  and  made  their  Escape  over  the  River.  The  Captain 
Retook  all  the  Captives;  but  the  Indians,  in  their  going  off, 
Strook  them  all  so  Violently  on  the  Head  with  the  Clubs, 
which  I  remember  a  French  Historian  somewhere  calls  by  the 
frightful  name  of  Head-breakers,^  that  they  afterwards  all  of 
them  dyed.  Except  a  Lad  that  was  only  hurt  in  the  Shoulder. 
Some  of  them  Lingred  out  for  half  a  year,  and  some  of  them  for 
more  than  a  whole  year;  but  if  the  Doctors  closed  up  the 
wounds  of  their  Heads,  they  would  grow  Light-headed,  and 
Faint,  and  Sick,  and  could  not  bear  it;  so  at  last  they  Died, 
with  their  very  Brains  working  out  at  their  Wounds. 

But  having  thus  run  over  a  Journal  of  Deaths  for  the  year 
1695,  Let  us  before  the  year  be  quite  gone,  see  some  Vengeance 
taken  upon  the  Heads  in  the  House  of  the  Wicked.    Know 

^  Casse-tete  is  a  frequent  French  word  for  tomahawk. 


then,  Reader,  that  Captain  March  petitioning  to  be  Dismiss'd 
from  his  Command  of  the  Fort  at  Pemmaquid,  one  Chub^ 
Succeeded  him.  And  this  Chub  found  an  Opportunity,  in  a 
pretty  Chubbed  manner,  to  kill  the  famous  Edgeremett,  and 
Abenquid,  a  couple  of  Principal  Sagamores,  with  one  or  Two 
other  Indians,  On  a  Lord's-day,  the  Sixteenth  of  February. 
Some  that  well  enough  liked  the  Thing  which  was  now  done, 
did  not  altogether  like  the  manner  of  doing  it,  because  there 
was  a  pretence  of  Treaty,  between  Chub  and  the  Sagamores, 
whereof  he  took  his  Advantage  to  lay  violent  Hands  on  them. 
If  there  were  any  unfair  Dealing  (which  I  know  not)  in  this 
Action  of  Chub,  there  will  be  another  February  not  far  off, 
wherein  the  Avengers  of  Blood  wiU  take  their  Satisfaction. 

Article  XXIV. 

Still  Mischief  upon  Mischief. 

The  Next  whole  year,  namely  1696,  had  it  not  been  for  the 
Degree  of  a  Famine,  which  the  Alteration  of  the  course  of 
Nature  in  these,  as  well  as  other  parts  of  the  world,  threatned 
us  withal,  would  have  been  a  Year  of  Less  Trouble  than  some 
of  the  rest,  in  our  Troublesome  Decad.  The  most  uneasie 
Accident  of  this  year  shall  be  told,  when  we  arrive  unto  the 
Month  of  August;  but  in  the  mean  Time  it  was  a  matter  of 
some  Uneasiness,  that  on  May  7,  one  John  Church  of  Quochecho, 
who  had  been  a  Captive,  Escaped  from  the  Hands  of  the  In- 
dians, almost  Seven  years  before,  was  now  Slain  and  Stript  by 
their  Barbarous  Hands;  And,  on  June  24,  one  Thomas  Cole, 
of  Wells,  and  his  wife,  were  Slain  by  the  Indians,  returning 
home  with  two  of  his  Neighbours,  and  their  Wives,  all  three 
Sisters,  from  a  Visit,  of  their  Friends  at  York:  And,  on  Jun.  26, 
at  several  places  within  the  Confines  of  Portsmouth,  Several 
Persons,  Twelve  or  Fourteen,  were  Massacred,  (with  some 
Houses  Burnt,)  and  Four  Taken,  which  yet  were  soon  Retaken ; 
among  whom,  there  was  an  Ancient  Woman  Scalpt  for  Dead, 
and  no  doubt  the  Salvages  upon  producing  her  Scalp,  received 

^  Pascho  Chubb  of  Andover  is  the  person  referred  to.  His  military  ability 
was  hardly  equal  to  that  of  his  predecessor.  His  action  at  this  time  was  bitterly 
resented  by  the  Indians.    See  p.  270,  post. 


the  Price  of  her  Death,  from  those  that  hired  them,  and  yet 
she  so  Recovered;  as  to  be  still  Alive.  Moreover,  on  July  26, 
the  Lord's-Day,  the  People  at  Quochecho  returning  from  the 
Public  Worship  of  God,  Three  of  them  were  killed.  Three  of 
them  were  wounded,  and  Three  of  them  were  carried  away 
Prisoners  to  Penobscot;  which  last  Three  were  nevertheless 
in  less  than  Three  weeks  returned.  But  now  we  are  got  into 
fatal  August;  on  the  Fifth  or  Sixth  Day  of  which  Month,  the 
French  having  Taken  one  of  the  English  Men  of  War,  caUed 
the  Newport,^  and  Landed  a  few  men,  who  jojm'd  with  the 
Indians,  to  pursue  their  Business,  Chub,  with  an  unaccountable 
Baseness,  did  Surrender  the  Brave  Fort  at  Pemmaquid  into 
their  Hands.  There  were  Ninety-Five  men  double-Armed,  in 
the  Fort,  which  might  have  Defended  it  against  Nine  Times 
as  many  Assailants;  That  a  Fort  now  should  be  so  basely 
given  up!  imitating  the  Stile  of  Homer  and  Virgil,  I  cannot 
help  crying  out,  0  merce  Novanglce,  neque  enim  Novangli !  ^ 
and  yet  if  you  read  the  Story  written  by  the  Sieur  Froger,  how 
poorly  St.  James's  Fort  in  Africa  was  given  up  to  the  French 
in  the  year  1695,^  You'll  say  the  things  done  in  America,  are 
not  so  bad,  as  what  have  been  done  in  other  parts  of  the  world. 
The  Enemy  having  Demolished  so  fair  a  Citadel,  now  grown 
mighty  Uppish,  Triumph'd,  as  well  they  might,  Exceedingly; 
and  Threatned,  that  they  would  carry  all  before  them.  The 
Honourable  Lieutenant  Governour  Stoughton,  who  was  now 
Commander  in  Chief  over  the  Province,  immediately  did  all 
that  could  be  done,  to  put  a  Stop  unto  the  Fury  of  the  Adver- 
sary. By  Sea,  he  sent  out  Three  Men  of  War,  who,  disadvan- 
taged by  the  Winds,  came  not  soon  Enough  to  engage  the 
French.  By  Land,  the  Indians  being  so  Posted  in  all  quarters, 
that  the  People  could  hardly  Stir  out,  but  about  half  a  Score 
of  the  poor  People  in  their  Fields  here  and  there  were  pick'd 
off,  he  sent  Colonel  Gidney^  with  Five  Hundred  men;  who 
perceiving  the  Salvages  to  be  drawn  off,  only  Strengthened  the 

1  The  Newport,  Captain  Paxton,  was  cruising  off  the  Bay  of  Fundy  to  in- 
tercept French  supplies,  when  she  was  taken  by  Iberville,  on  his  way  to  the  cap- 
ture of  Pemaquid. 

*  "O  mere  New  England  women,  not  New  England  men!" 

» See  p.  215,  note  2. 

♦Colonel  Bartholomew  Gedney  of  Salem,  one  of  the  "witch"  judges. 


Garrisons,  and  Returned.  The  Lieutenant-Go vernour,  that  he 
might  not  in  any  other  point  be  wanting  to  the  Pubhc  Safety, 
hereupon  dispatched  Colonel  Hawthorn,  with  a  Suitable 
Number  of  Soldiers  and  Frigats  unto  St.  John's,  with  orders 
to  fetch  away  some  Great  Guns  that  were  lying  there,  and 
join  with  Major  Church,  who  was  gone  with  Forces  that  way, 
to  attack  the  Fort  at  St.  John's,  which  was  the  Nest  of  all  the 
Wasps  that  Stung  us;  but  the  Difficulty  of  the  Cold  Season  so 
discouraged  our  men,  that  after  the  making  of  some  few  Shot, 
the  Enteprize  found  itself  imder  too  much  Congelation  to 
proceed  any  further. ^  So  we  will  afflict  our  selves  no 
further  for  this  year;  Except  only  with  mentioning  the 
Slaughter  of  about  Five  poor  Soldiers,  belonging  to  Saco-Fort, 
Oct.  13,  who  had  a  Discovery  of  the  Enemy,  Seasonable  Enough 
to  have  made  their  Escape ;  yet,  not  Agreeing  about  the  way  of 
making  it,  as  if  led  by  some  Fatality  to  their  Destruction,  or, 
as  if  they  had  been  like  the  Squirrels,  that  must  run  down  the 
Tree,  Squeaking  and  Crying  into  the  mouths  of  the  Rattle- 
snakes, that  fix  their  Eyes  upon  them,  they  went  back  into 
the  very  path  where  the  Indian  Ambush  was  lying  for  them. 

Article  XXV. 

A  Notable  Exploit;  wherein  Dux  Fcemina  Fadi} 

On  March  15,  1697,  the  Salvages  made  a  Descent  upon  the 
Skirts  of  Haverhill,  Murdering  and  Captivating  about  Thirty- 
Nine  Persons,  and  Burning  about  Half  a  Dozen  Houses.  In 
this  Broil,  one  Hannah  Dustan,  having  lain  in  about  a  Week, 
attended  with  her  Nurse,  Mary  Neff,  a  Widow,  a  Body  of 
Terrible  Indians  drew  near  unto  the  House,  where  she  lay, 
with  Designs  to  carry  on  their  Bloody  Devastations.  Her 
Husband  hastened  from  his  Employments  abroad,  unto  the 
Relief  of  his  Distressed  Family;  and  first  bidding  Seven  of  his 
Eight  children  (which  were  from  Two  to  Seventeen  years  of 
Age)  to  get  away  as  fast  as  they  could,  unto  some  Garrison  in 

^  Church,  Entertaining  Passages,  pp.  88-99,  makes  the  enterprise  much  more 
of  a  success. 

2  "A  woman  the  leader  in  the  achievement."  This  story  of  Hannah  Dustan 
is  confirmed  by  John  Pike  in  his  contemporary  Journal. 


the  Town,  he  went  in,  to  inform  his  Wife  of  the  horrible  Dis- 
tress come  upon  them.  E'er  she  could  get  up,  the  fierce  Indians 
were  got  so  near,  that  utterly  despairing  to  do  her  any  Service, 
he  ran  out  after  his  Children;  Resolving  that  on  the  Horse, 
which  he  had  with  him,  he  would  Ride  away  with  That  which 
he  should  in  this  Extremity  find  his  Affections  to  pitch  most 
upon,  and  leave  the  Rest  unto  the  care  of  the  Divine  Providence. 
He  overtook  his  Children  about  Forty  Rod  from  his  Door;  but 
then,  such  was  the  Agony  of  his  Parental  Affections,  that  he 
found  it  impossible  for  him  to  Distinguish  any  one  of  them 
from  the  rest;  wherefore  he  took  up  a  Courageous  Resolution 
to  Live  and  dy  with  them  all.  A  party  of  Indians  came  up 
with  him;  and  now,  though  they  Fired  at  him,  and  he  Fired 
at  them,  yet  he  manfully  kept  at  the  Reer  of  his  Little  Army  of 
Unarmed  Children,  while  they  Marched  off,  with  the  pace  of 
a  Child  of  Five  years  old ;  until,  by  the  Singular  Providence  of 
God,  he  arrived  safe  with  them  all,  unto  a  place  of  Safety, 
about  a  Mile  or  two  from  his  House.  But  his  House  must  in 
the  mean  Time  have  more  dismal  Tragedies  acted  at  it.  The 
Nurse  trying  to  Escape,  with  the  New-born  Infant,  fell  into 
the  Hands  of  the  Formidable  Salvages;  and  those  furious 
Tawnies  coming  into  the  House,  bid  poor  Dustan  to  Rise 
Immediately.  Full  of  Astonishment,  she  did  so;  and  sitting 
down  in  the  Chimney  with  an  Heart  full  of  most  fearful  Ex- 
pectation, she  saw  the  Raging  Dragons  riffle  all  that  they 
could  carry  away,  and  set  the  House  on  Fire.  About  Nine- 
teen or  Twenty  Indians  now  led  these  away,  with  about  Half 
a  Score  other  English  Captives;  but  e'er  they  had  gone  many 
Steps,  they  dash'd  out  the  Brains  of  the  Infant,  against  a  Tree; 
and  several  of  the  other  Captives,  as  they  began  to  Tire  in  the 
sad  Journey,  were  soon  sent  unto  their  Long  Home;  the  Sal- 
vages would  presently  bury  their  Hatchets  in  their  Brains, 
and  leave  their  Carcases  on  the  Ground  for  Birds  and  Beasts 
to  feed  upon.  However,  Dustan  (with  her  Nurse),  notwith- 
standing her  present  Condition,  Travelled  that  Night,  about  a 
Dozen  MUes,  and  then  kept  up  with  their  New  Masters  in  a 
long  Travel  of  an  Hundred  and  Fifty  Miles,  more  or  less, 
within  a  few  Days  Ensuing,  without  any  sensible  Damage,  in 
their  Health,  from  the  Hardships  of  their  Travel,  their  Lodging, 
their  Diet,  and  their  many  other  Difficulties. 


These  Two  poor  Women  were  now  in  the  Hands  of  those, 
whose  Tender  Mercies  are  Cruelties;  but  the  Good  God,  who 
hath  all  Hearts  in  His  own  Hands,  heard  the  Sighs  of  these 
Prisoners,  and  gave  them  to  find  unexpected  Favour  from  the 
Master,  who  laid  claim  unto  them.  That  Indian  Family  con- 
sisted of  Twelve  Persons;  Two  Stout  men.  Three  Women,  and 
Seven  Children ;  and  for  the  Shame  of  many  an  English  Family, 
that  has  the  Character  of  Prayerless  upon  it,  I  must  now  Pub- 
lish what  these  poor  Women  assure  me:  'Tis  this;  In  Obedi- 
ence to  the  Instructions  which  the  French  have  given  them, 
they  would  have  Prayers  in  their  Family,  no  less  than  Thrice 
Every  Day;  in  the  Morning,  at  Noon,  and  in  the  Evening; 
nor  would  they  ordinarily  let  their  Children  Eat  or  Sleep, 
without  first  saying  their  Prayers.  Indeed  these  Idolaters 
were  like  the  rest  of  their  whiter  Brethren,  Persecutors;  and 
would  not  endure,  that  these  poor  Women  should  Retire  to 
their  English  Prayers,  if  they  could  hinder  them.  Neverthe- 
less, the  poor  Women  had  nothing  but  fervent  Prayers,  to  make 
their  Lives  Comfortable,  or  Tolerable;  and  by  being  daily 
sent  out,  upon  Business,  they  had  Opportunities  together  and 
asunder,  to  do  like  another  Hannah,  in  Pouring  out  their  Souls 
before  the  Lord:  Nor  did  their  praying  Friends  among  our 
selves,  forbear  to  Pour  out  Supplications  for  them.  Now, 
they  could  not  observe  it  without  some  wonder,  that  their 
Indian  Master,  sometimes,  when  he  saw  them  Dejected,  would 
say  unto  them,  "What  need  you  Trouble  your  self?  If  your 
God  will  have  you  delivered,  you  shall  be  so!"  And  it  seems, 
our  God  would  have  it  so  to  be.  This  Indian  Family  was  now 
Travelling  with  these  Two  Captive  Women,  (and  an  English 
youth,  taken  from  Worcester,  a  year  and  half  before,)  unto  a 
Rendezvouz  of  Salvages,  which  they  call,  a  Town,  some  where 
beyond  Penacook;  and  they  still  told  these  poor  Women,  that 
when  they  came  to  this  Town,  they  must  be  Stript,  and 
Scourg'd,  and  run  the  Gantlet  through  the  whole  Army  of 
Indians.  They  said,  This  was  the  Fashion,  when  the  Cap- 
tives first  came  to  a  Town ;  and  they  derided  some  of  the  Faint- 
hearted English,  which,  they  said,  fainted  and  swoon'd  away 
under  the  Torments  of  this  Discipline.  But  on  April  30,  While 
they  were  yet,  it  may  be,  about  an  Hundred  and  Fifty  Miles 
from  the  Indian  Town,  a  little  before  Break  of  Day,  when  the 


whole  Crew  was  in  a  Dead  Sleep;  (Reader,  see  if  it  prove  not 
So !)  one  of  these  Women  took  up  a  Resolution,  to  imitate  the 
Action  of  Jael  upon  Sisera;^  and  being  where  she  had  not 
her  own  Life  secured  by  any  Law  unto  her,  she  thought  she 
was  not  Forbidden  by  any  Law  to  take  away  the  Life  of  the 
Murderers,  by  whom  her  Child  had  been  butchered.  She 
heartened  the  Nurse,  and  the  Youth,  to  assist  her  in  this  En- 
terprize;  and  all  furnishing  themselves  with  Hatchets  for  the 
purpose,  they  struck  such  Home  Blows,  upon  the  Heads  of 
their  Sleeping  Oppressors,  that  e'er  they  could  any  of  them 
Struggle  into  any  Effectual  Resistance,  at  the  Feet  of  these 
poor  Prisoners,  they  how^d,  they  fell,  they  lay  down :  at  their 
feet  they  bowed,  they  fell;  where  they  bowed,  there  they  fell 
down  Dead}  Only  one  Squaw  escaped  sorely  wounded 
from  them,  in  the  Dark;  and  one  Boy,  whom  they  Reserved 
Asleep,  intending  to  bring  him  away  with  them,  suddenly 
wak'd,  and  skuttled  away  from  this  Desolation.  But  cutting 
off  the  Scalps  of  the  Ten  Wretches,  they  came  off,  and  Received 
Fifty  Pounds  from  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Province,  as  a 
Recompence  of  their  Action;  besides  which  they  Received 
many  presents  of  Congratulation  from  their  more  private 
Friends;  but  none  gave  'em  a  greater  Tast  of  Bounty  than 
Colonel  Nicholson,  the  Governour  of  Maryland,^  who  hear- 
ing of  their  Action,  sent  'em  a  very  generous  Token  of  his 

Akticle  XXVL 

Remarkable  Salvations;  and  some  Remarkable  Disasters. 

Besides  a  man  Taken  at  York,  in  May,  and  another  man 
kill'd  at  Hatfield,  in  June,  and  a  Third  kill'd  at  Groton;  and  a 
Fourth  with  Two  Children  carried  Captives;  there  fell  out  more 
Mischief,  with  no  small  Mercy,  on  June  10,  at  Exeter.  The 
Day  before,  some  Women  and  Children  would  needs  ramble 
without  any  Guard,  into  the  Woods,  to  gather  Strawberries; 
but  some  that  were  willing  to  Chastise  them  with  a  Fright,  for 

^  Judges  iv.  ^  Judges  v.  27. 

» Colonel  Francis  Nicholson,  governor  of  Maryland  1694-1699. 


their  presumption,  made  an  Alarum  in  the  Town,  whereupon 
many  came  together  in  their  Arms.  The  Indians,  it  seems, 
were  at  this  very  Time,  unknown  to  the  Enghsh,  lying  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Town,  ready  to  make  a  Destructive  Assault 
upon  it;  but  Supposing  this  Alarm  to  be  made  on  their  Account, 
they  therefore  supposed  themselves  to  be  discovered.  Where- 
fore they  laid  aside  their  purpose  of  attempting  the  Destruction 
of  the  Town,  and  contented  themselves  with  Killing  one  man, 
Taking  another,  and  Wounding  a  Third.  But  on  July  4, 
Lord's-Day,  Major  Charles  Frost,  who  had  been  a  Person  of 
no  little  Consequence  to  our  Frontiers,^  Returning  from  the 
Public  Worship  of  God,  in  Berwick,  (to  repair  unto  which,  about 
Five  Miles  from  his  own  House,  he  had  that  Morning  expressed 
such  an  Earnestness,  that  much  Notice  was  taken  of  it,)  pass'd 
several  more  Dangerous  places,  without  any  Damage;  but  in 
a  place,  on  a  little  plain  by  the  Turn  of  a  Path,  where  no 
Danger  was  Expected,  the  Adder  in  the  path  Surprized  him ; 
the  Indians  having  Stuck  up  certain  Boughs  upon  a  Log,  there 
mortally  Shot  him,  with  Two  more,  while  his  Two  Sons,  that 
were  in  the  Front  of  the  Company,  happily  escaped;  and  the 
Two  young  men,  that  Rode  Post  unto  Wells,  with  these  Tidings, 
in  their  going  back  had  their  own  Death  added  for  another 
Article  of  such  unhappy  Tidings.  About  the  latter  End  of 
this  Month  also.  Three  Men  Mowing  the  Meadows  at  Newicha- 
wannic  were  themselves  Cut  down  by  the  Indians;  tho'  one 
of  the  Mowers  bravely  Slew  one  of  the  Murtherers.  But  the 
most  important  Action  of  this  Year  was  a  little  further  off. 
About  the  beginning  of  July,  Major  March  was  Employed,  with 
about  Five  Hundred  Soldiers,  not  only  to  Defend  the  Fron- 
tiers, but  also  to  seek  out,  and  Beat  up,  the  Enemies  Quarters. 
In  the  mean  time,  the  Lieutenant  Governor,  apprehending  an 
Invasion  from  a  Formidable  French  Fleet  on  the  Coast  of  New- 
England,  with  his  accustomed  prudence  and  vigour  applied 
himself  to  put  the  whole  Province  into  a  posture  of  Defence: 
And  the  Militia,  with  the  several  Forts,  especially  that  of 
Boston,  (very  much  through  the  Contrivance  and  Industry  of 
Captain  Fairweather,)  were  brought  into  so  good  a  posture, 
that  some  could  hardly  forbear  too  much  Dependance  on  our 

^  Commander  of  the  militia  of  York  County,  and  judge  of  the  court  of 
common  pleas. 


Preparations.  But,  it  being  more  particularly  Apprehended; 
that  in  the  Intended  Invasion  the  Indians,  assisted  by  the 
French,  would  make  a  Desent  upon  our  Frontiers  by  Land, 
Major  March  was  advised  therefore  to  Employ  some  of  his 
Forces  in  Scouting  about  the  Woods.  Before  the  Major  ar- 
rived at  York,  a  party  of  the  Enemy  kill'd  a  man  that  stood 
Centinel  for  some  of  his  Neighbours  at  Work  in  the  Marsh  at 
Wells,  and  catching  another  Alive,  they  carried  him  a  mile  and 
a  half  off,  and  Roasted  him  to  Death :  But  Captain  Bracket, 
that  followed  them  quite  as  far  as  Kennebunk,  did  but  almost 
overtake  them:  For  truly.  Reader,  our  Soldiers  cannot,  as 
Antiquity  Reports  the  old  Grsecian  and  Roman  Soldiers  could, 
march  at  a  Running  pace  or  trot,  heavily  Loaded,  five  and 
twenty  miles  in  four  Hours;  but  rather  suspect  whether  those 
Reports  of  Antiquity  be  not  Romantick.  Three  Soldiers  of 
Saco  fort,  after  this,  cutting  some  Fire  wood  on  Cow-Island, 
for  the  use  of  the  Fort,  were  by  the  Indians  cut  off;  while  that 
Lieutenant  Fletcher,  with  his  Two  Sons,  that  should  have 
Guarded  them,  went  a  Fowling;  and  by  doing  so,  they  likewise 
fell  into  the  Snare.  The  Indians  carrying  these  Three  Captives 
down  the  River  in  one  of  their  Canoos,  Lieutenant  Larabe, 
who  was  abroad  with  a  Scout,  way-laid  them;  and  Firing  on 
the  Foremost  of  the  Canoos,  that  had  Three  men  in  it,  they  all 
Three  fell  and  sank  in  the  River  of  Death.  Several  were  killed 
aboard  the  other  Canoos;  and  the  rest  ran  their  Canoos 
ashore,  and  Escaped  on  the  other  side  of  the  River;  and  one 
of  the  Fletchers,  when  all  the  Indians  with  him  were  kill'd, 
was  Delivered  out  of  the  Hands  which  had  made  a  prisoner  of 
him;  tho'  his  poor  Father  afterwards  Dyed  among  them. 
Hereupon  Major  March,  with  his  Army,  took  a  Voyage  farther 
Eastward,  having  several  Transport  Vessels  to  accommodate 
them.  Arriving  at  Casco-Bay,  they  did,  upon  the  Ninth  of 
September,  come  as  occult  as  they  could,  further  East  among 
the  Islands,  near  a  place  called  Corbin's  Sounds;  and  Landed 
before  Day  at  a  place  called,  Damascotta  River  ;^  where, 
before  Half  of  them  were  well  got  ashore,  and  drawn  up,  the 
scarce-yet-expected  Enemy  Entertained  them  with  a  Volley, 
and  an  Huzzah!  None  of  ours  were  Hurt;  but  Major  March 
Repaid  'em  in  their  own  Leaden  Coin:  and  it  was  no  sooner 

^  Damariscotta. 


Light  but  a  Considerable  Battel  Ensued.  The  Commanders 
of  the  Transport- Vessels  were  persons  of  such  a  mettle,  that 
they  could  not  with  any  patience  forbear  going  ashore,  to 
take  a  part  of  their  Neighbour's  Fare;  but  the  Enemy  seeing 
things  operate  this  way,  fled  into  their  Fleet  of  Canoos,  which 
hitherto  Lay  out  of  sight,  and  got  off  as  fast,  and  as  well,  as 
they  could,  leaving  some  of  their  Dead  behind  them,  which 
they  never  do,  but  when  under  extream  Disadvantages.  Our 
Army  thus  beat  'em  off,  with  the  Loss  of  about  a  Dozen  men, 
whereof  One  was  the  worthy  Captain  Dymmock  of  Barnstable; 
and  about  as  many  woundded,  whereof  one  was  Captain 
Philips  of  Charlestown;  and  in  this  Action  Captain  Whiting, 
a  young  gentlemen  of  much  Worth,  and  Hope,  Courageously 
acting  his  part,  as  Commander  of  the  Forces,  the  Helpers  of 
the  War,  which  the  Colony  of  Connecticut  had  Charitably 
lent  unto  this  Expedition,  had  his  Life  remarkably  rescued 
from  a  Bullet  grazing  the  Top  of  his  Head.  But  there  was  a 
Singular  Providence  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  in  the  whole  of 
this  matter.  For  by  the  seasonable  Arrival  and  Encounter  of 
our  Army,  an  horrible  Descent  of  Indians,  which  probably 
might  have  laid  whole  Plantations  Desolate,  was  most  happily 
Defeated.  And  at  the  same  Time,  the  Signal  Hand  of  Heaven 
gave  a  Defeat  unto  the  purposes  of  the  French  Squadrons  at 
Sea,  so  that  they  had  something  else  to  do,  than  to  Visit  the 
Coast  of  New-England. 

Aeticle  xxvn. 

The  End  of  the  Year;  and  we  hope  of  the  War. 

0  Thou  Sword  of  the  Wilderness,  When  wilt  thou  he  quiet  ?^ 
On  Sept.  11,  a  party  of  the  Enemy  came  upon  the  Town  of 
Lancaster,  then  prepared  for  Mischief  by  a  wonderful  Security, 
and  they  did  no  little  Mischief  unto  it.  Near  Twenty  were 
killed,  and  among  the  rest,  Mr.  John  Whiting,  the  Pastor  of 
the  Church  there:  Five  were  carried  Captive;  Two  or  Three 
Houses  were  burnt,  and  several  Old  People  in  them.    Captain 

1  Jeremiah  xlvii.  6,  "  O  thou  sword  of  the  Lord,  how  long  will  it  be  ere  thou 
be  quiet?  " 


Brown,  with  Fifty  men,  pursued  them,  till  the  Night  Stopp'd 
their  pursuit;  but  it  seems,  a  Strange  Dog  or  two,  unknown 
to  the  Company,  did  by  their  Barking  alarum  the  Enemy  to 
Rise  in  the  Night,  and  Strip  and  Scalp  an  English  Captive 
Woman,  and  fly  so  far  into  the  Woods,  that  after  Two  Days 
Bootless  Labour,  our  men  Returned.  November  arrived, 
before  any  farther  Bloodshed;  and  then  'twas  only  of  one  man, 
in  the  Woods,  at  Oyster  River.  December  arrived  with  the 
welcome  Tidings,  of  a  Peace  concluded  between  England  and 
France;  which  made  us  Hope,  that  there  would  be  little  more 
of  any  Bloodshed  at  all. 

The  Winter  was  the  Severest,  that  ever  was  in  the  memory 
of  man.  And  yet  February  must  not  pass,  without  a  Stroke 
upon  Pemmaquid  Chub,^  whom  the  Government  had  merci- 
fully permitted,  after  his  Examination,  to  Retire  unto  his 
Habitation  in  Andover.  As  much  out  of  the  way  as  to  An- 
dover,  there  came  above  Thirty  Indians,  about  the  middle  of 
February,  as  if  their  Errand  had  been  for  a  Vengeance  upon 
Chub,  whom  (with  his  Wife)  they  now  Massacred  there.  They 
Took  Two  or  Three  Houses,  and  Slew  Three  or  Four  Persons; 
and  Mr.  Thomas  Barnard,  the  worthy  Minister  of  the  place, 
very  narrowly  escaped  their  Fury.  But  in  the  midst  of  their 
Fury,  there  was  one  piece  of  Mercy,  the  like  whereof  had 
never  been  seen  before:  For  they  had  got  Colonel  Dudley 
Bradstreet,  with  his  Family,  into  their  Hands;  but  perceiving 
the  Town  Mustering  to  follow  them,  their  Hearts  were  so 
changed,  that  they  dismissed  their  Captives  without  any  further 
Damage  unto  their  Persons.  Returning  back  by  Haverhil, 
they  kiird  a  couple  and  a  couple  they  Took,  with  some  Re- 
markable circumstances,  worthy  to  be  made  a  distinct  History. 
But,  Reader,  we  are  now  in  Haste  for  to  have  our  present 
History  come  unto  an  End :  And  though  the  end  of  this  Year 
did  not  altogether  prove  the  end  of  the  War,  for  on  May  9, 
1698,  the  Indians  Murdered  an  old  man,  at  Spruce-Creek,  and 
carried  away  Three  Sons  of  that  old  man,  and  wounded  a 
man  at  York,  Yet  we  were  not  without  prospect  of  our 
Troubles  growing  towards  a  period:  And  even  in  that  very 
Murder  at  Spruce-Creek,  there  fell  out  one  thing  that  might 
a  little  encourage  our  Hopes  concerning  it.    The  Murderer 

^  See  p.  261,  supra. 


was  a  famous  kind  of  a  Giant  among  the  Indians;  a  Fellow 
Reputed  Seven  Foot  High:  This  Fellow  kilFd  the  poor  old 
man  in  cold  Blood,  after  he  had  Surrendred  himself  a  Prisoner: 
But  behold,  Before  many  Hours  were  out,  this  famous  and 
bloody  Fellow  accidentally  Shot  himself  to  Death,  by  his  Gun 
going  off,  when  he  was  foolishly  pulling  a  Canoo  to  the  Shore 
with  it. 

The  last  Bloody  Action,  that  can  have  a  Room  in  our  Story, 
is  this. 

The  Indians,  (though  sometimes  it  hath  been  much  doubted, 
what  Indians!)  have  in  this  War  made  several  Descents  upon 
some  of  the  upper  Towns,  that  were  our  most  Northerly  Settle- 
ments upon  Connecticut-River.  But  the  Pious  and  Honest 
People  in  those  towns  have  always  given  them  a  brave  Repulse, 
and  had  a  notable  Experience  of  the  Divine  Favour  to  them, 
in  their  preservations.  Deerfield  has  been  an  Extraordinary 
Instance  of  Courage  in  keeping  their  Station,  though  they  have 
lived  aU  this  while  in  a  very  Pihahiroth;^  and  their  worthy 
Pastor  Mr.  John  Williams,  deserves  the  Thanks  of  aU  this 
Province,  for  his  Encouraging  them  aU  the  ways  Imaginable 
to  Stand  their  ground.  Once  the  Enemy  was  like  to  have  Sur- 
prised them  into  a  grievous  Desolation ;  but  He,  with  his  Pray- 
ing, and  Valiant,  little  Flock,  most  happily  Repelled  them. 
And  now,  about  the  middle  of  July,  1698,  a  little  before  Sun- 
set, Four  Indians  kiUed  a  Man  and  a  Boy,  in  Hatfield  Meadows, 
and  carried  away  Two  Boys,  into  Captivity.  The  Advice 
coming  to  Deerfield  in  the  Night,  they  presently  Dispatched 
away  Twelve  men,  to  way-lay  the  Enemy  coming  up  the  River; 
having  first  look'd  up  unto  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  that  they 
might  find  the  Enemy,  and  harm  none  but  the  Enemy,  and 
Rescue  the  Children  which  the  Enemy  had  Seized  upon. 
After  a  Travel  of  near  Twenty  Miles,  they  perceived  the  In- 
dians, in  their  Canoos  coming  up  the  River,  but  on  the  other 
side  of  it,  within  a  Rod  or  Two  of  the  opposite  Shore :  Where- 
upon they  so  Shot,  as  to  Hit  one  of  the  Indians,  and  then  they 
all  jumpt  out  of  the  Canoos,  and  one  of  the  Boyes  with  them. 
The  woimded  Salvage  crawled  unto  the  Shoar;  where  his  back 
being  broken,  he  lay  in  great  Anguish,  often  Endeavouring 
with  his  Hatchet,  for  to  knock  out  his  own  Brains,  and  tear 

^  Exodus  xiv.  2,  9;  Numbers  xxxiii.  7,  8.    A  place  in  the  wilderness. 


open  his  own  Breast,  but  could  not :  And  another  Indian  seeing 
the  Two  Boys  getting  one  to  another,  design'd  'em  a  Shot,  but 
his  Gun  would  not  go  off:  Whereupon  he  followed  'em  with  his 
Hatchet,  for  to  have  knock'd  'em  on  the  Head;  but  just  as  he 
come  at  'em,  one  of  our  men  sent  a  Shot  into  him,  that  Spoil'd 
his  Enterprize;  and  so  the  Boys  getting  together,  into  one 
Canoo,  brought  it  over  to  the  Friends  thus  concerned  for  them. 
These  good  men,  seeing  their  Exploit  performed  thus  far.  Two 
Indians  destroy'd,  and  Two  Children  delivered,  they  fell  to 
Praising  of  God;  and  one  young  man  particularly,  kept  thus 
Expressing  himself;  Surely,  'Tis  God,  and  not  we,  that  have 
wrought  this  Deliverance!  But,  as  we  have  sometimes  been 
told.  That  even  in  the  Beating  of  a  Pulse,  the  Dilating  of  the 
Heart,  by  a  Diastole  of  Delight,  may  be  turned  into  a  contract- 
ing of  it,  with  a  Systole  of  Sorrow,  In  the  Beating  of  a  few 
Pulse,  after  this,  they  sent  five  or  six  men,  with  the  Canoo,  to 
fetch  the  other,  which  was  lodged  at  an  island  not  far  off,  that 
they  might  pursue  the  other  Indians :  When  those  two  Indians 
having  hid  themselves  in  the  High-grass,  unhappily  Shot  a 
quick  Death  into  the  young  man,  whose  Expressions  were  but 
now  recited.  This  Hopeful  young  man's  Brother-in-Law  was 
intending  to  have  gone  out,  upon  this  Action;  but  the  young 
man  himself  importuned  his  Mother  to  let  him  go:  Which, 
because  he  was  an  only  son,  she  denied;  but  then,  fearing  she 
did  not  well  to  withhold  her  son  from  the  Service  of  the  Publick, 
she  gave  him  leave :  Sajdng,  See  that  you  do  now,  and  as  you 
go  along,  Resign,  and  give  up  your  self  unto  the  Lord;  and  I 
desire  to  Resign  you  to  him!  So  he  goes,  and  so  he  dies;  and 
may  he  be  the  last,  that  falls  in  a  Long  and  Sad  War  with 
Indian  Salvages! 

Article  XXVIII. 

The  Epilogue  of  a  Long  Tragedy. 

For  the  present  then  the  Indians  have  Done  Murdering; 
they'll  Do  so  no  more  till  next  Time.  Let  us  then  have  done 
Writing,  when  we  have  a  little  informed  our  selves  what  is 
become  of  the  chief  Murderers  among  those  Wretches,  for 


whom,  if  we  would  find  a  Name  of  a  Length  like  one  of  their 
own  Indian  Long-winded  words,  it  might  be, 


Major  Converse,  and  Captain  Alden,  in  pursuance  of  In- 
structions Received  from  the  Lieut.  Govemour  and  Council, 
arriving  at  Penobscot  on  Octo.  14,  1698,  were  there  informed, 
that  Madockawando,  the  noted  Sagamore,  with  several  other 
Sachims  of  the  East,  were  lately  Dead.  And  six  days  after 
this,  the  chief  Sachims  now  Living,  with  a  great  Body  of  In- 
dians, Entertained  them  with  a  Friendly  Discourse;  wherein 
they  said.  That  the  Earl  of  Frontenac  had  sent  them  word, 
there  was  a  Peace  concluded  between  the  Kings  of  France  and 
England,^  and  that  one  of  the  Articles  in  the  Peace  was,  for 
Prisoners  on  both  sides  to  be  Returned,  and  they  were  Re- 
solved to  obey  the  Earl  of  Frontenac  as  their  Father;  and  ac- 
cordingly such  Prisoners  of  ours,  as  they  had  now  at  hand, 
might  immediately  Return,  if  we  could  perswade  them,  for 
They  would  not  Compel  them.  When  our  English  Messengers 
argued  with  them,  upon  the  perfidiousness  of  their  making  a 
New  War,  after  their  Submission,  the  Indians  repHed,  That 
they  were  Instigated  by  the  French  to  do  what  they  did, 
against  their  own  Inclinations;  adding,  That  there  were  two 
Jesuits,  one  toward  Amonoscoggin,  the  other  at  Narridgaway, 
both  of  which,  they  desired  the  Earl  of  BeUomont,  and  the 
Earl  of  Frontenac,  to  procure  to  be  Removed;  otherwise  it 
could  not  be  expected  that  any  Peace  would  continue  long.' 
The  Indians  also,  and  the  English  Prisoners,  gave  them  to 
understand,  that  the  last  Winter,  many,  both  Indians  and 
English  Prisoners,  were  Starved  to  Death;  and  particularly. 
Nine  Indians  in  one  company  went  a  Hunting,  but  met  with 
such  hard  circumstances,  that  after  they  had  Eat  up  their 
Dogs,  and  their  Cats,  they  Dyed  horribly  Famished :  And  since 
the  last  Winter,  a  grievous  and  unknown  Disease  is  got  among 
them,  which  consumed  them  wonderfully.  The  Sagamore 
Saquadock  further  told  them.  That  the  Kennebeck  Indians 

^  "Breathing  bombs,  swords,  death,  spears  and  flames." 
2  The  peace  of  Ryswyk,  September  10/20,  1697. 

2  Father  Sebastian  Rale  at  Norridgewock.  "Toward  Amonoscogin,"  on 
the  Kennebec,  were  the  two  brothers,  Father  Jacques  and  Father  Vincent  Bigot. 


would  fain  have  gone  to  War  again,  this  last  Summer,  but  the 
other  Refused,  whereupon  they  likewise  Desisted:  And  they 
Resolved  now,  to  Fight  no  more:  but  if  any  111  Accident  or 
Action  should  happen  on  either  side,  he  did  in  the  Name  of  the 
Indians  Desire,  That  we  would  not  presently  make  a  War  upon 
it,  but  in  a  more  amicable  way  compose  the  Differences. 

That  the  Indian  affayrs  might  come  to  be  yet  more  exactly 
understood,  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Province  Employ'd 
Colonel  John  Phillips,  and  Major  Convers,  to  settle  them. 
These  Gentlemen  took  a  Difficult  and  a  Dangerous  Voyage, 
in  the  Depth  of  Winter,  unto  the  Eastern  parts,  in  the  Province- 
Galley,  then  under  the  Command  of  Captain  Cyprian  Southack; 
and  the  principal  Sagamores  of  the  Indians  there  coming  to 
them,  did  again  Renew  and  Subscribe  the  Submission,  which 
they  had  formerly  made  in  the  year  1693,  With  this  Addition 
unto  it. 

And  whereas,  notwithstanding  the  aforesaid  Submission  and 
Agreement,  the  said  Indians  belonging  to  the  Rivers  aforesaid,  or 
some  of  them,  thro'  the  ill  counsel  and  instigation  of  the  French,  have 
perpetrated  sundry  Hostilities  against  His  Majesties  Subjects,  the 
English,  and  have  not  Delivered  and  Returned  home  several  Eng- 
lish Captives  in  their  Hands,  as  in  the  said  Submission  they  Cov- 

Wherefore,  we  whose  Names  are  hereunto  Subscribed,  Saga- 
mores, Captains,  and  principal  men  of  the  Indians  belonging  unto  the 
Rivers  of  Kennebeck,  Ammonoscoggin,  and  Saco,  and  parts  adjacent, 
being  sensible  of  our  great  Offence  and  Folly,  in  not  complying  with 
the  aforesaid  Submission  and  Agreement,  and  also  of  the  Sufferings 
and  Mischiefs  that  we  have  hereby  exposed  our  selves  unto,  Do  in 
all  Humble  and  most  Submissive  manner  cast  our  selves  upon  His 
Majesties  Mercy,  for  the  pardon  of  all  our  Rebellions,  Hostilities, 
and  Violations  of  our  promises,  praying  to  be  Received  into  His 
Majesties  Grace  and  protection;  and  for,  and  on  behalf  of  our  selves, 
and  of  all  other  the  Indians,  belonging  to  the  several  Rivers  and 
places  aforesaid,  within  the  Soveraignty  of  His  Majesty  of  Great- 
Britain,  do  again  acknowledge  and  profess  our  Hearty  and  Sincere 
Obedience,  unto  the  Crown  of  England,  and  do  solemnly  Renew, 
Ratify  and  Confirm  all  and  every  of  the  Articles  and  Agreements, 
contained  in  the  aforesaid  Recited  Commission.  And  in  Testimony 
thereof,  we,  the  said  Sagamores,  Captains,  and  principal  men,  have 
hereunto  set  our  several  Marks  and  Seals  at  Casco-Bay,  near  Mares- 


Point/  the  Seventh  Day  of  January,  In  the  Tenth  Year  of  the 
Reign  of  his  Majesty,  King  WiUiam  the  Third,  Annoque  Domini, 
1698,  9. 

Subscribed  by 

Moxus,— and  a  Great  Number  more. 
In  the  presence  of 
James  Converse, 
Cyprian  Southack, 
John  Gills,  Interpreter, 
And  ScoDOOK,  ahas  Sampson. 

At  this  Time  also,  the  Indians  Restored  as  many  of  the 
English  Captives,  in  their  Hands,  as  were  able  to  Travel  above 
an  Hiindred  Miles  in  this  terrible  Season  of  the  year,  from  their 
Head-quarters,  down  to  the  Sea-side;  giving  all  possible  satis- 
faction, for  the  Restoration  of  the  rest,  as  Early  in  the  Spring, 
as  there  could  be  any  Travelling. 

The  Condition  of  these  Captives  has  afforded  many  very 
Remarkable  Things,  whereof  'tis  a  thousand  pities  that  so 
many  are  lost.  But  because  one  of  the  Two  Gentlemen  Em- 
ploy'd  as  Commissioners,  for  the  Treaty  with  the  Indians, 
took  certain  Minutes  of  Remarkable  Thuigs  from  some  of  the 
Captives,  I  am  willing  to  give  the  Reader  a  Taste  of  them. 

At  Marespoint  in  Casco-Bay,  Jan.  14.  1698,  9. 

The  captives  informed  me,  that  the  Indians  have  Three  Forts, 
at  Narridgawog,  and  Narrackomagog,  and  Amassacanty.  And  at 
each  of  these  Forts,  they  have  a  Chappel,  and  have  Images  in  them. 

They  informed  me,  That  Three  Captives  in  one  Wigwam  were 
Starved  to  Death  last  Winter. 

Mary  Fairbanks,  and  Samuel  Hutching,  and  some  other  Cap- 
tives, told  me,  that  Jonathan  Hutching,  belonging  to  Spruce-Creek, 
a  Lad  fourteen  years  old.  They  met  him  crying  for  want  of  Victuals, 
for  in  Two  or  Three  Days  he  had  nothing  to  Eat.  Afterward,  as  he 
was  going  to  fetch  some  Wood,  he  felt  something  hard  in  his  Bosom. 
He  put  in  his  Hand,  and  unto  his  Astonishment,  he  found  there  Two 
Great  Large  Ears  of  Indian  corn,  which  were  very  well  Roasted. 
He  Eat  them,  and  knew  not  how  they  came  unto  him. 

Some  other  of  the  Captives  told  me,  that  one  Mary  Catter, 
(which  person  we  now  brought  home  with  us,  belonging  to  Kittery) 

^  Now  called  Merepoint,  in  Brunswick,  Maine. 


her  Master,  and  many  other  Indians  came  down  to  Casco-Bay. 
There  seeing  some  Sloops,  or  shallops,  they  thought  they  were  the 
English  coming  upon  them,  and  ran  away  into  the  Woods,  and  left 
the  said  Mary  Catter  very  Sick  in  the  Wigwam,  without  any  thing 
at  all  to  Eat.  They  staid  away  many  dayes;  but  left  a  Fire  in  the 
Wigwam.  She  Lay  wishing  for  something  to  Eat,  and  at  length  in 
came  a  Turtle.  She  got  That,  and  Eat  it;  but  afterwards  began  to 
Despair  of  out-living  the  Famine,  which  was  Returned  upon  her. 
At  length,  when  she  was  very  Hungry,  in  came  a  Partridge;  she  took 
a  Stick  and  Struck  it,  and  Drest  it,  and  Eat  it.  And  by  that  Time 
she  was  Hungry  again,  her  Master  came  to  look  after  her. 

They  tell  of  several  of  the  Indians  that  have  kill'd  themselves 
with  their  own  Guns,  in  taking  them  out  of  their  Canoos. 

Assacombuit  sent  Thomasin  Rouse,  a  Child  of  about  Ten  years 
old,  unto  the  Water-side  to  carry  something.  The  Child  cried:  He 
took  a  Stick  and  struck  her  down:  She  lay  for  Dead:  he  took  her 
up  and  Threw  her  into  the  water:  Some  Indians,  not  far  off,  ran  in, 
and  fetch'd  her  out.  This  Child  we  have  now  brought  Home  with 

This  Assacombuit  hath  killed  and  Taken  this  War,  (they  tell  me) 
an  Hundred  and  Fifty  Men,  Women,  and  Children.  A  Bloody 

Thus  the  Paper  of  Minutes. 

The  Reader  now  has  nothing  but  Peace  before  him. 
Doubtless  he  comforts  himself  with  Hopes  of  Times  better  to 
Live  in,  than  to  Write  of! 

But  that  which  yet  more  assures  a  Break  of  Day  after  a 
long  and  sad  Night  unto  us,  is,  That  the  Best  King  at  this  Day 
upon  Earth,  and  the  Greatest  Monarch,  that  ever  Sway'd  the 
Sceptre  of  Great  Britain,  hath  Commission'd  a  Noble  Person, 
who  hath  in  him  an  Illustrious  Image  of  His  own  Royal  Virtues, 
to  take  the  Government  of  these  Provinces;  and  he  is  accord- 
ingly Arrived  now  near  our  Horizon.  When  the  Schools  of 
the  Jews  delivered,  That  there  were  Three  Great  Gifts  of  the 
Good  God  unto  the  world,  The  Law,  the  Rain,  and  the  Light; 
R.  Zeira^  added,  "I  pray,  let  us  take  in  Peace  for  a  Fourth." 
All  these  Four  Gifts  of  God  are  now  Enjoy'd  by  New-England; 
but  I  must  now  ask,  that  our  Hope  of  a  Fifth  may  be  added 
unto   the    Number;   which   is,    a    Governour  of    Signalized 

1  Apparently  Rabbi  Zeera,  a  Palestinian  amora  of  the  fourth  century  A.  D. 


Virtues.  To  the  truly  Noble  Earl  of  Bellomont,  the  whole 
English  Nation  must  own  it  self  Endebted  while  it  is  a 
Nation,  for  the  most  Generous  and  Successful  Zeal  with  which 
he  Laboured  for  those  Acts  of  Parliament,  by  Assenting 
whereuntO;  the  Mighty  William  hath  Irradiated  England, 
with  Blessings  that  it  never  saw  before  His  Happy  Reign: 
Blessings  richly  worth  all  the  Expences  of  a  Revolution. 
England  owes  no  less  Immortal  Statues  unto  the  Earl  of  Bello- 
mont,  than  Ireland  unto  his  Illustrious  Ancestors.  But  the 
Continent  of  America  must  now  Share  in  the  Influence  of  that 
Noble  Person,  whose  Merits  have  been  SignaHzed  on  the  most 
famous  Islands  of  Europe;  and  the  Greatest  Person,  that  ever 
set  foot  on  the  English  Continent  of  America,  is  now  Arrived 
unto  it.  We  are  now  satisfjdng  our  selves  in  the  Expectations 
of  the  Great  and  Good  Influences,  to  be  derived  from  the 
Conduct  of  a  Governour,  in  whom  there  will  meet, 

— Virtus  et  Summa  potestas,^ 

And  now.  Reader,  I  will  conclude  our  History  of  the  Indian 
war,  in  Terms  like  those  used  by  the  Syrian  Writer  at  the  Con- 
clusion of  his  Book; 

Finis,  per  Auxilium  Domini  Nostri  Jesu  Christi,  mense 
Duodecimo,  per  manus  peccatoris  pauperis  et  Errantis.^ 

Article  XXIX. 

Quakers  Encountred. 

For  the  present  then,  we  have  done  with  the  Indians:  But 
while  the  Indians  have  been  thus  molesting  us,  we  have  suffered 
Molestations  of  another  sort,  from  another  sort  of  Enemies, 
which  may  with  very  good  Reason  be  cast  into  the  same  His- 
tory with  them.  If  the  Indians  have  chosen  to  prey  upon  the 
Frontiers,  and  Out-Skirts,  of  the  Province,  the  Quakers  have 
chosen  the  very  same  Frontiers,  and  Out-Skirts,  for  their 

^  "Bravery  and  sovereign  power."  Bellomont  was  in  his  province  of  New 
York  for  some  time  before  coming  to  Massachusetts. 

2  "Finished,  by  the  aid  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  in  the  twelfth  month,  by 
the  hand  of  a  poor  and  erring  sinner." 


more  Spiritual  Assaults;  and  finding  little  Success  elsewhere, 
they  have  been  Labouring  incessantly,  and  sometimes  not  un- 
successfully, to  Enchant  and  Poison  the  Souls  of  poor  people, 
in  the  very  places,  where  the  Bodies  and  Estates  of  the  people 
have  presently  after  been  devoured  by  the  Salvages.  But  that 
which  makes  it  the  more  agreeable,  to  allow  the  Quakers  an 
Article  in  our  History  of  the  Indians,  is.  That  a  certain  silly 
Scribbler,  the  very  First-born  of  Nonsensicality,  (and  a  First- 
born too,  that  one  might  Salute  as  the  Martyr  Polycarp  once 
did  the  wicked  Marcion,)  One  Tom  Maule,^  at  this  Time 
living  in  Salem,  hath  exposed  unto  the  Publick  a  Volumn  of 
Nonsensical  Blasphemies  and  Heresies,  wherein  he  sets  himself 
to  Defend  the  Indians  in  their  Bloody  Villanies,  and  Revile 
the  Countrey  for  Defending  it  self  against  them.  And  that 
the  Venom  of  this  Pamphlet  might  be  Improved  unto  the 
Heighth  of  Slanderous  Wickedness,  there  hath  been  since 
added  unto  it,  in  another  Pamphlet,  a  parcel  of  Ingredients 
compounded,  for  mischief,  as  if  by  the  Art  of  the  Apothecary. 
None  but  he  whom  the  Jews  in  their  Talmuds  call  Ben-tamalion 
could  have  inspired  such  a  Slanderer!  Have  the  Quakers  ever 
yet  Censured  this  their  Author,  for  holding-forth  in  his  Alcoran 
(page  221)  That  the  Devil,  Sin,  Death,  and  Hell,  are  but 
Nothing,  they  are  but  a  Non-Entity:  And,  (page  183)  That  all 
men  who  have  a  Body  of  Sin  remaining  in  them,  are  Witches? 
I  have  cause  to  believe,  thej^  never  did !  Nor  that  they  ever 
advised  him  to  pull  in  his  Horns,  from  goring  the  sides  of  New- 
England,  with  such  passages  as  those,  in  (page  195)  the  same 
horrible  Pamphlet:  " God  hath  well  Rewarded  the  Inhabitants 
of  New-England,  for  their  Unrighteous  DeaHngs,  towards  the 
Native  Indians,  whom  now  the  Lord  hath  suffered  to  Reward 
the  Inhabitants,  with  a  double  measure  of  Blood,  by  Fire  and 
Sword,  etc."  And  those  Unrighteous  Dealings  he  Explains  to 
be  the  Killing  of  the  Indians,  (or  Murdering  of  them)  by  the 
Old  Planters  of  these  Colonies  in  their  First  Settlement.  Thus 
are  the  Ashes  of  our  Fathers  vilely  staled  upon,  by  one,  who 
perhaps  would  not  stick  at  the  Villany  of  doing  as  much  upon 

1  Thomas  Maule  had  published  in  1695  a  work  entitled,  Truth  held  forth 
and  Maintained  (New  York,  William  Bradford),  followed  in  1697  by  New  England 
Persemtors  mavled  with  their  own  Weapons  (ibid.),  and  had  thereby  aroused  the 
ire  of  Mather. 


their  Baptism  it  self.  I  must  tell  you,  Friends,  that  if  you 
don't  publickly  give  forth  a  Testimony  to  Defie  Tom  Maule, 
and  his  Works,  it  will  be  thought  by  some,  who  it  may  be  don't 
wish  you  so  well  as  I  do,  that  you  own  this  Bloody  Stuff:  which, 
doubtless  you'l  not  be  so  ill  advised  as  to  do.  But,  certainly, 
if  the  good  people  of  New-England  now  make  it  not  a  proverb 
for  a  lyar  of  the  first  Magnitude,  he  is  as  very  a  Har  as  Tom 
Maule,  they  will  deprive  their  Language  of  one  Significant 
Expression,  which  now  offers  it  self  unto  them. 

Let  us  now  leave  our  Friend  Maule's  Works  as  a  fit  Volume 
to  be  an  Appendix  unto  the  famous  Tartaretus,  and  worthy  of 
a  Room  in  Pantagruel's  Library.^  The  fittest  way  to  answer 
him,  would  be  to  send  him  to  Boston  Woods! 

In  the  mean  Time  I  owe  unto  the  Publick  a  piece  of  His- 
tory, which  it  may  be  for  the  Safety  of  our  Northern  Towns, 
to  be  acquainted  withal.  Know,  Sirs,  That  once  the  famous 
George  Keith  midertook  to  be  the  Champion  of  our  New- 
English  Quakers,  and  bid  fair  to  be  the  very  Dalae,  or  Prester 
John,2  of  all  the  English  Tartars;  but  a  Minister  of  Boston, 
upon  that  occasion,  pubHshing  a  Book,  Entituled,  Little  Flocks 
guarded  against  grievous  Wolves,^  could  not  but  complain  of 
it,  as  a  very  Scandalous  Thing,  in  George  Keith,  to  maintain 
the  points  of  the  Foxian  Quakerism,  while  he  really  differed 
from  them.  All  this  while,  George  Keith  was  admired  by  our 
Quakers,  as  an  Apostle,  or  an  Oracle:  but  he,  finding  it  im- 
possible to  mentain  the  gross  Tenets  of  the  common  Quakers, 
preach'd  unto  them  the  Necessity  of  Believing  on  a  Christ 
without,  as  well  as  a  Christ  within.  Hereupon,  there  grew 
such  alienations  between  him  and  the  other  Quakers,  (who 
had  been  taught  by  George  Fox,  to  say,  the  Devil  is  in  them, 
who  say,  they  are  Saved  by  Christ  without  them)  that  he  not 
only  has  written  divers  Learned  Books,  to  confute  those  very 
Doctrines  of  the  Common  Quakers,  which  the  Pastors  of  New- 
England  had,  upon  his  Provocation,  Written  against,  but  also 

^  Allusion  to  Rabelais. 

2  The  Dalai  Lama  was  (and  is)  the  head  of  the  Tibetan  Buddhists;  Prester 
John  was  a  fabled  Christian  emperor  of  central  Asia.  George  Keith  (1639  ca, 
-1716),  successively  Quaker,  "Keithian"  or  "Christian  Quaker,"  and  Anglican 
clergyman,  had  a  noted  part  in  contemporary  theological  controversy  in  England 
and  America. 

3  A  publication  of  Mather's  own  (Boston,  1691).  ;  i 


has  therefore  undergone  a  Storm  of  Persecution,  from  the 
Friends  in  Pensylvania:  Yea,  'tis  verily  thought,  that  poor 
George  would  have  been  made  a  Sacrifice  to  Squire  Samuel 
Jennings,^  and  the  rest  of  the  Pensylvanian  Dragons;  and  that, 
since  a  crime  which  their  Laws  had  made  Capital,  was  mention'd 
in  the  Mittimus  whereby  Keith  was  committed,  they  would 
have  Hang'd  him,  if  a  Revolution  upon  their  Government  had 
not  set  him  at  liberty.  Being  by  the  Fines,  and  Goals,^  and 
Fierce  Usages  of  the  Quakers  in  Pensylvania,  driven  over  to 
England,  the  Wonderful  Hand  of  God  hath  made  this  very 
man,  I  think  I  may  say,  incomparably  the  greatest  Plague,  that 
ever  came  upon  that  Sect  of  Energumens.  Although  he  do 
himself  still  retain  the  Name  of  a  Quaker,  yet  he  hath  in  one 
Treatise  after  another  Earnestly  called  upon  the  Divines 
throughout  the  Nation  more  Vigorously  to  Employ  their  Talents 
against  the  Quakers,  as  a  more  Dangerous  Generation  of  Peo- 
ple than  they  are  well  aware;  and  he  did  in  the  year  1696,  with 
the  leave  of  the  Lord  Mayor,  Challenge  the  Quakers,  to  make 
their  Appearance  at  Turners-Hall,  in  the  chief  City  of  Europe; 
where  he  proved  unto  the  Satisfaction  of  a  vast  Assembly, 
that  the  chief  Writers  of  the  Quakers  assert  Christ  neither  to 
be  God,  nor  Man:  and  that  they  deny  Christ  to  be  pray'd 
unto ;  and  that  they  had  affirm'd,  Christ's  outward  Blood  shed 
on  the  Ground,  to  be  no  more  than  the  Blood  of  another  Saint; 
and  that  they  had  charged  him  with  New  Doctrine,  for  direct- 
ing to  Faith  in  Christ  without  us,  as  well  as  within  us;  and  that 
at  their  Meetings,  they  had  censured  him,  for  saying.  That 
Christ's  body  came  out  of  the  Grave,  which  they  say,  it  never 
did:  and  many  more  such  horrid  matters. 

To  confirm  these  things.  Besides  the  grievous  Bites  which 
Francis  Bugg,^  one  of  their  late  Friends,  hath  given  them,  one 
Daniel  Leeds,  without  wholly  casting  off  the  Profession  of  a 
Quaker,  hath  lately  Printed  a  Book,^  wherein  he  produces 
above  Threescore  Instances  of  the  Flat  Contradictions  which 

^  Deputy  governor  of  West  Jersey  1681-1684,  and  author  of  Truth  Rescued 

2  Gaols,  jails. 

'  Francis  Bugg,  at  first  a  Friend,  afterward  author  of  no  fewer  than  23  writings 
against  Quakerism,  of  which  a  dozen  had  already  been  published  at  this  time. 

*  News  of  a  Trumpet  sounding  in  the  Wilderness,  by  Daniel  Leeds  (New 
York,  1697). 


he  hath  observed  in  the  Books  of  the  FriendS;  that  have  most 
pretended  unto  InfalHbiHty ;  and  he  demonstrates  from  evident 
matter  of  Fact,  that  though  they  declared  unto  the  World,  That 
their  Sufferings  had  been  greater,  and  more  unjust,  than  the 
Sufferings  of  Jesus  and  His  Apostles;  yet  they  themselves  were 
no  sooner  mounted  into  the  Seat  of  Government,  than  they 
fell  to  Persecuting  as  bad  as  any  in  the  World.  Albeit,  Fox 
writes.  They  that  cause  People  to  be  put  in  Prison,  and  have 
their  Goods  taken  away,  are  Disorderly  Teachers,  and  shall 
be  rooted  out :  Nevertheless,  Leeds  proves  by  many  Examples, 
that  the  Pensylvanians  did  it,  even  upon  their  own  Friends,  for 
meer  Scruples  of  their  Consciences.  'Tis  reported,  the  Quakers 
are  so  confounded  at  this  Book  of  Leeds,  that  they  have  been 
at  the  charge  to  buy  up  the  whole  Impression  of  it,  and  so  to 
Stifle  and  Smother  it:  If  it  be  so,  I  hope  'twill  but  produce  a 
New  Impression  of  so  rare  a  Book.  The  Marvellous  Providence 
of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  having  thus  employ'd  the  Pens  of 
the  Quakers  themselves,  to  warn  you,  that  you  beware  of 
Quackerism,  it  will  be  a  marvellous  Infatuation  in  any  of  you, 
after  this,  to  be  led  away  with  that  Error  of  the  Wicked. 
Reader,  make  a  Pause,  and  here  Admire  the  Marvellous  Provi- 
dence of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ!  The  first  and  great  Apostle 
of  the  Quakers,  even  George  Fox,  the  Shoe-maker,  in  his  Great 
Mystery,  pag.  94,  Excludes  from  the  Church  of  Christ,  Those 
who  are  not  Infallible  in  Discerning  the  Hearts  of  other  men. 
Whereas  now  in  Spite  of  all  their  Infallibility,  such  Friends  as 
Keith  (and  Leeds)  whom  they  once  admired,  profess  that  they 
never  in  their  Hearts  Believed,  as  the  Common  Foxian  Quakers 
do ;  and  Quackerism  Suffers  from  none  in  the  world  more  than 
these.  But  that  I  may  a  little  Suggest  unto  you  certain 
Methods  of  Encountring  those  Adversaries  of  your  Faith, 
which  go  about,  seeking  whom  they  may  deceive,  and  whom 
I  do  here  offer  to  prove  as  horrid  Idolaters,  as  even  those  that 
worshipp'd  the  Rats  of  Egypt,  if  it  be  fairly  demanded  of  me, 
I  will  first  Recite  unto  you  certain  passages  of  a  Discourse, 
which  a  Minister  of  Boston  had  with  a  very  Busy  and  noisy 
Teacher  among  the  Quakers,  (and  another  of  the  Friends)  in 
his  Return  from  his  Visitation  unto  some  of  our  Northern 
Towns,  where  the  Giddy  People  had  cry'd  him  up  for  a  None- 


Quaker.    We  are  come  to  give  thee  a  Friendly  visit. 

Minister.  I  am  glad  to  see  you  at  my  House;  you  shall 
be  welcome  to  the  best  Entertainment  my  house  can  afford 

But  will  you  do  me  the  Favour  to  let  me  understand  the 
Designs  upon  which  you  visit  these  parts  of  the  Country? 

Quaker.    1  come  to  preach  Jesus  Christ. 

Minister.    Excuse  me — What  Christ,  I  pray? 

Quaker.  The  same  Christ  that  appeared  unto  Abraham, 
and  Isaac,  and  Jacob;  and  that  appeared  unto  Moses  in  the 
Bush,  and  that  was  with  Israel  in  the  Wilderness — 

Minister.  I  would  interrupt  you.  I  perceive,  that  we 
shall  be  drawn  into  some  Discourse.  Matter  of  Argument  will 
occur,  I  foresee,  in  our  Discourse.  Argument  sometimes  does 
draw  forth  Words  that  may  have  too  much  Warmth  in  them.  I 
purpose  none  such.  But  if  you  are  sensible,  that  I  do  let  fall 
any  one  such  word,  in  our  Disputation,  do  me  the  favour,  to 
take  notice  of  it  unto  me,  and  I'll  immediately  correct  it. 
Now,  if  you  please — 

Quaker.  Thou  speakest  very  well.  This  is  but  according 
to  the  Good  Report  we  have  heard  of  thee. 

Minister.  Friend,  I  am  sensible,  that  you  are  come  among 
us,  to  preach  a  Religion,  different  from  that  which  is  commonly 
Preached,  Professed,  and  Practised  in  the  Country.  If  you 
approve  the  Religion  of  the  Country,  I  can't  see  where's  the 
Sense  of  it,  for  you  to  take  such  tedious  Journeys  for  our  Illu- 
mination. I  pray,  be  so  kind  as  to  let  me  know,  what  point 
in  our  Holy  Religion  you  do  not  Approve? 

Quaker.  'Tis  not  my  Business  here  to  Enquire  into  thy 
Religion.  I  am  come  to  preach  the  Religion  of  Jesus  Christ; 
the  same  that  the  Holy  Prophets  and  Apostles  believed;  even 
the  inward  manifestation  of  Christ  in  our  Hearts — 

Minister.  To  make  short  work  on  it;  I  perceive  you 
both  to  be  that  sort  of  people  we  call  Quakers.  Now,  there  is 
among  the  Quakers  that  extream  Uncertainty,  Variety,  and 
Contradiction,  that  no  man  can  say  what  you  hold,  any  further 
than  each  Individual  Person  will  confess  his  own  Tenets.  I 
must  therefore,  pray  the  favour  of  you,  to  tell  me;  Do  you  own^ 
George  Fox's  Book,  Entituled,  The  Great  Mystery  ? 

^I.  e.,  accept,  approve. 


Quaker.  'Tis  none  of  our  Business  to  tell  what  Books  we 
own,  and  what  we  do  not  own :  and  it  is  none  of  thy  Business 
to  Ask  us.  I  say,  We  own  Jesus  Christ,  and  His  Inward  Mani- 
festation in  our  Hearts.    And  that's  Enough! 

Minister.  You'll  Excuse  me:  I  do  again  ask,  whether  you 
do  own  George  Fox's  Book  of  The  Great  Mystery  f  because 
doubtless  you  have  Read  it. — ^And  if  you'll  ask  me  as  much 
concerning  any  Book  under  Heaven,  (that  I  have  Read) 
whether  I  own  it,  or  How  much  I  own  of  it,  I'll  answer  you  with 
all  the  Freedom  in  the  world. 

Quaker.  I  say  what  hast  thou  to  do  with  George  Fox?  or 
to  Examine  me? 

Minister.  Yes,  Friend,  I  do,  and  must,  and  will  Examine 
you.  For  you  are  come  to  Hold-Forth  unto  as  many  of  my 
Flock  as  you  can ;  and  the  Word  of  God  bids  me  to  Try  you. 
And  I  have  to  do  with  George  Fox  too;  because  George  Fox 
in  his  Writings  has  to  do  with  me.  And  if  you  will  sincerely 
tell  me,  whether  you  own  George  Fox,  or  no,  I  shall  more 
probably  tell,  who  you  are.  In  short,  if  you  say,  you  Deny 
and  Renounce  George  Fox,  then  I  must  go  another  way  to 
work  with  you.  If  you  say,  you  own  him,  then  I  must  en- 
deavour to  Save  you  from  some  of  his  Damnable  Heresies. 

Quaker.    What  heresies. 

Minister.  Numberless.  But  I  do  at  this  Time  call  to 
mind  Three  of  them. 

First,  That  the  Soul  of  man  is  without  Beginning,  and 
Infinite.    This  is,  if  I  forget  not,  in  the  90th  page  of  that  Book. 

Secondly,  That  it  is  not  contrary  to  the  Scripture,  That 
God  the  Father  took  upon  Him  Humane  Nature.  And,  That 
the  Scripture  does  not  tell  people  of  a  Trinity,  nor  Three  Per- 
sons in  God;  but  that  these  Three  Persons  were  brought  in 
by  the  Pope. 

This  is  in  pag.  246. 

Thirdly,  That  they  that  are  not  compleat  in  Sanctification, 
are  not  compleat  in  Justification. 

This  is  in  pag.  284. 

What  say  ye.  Sirs? 

Quaker.  What  hast  thou  to  do,  to  Rake  into  the  Ashes  of 
the  Dead?  Let  George  Fox  alone.  Hast  thou  any  thing  to 
charge  upon  me? 


Minister.  I  shall  know  if  you'll  tell  me,  whether  you  own 
George  Fox,  or  no,  And  you  can  tell  me,  if  you  will.  I  would 
be  more  civil  to  you,  Sirs. 

Quaker.    I  never  saw  that  Book  of  George  Fox. 

(And  so  said  the  other  Quaker  that  was  with  him). 

Minister.  Syrs,  you  astonish  me?  What!  Never  see 
George  Fox's  Book  of  The  Great  Mystery?  'Tis  impossible! 
this  Thing  is  to  me  a  Mystery!  Syrs,  that  book  is  the  very 
Bible  of  Quakerism.  'Tis  Essential  unto  a  Quaker,  at  least, 
unto  a  Teaching  Quaker,  as  you  are,  to  be  Indoctrinated  from 
that  Book.  Never  see  it,  man! — ^However,  if  you  say  so,  I 
must  Believe  it. 

Quaker.  (Fell  into  an  Harangue,  Repeating  what  he  had 
Preached  abroad  about  the  Country;  which,  because  I  would 
mis-recite  nothing,  I  dare  not  undertake  exactly  to  Recite  in 
this  place.) 

Minister.  I  perceive  our  Conversation  will  be  to  little  Ad- 
vantage, except  we  get  a  little  closer  to  some  certain  point, 
which  I  have  hitherto  Endeavoured,  but  ineffectually 

Syrs,  there  are  several  points,  which  I  would  willingly  bring 
you  to.  And  there  happening  to  be  several  of  my  Honest 
Neighbours  at  hand,  I  have  pray'd  them  (with  your  leave,)  to 
walk  in,  that  they  may  be  Witnesses  of  what  passes  between  us 

First,  I'll  begin,  if  you  please,  with  This. 

I  told  you  at  the  Beginning,  I  would  not  willingly  Treat 
you  with  one  Hard  word.  There  is  an  Hard  word,  which  will 
presently  occur  by  the  unavoidable  course  of  Disputation.  I 
would  pray  you,  to  ease  me  of  the  Trouble  of  speaking  it.  You 
shall  yourself  have  the  speaking  of  it. 

Quaker.    What's  that? 

Minister.  I  pray.  Friend,  what  doth  the  Scripture  say,  of 
them  that  say.  They  know  Jesus  Christ,  and  yet  keep  not  His 
Commandments  ? 

Quaker.  Nay,  Wliat  dost  thou  say  the  Scripture  says  in 
that  case? 

Minister.  You  will  compel  me,  I  see — I  say  then;  the 
Scripture  sales,  He  that  says,  I  know  Him,  and  keeps  not  His 
Commandments,  is  a  Lyar,  and  the  Truth  is  not  in  him.  'Tis 
1  Joh.  2.  4. 

Quaker.    And  what  then? 


Minister.  Why  this  then.  He  that  says  I  know  Jesus 
Christ,  and  yet  keeps  not  the  Commandments  of  Jesus  Christ, 
is  a  Liar,  and  the  Truth  is  not  in  him. 

You  say,  You  know  Jesus  Christ.  But  you  must  give  me 
leave  to  say,  That  you  Keep  not  the  Commandments  of  Jesus 

Therefore — pray  Syrs,  do  you  help  out  the  Conclusion.  I 
am  loth  to  speak  it.     You  know  what  it  is. 

Quaker.  Yes,  yes.  We  know  well  enough  what  Conclusion 
thou  wouldst  be  at;  thou  wouldst  say  that  we  are  Liars,  and 
the  Truth  is  not  in  us. 

Minister.    Right!    Since  it  must  be  so. 

Quaker.  But  what  Commandment  of  Jesus  Christ  is  there 
that  we  don't  keep? 

Minister.  The  commandment  of  Jesus  Christ  is.  For  His 
Disciples  to  be  Baptised  with  Water;  But  you,  Quakers,  do 
not  keep  that  Commandment  of  Jesus  Christ. 

Quaker.  How  dost  thou  prove,  that  Jesus  Christ  com- 
manded Baptism  with  Water. 

Minister.  I  know  you  must  have  the  word  Water,  or 
nothing  will  content  you;  Else  I  would  have  urged,  for  a 
Sufficient  proof,  our  Lord's  Commanding  His  Ministers  to 
Baptise  men,  (Matth.  28  :  19).  This  Command  Expresses  our 
Duty.  'Tis  not  our  Duty  to  Baptise  men  with  the  Holy  Spirit. 
This  belongs  not  unto  Us,  but  unto  Him  whos'  that  Holy  Spirit 
is.  You  will  not  say,  we  Sin,  if  we  don't  Baptise  the  Disciples 
in  all  Nations,  with  the  Holy  Spirit.  So  then  it  must  be  a 
Baptism  with  Water  which  is  there  Commanded  by  our  Lord. 
But,  as  I  said,  you  must  have  the  word  Water,  and  you  shall 
have  it. 

The  Apostle  Peter  said — 

Quaker.  The  Apostle  Peter!  the  Apostle  Peter!  Thou 
wast  to  prove  that  Jesus  Christ  Commanded  Baptism  with 
Water,  And  now.  Thou  art  come  to  the  Apostle  Peter! 

Minister.  Stay,  Friend,  not  so  fast!  will  you  say  then, 
that  the  Commandments  brought  by  the  Apostle  Peter,  as  the 
Commandments  of  Jesus  Christ,  are  not  the  Commandments 
of  Jesus  Christ?  but  however,  I'll  mend  the  Expression — 

The  Spirit  of  Jesus  Christ  in  the  Apostle  Peter,  (Now  I 
hope  it  fits  you!) — 


Quaker.  (J.  S.)  Thou  art  a  Monster,  all  Mouth,  and  no 
Ears — 

Minister. — Prethee  talk  Civilly;  Don't  make  me  Believe 
that  I  am  at  Ephesus.  If  I  were  in  one  of  your  Houses,  I 
would  not  give  you  such  Language;  you  had  but  now  a  greater 
liberty  to  use  your  Mouth  than  I  have  hitherto  taken;  and 
my  Ears  were  patient.  But,  you  foresee  my  Argument  is  going 
to  pinch  you.    Tis  but  Civility  to  let  me  Finish  it 

Quaker.  Thou  wast  to  prove,  that  Jesus  Christ  Com- 
manded Baptism  with  Water.  And  thou  hast  not  proved  it. 
And  therefore  thou  Speakest  Falsely. 

Minister.  What  do  you  mean?  These  little  Shuffles  won't 
help  you. 

I  say,  the  Spirit  of  Jesus  Christ  in  the  Apostle  Peter,  after 
our  Lord's  Ascension,  when  it  was  Impossible  for  John's  Bap- 
tism (which  was  into  the  Messiah,  Suddenly  to  come,  not, 
already  come)  should^  have  place,  did  say,  in  Act.  10.  47.  Can 
any  man  Forbid  Water,  that  these  should  not  be  Baptised,  which 
have  Received  the  Holy  Ghost. 

Quaker.  How  does  this  prove.  That  Jesus  Christ  Com- 
manded these  to  be  Baptised  with  water? 

Minister.    Thus — 

If  Jesus  Christ  had  not  Commanded  Baptism  with  Water, 
any  man  might  have  then  Forbid  it.  But  no  man  could  For- 
bid it. 

Therefore  Jesus  Christ  Commanded  it. 

Quaker.  Therefore!  Therefore!  Argo!  Argo!  Why,  Dost 
thou  think  Religion  is  to  be  proved  by  thy  Therefore's,  by 
thy  Argo's? 

Minister.  Friend,  I  perceive,  the  word  Therefore  is  a  very 
dead-doing  sort  of  a  Word  to  ye.  I'll  dismiss  this  Terrible 
Word.  I'll  only  say.  The  Reason  why  none  could  forbid  Be- 
lievers to  be  Baptised  with  Water,  was  merely  Because  Jesus 
Christ  Commanded  it. 

Quaker.  Because,  why  the  word  Because  is  as  bad  as  the 
word  Therefore. 

Minister.  (Smiling.)  It  may  be  so.  But  in  the  mean 
time,  you  are  wonderfully  unreasonable!  I  say,  why  could 
none  forbid  Water  for  the  Faithful  to  be  Baptised? 

1  Corrected  to  "  to  "  in  the  Magnolia. 


Quaker.  Who  says  None  could  Forbid  Water?  'Tis  only 
said,  Can  any  man  Forbid  Water? 

Minister.    I  pray  Sirs,  And  is  not  this.  None  can? 

But  I'll  bring  the  matter  to  bear  upon  you  without  those 
two  Dangerous  Words,  therefore  and  because,  at  which  you  are 
so  terrified. 

I  will  put  the  matter  into  the  Form  of  a  Question.  And 
your  Answer  to  this  Question,  shall  put  an  End  to  our  present 

Quaker.    What  have  we  to  do  to  Answer  thy  Questions? 

Minister.    My  Question  is. 

Whether  a  man  might  not  forbid  in  the  Worship  of  Jesus 
Christ,  what  Jesus  Christ  Himself  hath  no  way  Commanded? 

You  can  Answer  this  Question  if  you  will;  and  I  desire,  I 
demand  your  Answer. 

Quaker.  What?  for  us  to  answer  thy  Questions !  that  would 
be,  to  Ensnare  our  selves. 

Minister.  I  am  very  sensible  of  That.  Therefore,  take 
Notice,  You  are  Ensnared  in  the  Toils  of  your  own  miserable 
Delusions.    But  still  I  say.  Answer  my  Question. 

Quaker.  Do  you  see.  Neighbours?  Friend  M.  was  to  prove 
that  Jesus  Christ  commanded  Baptism,  and  now,  he's  come  to 
a  Question! 

Minister.  So  I  am  Truly.  And  I  see  'tis  a  Question,  that 
puts  you  into  a  Sweat.  I  beseech  you  to  Answer  it.  I  Require 
you  to  Answer  it.  What  shall  I  say?  I  Defy  you  to  Answer 
it.    Pardon  my  Cogency;  you  Force  me  to't! 

Quaker.  I  say,  How  does  a  Question  prove.  That  Jesus 
Christ  commanded  Baptism  with  Water?  And  why  dost  thou 
Baptise  Infants? 

Minister.  Nay,  I'll  keep  you  to  the  Question.  Your 
Answer  to  the  Question,  will  prove  it;  I  am  designing  to  make 
you  your  selves  prove  it.  And,  Sirs,  I  do  here  offer  to  you, 
That  I  will  give  the  best  Answer  I  can,  to  any  Question  in  the 
world,  that  you  shall  put  unto  me:  why  are  you  so  loth  to 
Answer  one  short  Question  of  mine? 

Quaker.    I  be  not  obliged  to  Answer  thy  Question. 

Minister.  I  must  contrive  some  fair  way  to  Compel  some 
Answer  unto  this  one  Question.  Give  me  leave  therefore  to 
tell  you,  That  if  you  do  not  Answer  this  Question,  you  go  away 


conquered  and  confounded.  Yea,  Sirs,  I  must  in  Faithfulness 
tell  you  That  you  carry  away  the  dreadful  Mark  of  Hereticks 
upon  you.  Even,  To  be  Condemned  in  your  own  Conscience. 
You  go  away  Self-Condemned,  That  you  don't  keep  the  Com- 
mandments of  Jesus  Christ;  and  Therefore  That  you  are — 
what  you  Remember  the  Apostle  John  said  concerning  you. 

Quaker.  I  don't  condemn  Thee  for  using  Baptism  with 

Minister.  This  is  no  Answer  to  the  Question  still:  For 
you  don't  observe  it  your  self;  neither  you,  nor  any  Quakers 
under  Heaven.    Wherefore  I  still  urge  for  an  Answer. 

Quaker.  Thou  art  not  Civil  to  us.  Is  this  thy  Civility  to 
Strangers?  We  have  heard  a  Great  Fame  of  thee,  for  thy  Civil 
and  obliging  carriage  towards  others  that  are  not  of  thy  per- 
swasion.  But  now  thou  art  uncivil  to  us.  That  which  I  have 
to  say,  is,  I  will  keep  to  that  Book,  the  Bible,  and  I  will  preach 
what  is  in  that  Book. 

Minister.  (Taking  up  the  Bihle.)  Friend,  you  pretend  then 
to  understand  this  Book.  I  do  here  make  you  this  offer.  That 
I  will  immediately  Turn  you  to  Ten  several  places  in  one  Book 
of  this  Holy  Bible,  (the  Chronicles)  And  if  you  can  give  me  a 
Tolerable  Solution  of  any  one  of  them,  I'll  acknowledge  that 
you  are  worthy  to  preach  out  of  it. 

Quaker.    Canst  thou  do  it  thy  self? 

Minister.    I  Humbly  Hope  I  can. 

Quaker.    How  dost  thou  know  that  I  can't? 

Minister.  I  say  you  can't.  Now  do  you  Accept  my  offer: 
If  you  can  I'll  own,  that  I  have  wrong'd  you. 

Quaker.    What's  that  to  thee,  what  I  can  do? 

Minister.  Look  you.  Neighbours;  I  think,  'tis  to  no  pur- 
pose, to  proceed  unto  any  other  points,  with  such  unreasonable 
Folks  as  these.  You  see,  how  'Tis.  If  you  desire  it,  I'll  pro- 

Neighbours.  No,  Sir,  'tis  to  no  purpose,  they  are  a  people 
of  no  Reason. 

Quaker.  Nay,  Friend  M — ,  I  would  not  have  thee  to  be  so 
Hard  upon  us;  I  mean  Thee  no  Harm.  I  hear,  thou  takest  a 
great  deal  of  pains  for  the  good  of  thy  people;  And  they  will 
do  well,  to  Hearken  to  Thee.  I  have  Rebuked  some  of  them 
for  speaking  Evil  of  thee.    Yea,  It  is  my  Judgment,  That  thou, 


and  other  such  Ministers  as  Thou  art,  ought  Honourably  to  be 
maintained  by  the  people. 

Minister.  You  differ  from  all  your  Friends,  methinks. 
What?  Would  you  have  us  to  be  Hirelings?  'Tis  very  strange 
to  hear  a  Quaker  plead  for  the  Maintenance  of  our  Ministry. 
But  for  your  satisfaction,  I'll  tell  you.  The  people  whom  I 
Serve  I  never  once  in  all  my  Life  Ask'd  for  any  Maintenance 
or  Salary;  and  I  never  made  any  Agreement  with  them  about 
any  Salary  in  all  my  Life. 

Quaker.  I  say,  I  would  not  have  Thee  too  Hard  upon 
us.  New-England  has  Persecuted  our  Friends  at  a  grievous 

Minister.  Nay,  Friends,  Be  not  you  too  Hard  upon  me, 
about  that  matter.  I  Approve  Persecution,  as  Little  as  any 
of  you  all.  I  abhor  it.  I  have  Preach'd  against  it,  I  have  Writ 
against  it,  I  have  Bewailed  the  mistakes  that  some  Good  men 
have  committed  in  it.  I  would  have  you  Treated  with  all  the 
Civility,  imaginable.  I  would  not  have  the  Civil  Magistrate 
inflict  upon  you  the  Damage  of  one  Farthing  for  your  Con- 

Quaker.  But  now,  you  may  see,  how  the  Judgments  of 
God  are  come  upon  the  East-Country,  by  the  Indians,  for  your 

Minister.  I  can't  tell  That  neither.  For  tho'  I  am  sorry 
at  my  Heart,  that  ever  you  were  Persecuted:  Yet  I  can't  say, 
That  because  Boston  was  guilty  of  Persecution,  therefore 
Newichawannick,^  and  Casco-Bay,  (places  in  other  Provinces) 
that  never  had  any  such  thing  in  it,  must  be  cut  off. 

Quaker.  Yes,  they  Persecuted  at  the  Eastward.  There 
were  Two  Women,  of  our  Friends,  cruelly  Scourged  there. 

Minister.  I  suppose,  you  refer  to  a  Story  published  by 
one  George  Bishop,^  a  Quaker:  he  Complains  bitterly  of  the 
New-England  Persecution,  because  there  came  Two  Quaker 
women  Stark  Naked,  into  our  Public  Assemblies,  and  they 
were  carried  unto  the  Whipping-post  for  it.  This  was  in  the 
Northern  parts  of  the  Country,  as  I  have  been  told.  These 
Baggages,  I  beHeve,  were  the  persecuted  women  you  talk  of! 

^  Berwick. 

2  Author  of  the  celebrated  Quaker  martyrology,  New  England  Judged  (1661, 


Quaker.  Well,  and  what  if  they  did  appear  Naked,  to 
show  the  People  the  Nakedness  of  their  Sins? 

Minister.  For  Shame,  Sirs,  let  us  have  no  more  of  this 

Quaker.    Why  didst  thou  treat  George  Keith  so  hardly? 

Minister.  He  deserved  it  when  I  so  Treated  him.  And 
you  Quakers  have  since  Treated  him  Ten  Times  worse  than 
ever  I  did.  You  write  whole  Books  of  Railing  against  him.  I 
never  got  him  into  Goals,  and  under  Fines.  I  should  have 
been  Troubled  at  any  that  would  have  done  so.  But  you  have 
done  it.  Therefore,  I  believe  'tis  best  for  you  to  leave  that 

And  so,  after  a  few  other  small  Pulls,  the  Saw  stood  still: 
the  Conference  ended. 

There  are  Five  or  Six  witnesses,  which  I  have  to  attest  unto 
the  Truth  of  this  Relation,  which  I  have  here  given,  of  a  Con- 
ference with  a  Quaker,  which  had  all  the  Friends  far  and  near 
wondering  (as  well  as  wandering)  after  him.  And  yet  these 
Cretians^  boasted  among  their  Friends,  how  much  they  had 
confounded  the  Minister  in  this  Conference. 

All  that  I  would  presume  now  to  Commend  unto  those 
Towns,  which  have  such  Quakers  annoying  of  them,  is  This: 
Brethren,  carry  it  well,  even  with  all  convenient  Civility  and 
Humanity,  towards  this  Poor  Deluded  People;  while  you 
Charge  your  Children  and  Servants,  that  they  do  not  go  unto 
their  Meetings:  and  cast  not  your  selves  also  into  Temptation, 
by  needlessly  being  There.  But  after  all,  yea,  before  all, 
make  an  Experiment,  which  the  Good  People  at  Lyn  made  a 
little  while  ago,  with  a  Success  truly  observable  and  memorable. 

The  Quakers  made  a  more  than  ordinary  Descent  upon 
the  Town  of  Lyn,  and  Quakerism  suddenly  spread  there,  at 
such  a  rate  as  to  Alarum  the  neighbourhood.  The  Pastor  of 
the  Church  there  Indicted  a  Day  for  Prayer  with  Fasting,  to 
Implore  the  Help  of  Heaven  against  the  unaccountable  En- 
chantment; and  the  Good  People  presented  accordingly,  on 
July  19,  1694,  their  fervent  SuppHcations  unto  the  Lord,  that 
the  Spiritual  Plague  might  proceed  no  further.  The  Spirit  of 
our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  gave  a  Remarkable  Effect  imto  this 
Holy  Method  of  Encountring  the  Charms  of  Quakerism:  It 

^  I.  e.,  liars;  see  Titus  i.  12. 


proved  a  Better  method,  than  any  Coercion  of  the  Civil  Magis- 
trate :  Quakerism  in  Lyn  received  (as  I  am  informed)  a  Death- 
Wound,  from  that  very  day;  The  Number  of  Quakers  in  that 
place  hath  been  so  far  from  Increasing,  that  I  am  told,  it  hath 
since  rather  Decreased  notably.  Now  let  other  Endangered 
Plantations  Go  and  do  likewise. 

The  Quakers  are  such  enemies  to  the  Holy  Religion,  which 
is  the  Life  of  New-England,  That  you  must  Excuse  my  con- 
cern to  have  you  Fortify'd  against  their  Attempts  also,  while 
I  am  giving  you  an  History  of  your  other  Enemies.  What  all 
of  them  would  be  at,  metlunks,  was  a  little  intimated  by  what 
One  of  them  once  Declared.  The  Globe-Tavern  was  near  our 
Publick  and  Spacious  Meeting-House  at  Salem;  and  a  Noted 
Quaker  there  caused  a  paper  to  be  set  up  on  the  Door  of  that 
Meeting-House,  which  had  such  Stuff  as  this  written  in  it. 

Beware,  Beware,  and  Enter  not! 

But  rather  to  the  Globe  and  spend  a  Pot. 

This  is  but  like  a  passage  mentioned  in  the  Life  of  that 
Excellent  man  Mr.  P.  Henry,  lately  published.^  A  Debauched 
gentleman  in  his  Revels,  Drinking  and  Swearing,  at  Malpas, 
was  Reproved  by  a  Quaker,  then  in  his  Company.  "Why,"  said 
the  Gentleman,  "I'll  ask  thee  one  Question,  whether  it  is  better 
for  me  to  follow  Drinking  and  Swearing,  or  to  go  and  Hear 
Henry?"  The  Quaker  answered, "  Nay,  of  the  Two,  rather  follow 
thy  Drinking  and  Swearing."  Behold  the  Spirit  of  Quakerism ! 
Wlien  I  once  compelled  a  Quaker  to  confess,  that  the  Body  of 
Jesus  of  Nazareth  rose  from  the  Grave,  and  went  up  into  the 
Heavens,  he  begg'd  me  that  I  would  not  improve  his  confession, 
as  if  made  on  the  behalf  of  all  his  Friends.  And  another  of 
them,  as  I  hear,  publickly  Held-Forth  in  one  of  his  late  Ster- 
corations,  That  the  Husks  of  the  Swine,  on  which  the  Prodigal 
fed  in  the  Parable,  were  the  Bread  and  Wine,  in  that  which 
People  call.  The  Sacrament. 

But  what  will  become  of  those  Forlorn  Villages,  that  shall 
Resign  themselves  to  the  conduct  of  that  Light  within,  which 
our  Sacred  Scriptures  indeed  never  expressly  mention  but  once 

^Philip  Henry  (1631-1696),  English  non-conformist  divine;  biography  by 
his  son,  Matthew  Henry  the  commentator  (London,  1696). 


or  twice,  and  then  call  it,  Real  Darkness ;  and  which  may  lead 
men  to  all  this  wickedness?  There  was  among  the  Mahometans 
in  the  Eastern  parts  of  the  World,  a  Sect  called  Batenists,  from 
the  Arabic,  Baten,  (which  signifies  within:)^  who  were  the 
Enthusiasts  that  followed  The  Light  within,  like  our  Quakers; 
and  on  this  principle,  they  did  such  Numberless  Villainies,  that 
the  World  was  not  able  to  bear  them.  None  of  all  their  Dia- 
bolical Raveries  which  I  know  I  am  now  pulling  on  my  self, 
and  which  I  value  no  more,  than  if  they  came  from  the  Pouliats 
of  Malabar,  shall  frighten  me  from  soliciting  your  Christian 
Cares  and  Prayers,  That  you  may  be  not  over-run  with  English 
Batenists.  And  I  must  solicitously  make  the  Observation, 
That  although  such  a  Number  of  Quakers  in  our  Nation  be  a 
dreadful  Judgment  of  God  upon  men,  smiting  them  with 
Spiritual  Plagues  for  their  Unfruitfulness  and  Unthankfulness 
under  the  Gospel:  nevertheless,  'tis  a  special  Favour  of  God, 
that  the  Number  of  Quakers  is  no  Greater;  for  if  they  should 
multiply,  not  only  would  Christianity  be  utterly  Extinguished, 
but  Humanity  it  self  Exterminated.  It  is  well  known.  That 
when  a  Quaker  had  Stolen  an  Hour-glass,  their  Mahomet, 
GeorgeFox,  (of  whom  Sol.  Eccles,  in  a  Sheet,  call'd.  The  Quakers 
Challenge,  pag.  6,  says,  He  was  the  Christ,)  thus  vindicated  it, 
{Great  Myst.,  pag.  77.)  "As  for  any  being  moved  of  the  Lord, 
to  take  away  your  Hour-glass  from  you,  by  the  Eternal  Power 
it  is  owned."  Reader,  Dost  not  thou  even  Tremble  to  think, 
what  a  Dark  land  we  should  have,  if  it  should  ever  be  fiU'd 
with  these  pretended  followers  of  the  Light,  who  wear  the 
Name  of  Tremblers?  In  Truth,  I  know  not  unto  what  better 
one  might  compare  them,  than  unto  the  Macheveliors  growing 
upon  St.  Lucia;  Trees  which  bear  Apples  of  such  an  Odour  and 
Colour  as  invites  people  to  Eat  thereof;  but  it  is  horribly 
Dangerous  to  do  so;  for  there  is  no  Antidote  that  can  secure 
a  man  from  speedy  Death,  who  hath  once  tasted  of  them. 
The  Leaf  of  the  Trees  makes  an  Ulcer  on  any  place  touched 
with  it;  the  Dew  that  falls  from  them  fetches  off  the  Skin; 
the  very  Shadow  swells  a  man,  so  as  to  kill  him,  if  he  be  not 
speedily  helped. 

^Batinites  were,  in  a  broader  sense,  those  Muslims  who  found  under  the 
letter  of  the  Koran  a  hidden,  esoteric  meaning.  Mather  uses  the  term  in  a  nar- 
rower sense,  specifically  for  the  sect  of  the  Assassins. 


Article  XXX. 
Things  to  Come. 

From  Relating  of  Things  past,  it  would  no  doubt  be  very- 
Acceptable  to  the  Reader  if  we  could  pass  to  Foretelling  of 
Things  to  come.  Our  Curiosity  in  this  point  may  easily  come 
to  a  Degree  Culpable  and  Criminal.  We  must  be  Humbly 
content,  with  what  the  God  in  whose  Hands  are  our  Times, 
hath  Revealed  unto  us. 

Two  things  we  will  venture  to  insert. 

First,  for  our  selves,  at  home.  Let  us  Remember  an  awful 
Saying  of  our  Goodwin,  ^  quoted  by  my  Reverend  Friend  Mr. 
Noyes,  in  his  late  Excellent  Sermon  at  our  Anniversary  Election. 

"As  you  Look  for  Storms  in  Autumn,  and  Frosts  in  Winter, 
so  Expect  Judgments  where  the  Gospel  hath  been  Preached; 
for  the  Quarrel  of  the  Covenant  must  be  Avenged." 

Secondly.  For  the  Church  abroad,  I  am  far  from  deserting 
what  was  asserted,  in  the  Sermon  Preached  at  our  Anniversary 
Election  in  the  year,  1696.^  "The  Tidings  which  I  bring 
unto  you  are.  That  there  is  a  revolution  and  a  reformation,  at 
the  very  Door,  which  will  be  vastly  more  wonderful  than  any 
of  the  Deliverances  yet  seen  by  the  Church  of  God  from  the 
Beginning  of  the  World.  I  do  not  say  That  the  Next  year 
will  bring  on  this  Happy  Period;  but  this  I  do  say.  The  Bigger 
part  of  this  Assembly  may,  in  the  course  of  Nature,  Live  to 
see  it.  These  Things  will  come  on,  with  horrible  Commotions, 
and  Concussions,  and  Confusions:  The  mighty  Angels  of  the 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  will  make  their  Descent,  and  set  the  World 
a  Trembling  at  the  Approaches  of  their  Almighty  Lord:  They 
will  Shake  Nations,  and  Shake  Churches,  and  Shake  mighty 
Kingdoms,  and  Shake  once  more,  not  Earth  only,  but  Heaven 

Unto  these  two  Things,  my  Reader  will  not  misimprove  it, 
I  hope,  if  I  add  a  Third,  lately  fallen  into  my  Hands;  and 
never  yet  so  Exposed  unto  the  Publick. 

1  Thomas  Goodwin,  D.  D.,  (1600-1680),  eminent  English  Independent  di- 
vine.   Nicholas  Noyes,  minister  at  Salem,  preached  the  election  sermon  of  1698. 

^  By  Mather  himself.  Things  for  a  Distress' d  People  to  think  upon  (Boston, 


A  Wonderful  Matter  Incontestably  Demonstrated,  and  much  Desired 
by  some  Good  Men  to  be  in  this  place  Communicated. 

Mr.  John  Sadler,  a  very  Learned  and  a  very  Pious  man,  and  a 
most  Exemplary  Christian,  Lay  Sick  in  his  Bed  at  his  Mannor,  of 
Warmwell,  in  Dorset-Shire:  In  the  year  1663,  In  the  Time  of  his  Ill- 
ness, he  was  visited  by  Mr.  Cuthbert  Bound,  the  Minister  of  Warm- 

Mr.  Sadler  then  desired  his  man,  (one  Thomas  Gray,)  to  see  that 
there  should  be  no  body  else  in  the  Room,  and  Lock  the  Door,  and 
give  him  the  Key. 

He  then  Sat  up  in  his  Bed,  and  asked  Mr.  Bound  and  the  Attend- 
ant Gray,  Whether  they  Saw  no  body?  And  whether  they  did  not 
hear  what  a  person  said,  that  stood  at  the  corner  of  the  Chamber? 
They  Replied,  No.  He  wondered  at  it,  and  said.  The  man  spake  so 
loud  that  the  whole  Parish  might  hear  him. 

Hereupon,  calling  for  a  Pen  and  Ink,  he  wrote  what  was  told  him, 
and  made  Them  set  their  Hands  to  it,  for  he  told  them  the  man  would 
not  be  gone,  till  he  had  seen  that  done. 

The  Articles  written  down  were, 

I.  That  there  would,  after  so  many  months,  be  a  Plague  in 
London,  whereof  so  many  would  Dye,  (Naming  the  Number.) 

II.  That  the  greatest  part  of  the  City  would  be  Burnt,  and 
Paulsi  he  particularly  show'd  him,  Tumbled  down  into  Ruins,  as  if 
Beaten  down  with  Great  Guns. 

III.  That  there  would  be  Three  Sea-Fights,  between  the  Eng- 
lish and  the  Dutch. 

IV.  That  there  would  appear  Three  Blazing  Stars;  the  Last 
of  which  would  be  terrible  to  behold.  (He  said.  The  man  show'd 
him  the  Star.) 

V.  That  afterwards,  there  would  come  Three  small  Ships  to 
Land  in  the  West  of  Weymouth,  which  would  put  all  England  in  an 
uproar,  but  it  would  come  to  nothing. 

VI.  That  in  the  year  1688,  there  would  come  to  pass  such  a 
Thing  in  the  Kingdom,  as  all  the  world  would  take  notice  of. 

VII.  That  after  this,  and  after  some  further  Disturbance,  there 
would  be  Happy  Times;  And  a  Wonderful  Thing  would  come  to  pass, 
which  he  was  not  now  to  Declare. 

VIII.  That  he  and  his  man  (Gray)  should  Dye,  before  the 
Accomplishment  of  these  things,  but  Mr.  Bound  should  Live  to  see  it. 

IX.  For  the  confirmation  of  the  whole,  the  man  thus  appear- 
ing, told  him,  That  he  should  be  well  the  next  Day;  and  there  would 

1  St.  Paul's  cathedral. 


come  Three  men  to  visit  him,  One  from  Ireland,  One  from  Guernsey, 
and  his  Brother  Bingham. 

Accordingly,  the  Day  following,  Mr.  Sadler  went  abroad:  And 
this  Day  there  accidentally  met  at  his  House,  and  so  Dined  with  him. 
First,  the  Lord  Steel,  who  had  been  Lord  Chancellor  of  Ireland,  and 
now  returning  from  thence,  in  his  way  to  London,  came  to  see  Mr. 
Sadler:  Secondly,  Monsieur  de  la  Marsh,  a  French  Minister  from 
Guernsey;  and  Lastly,  his  Brother  Bingham. 

Mr.  Bound,  and  Gray,  within  Three  Days  after  this,  made 
Affidavit  of  it,  before  Colonel  Giles  Strangewayes,  and  Colonel 
Cocker,  who  is  yet  alive. 

Mr.  Daniel  Sadler,  and  Mr.  John  Sadler,  the  Sons  of  this  old  Mr. 
Sadler,  very  serious  and  worthy  Christians,  are  at  this  Time  Living  in 
Rotterdam;  one  of  them  is  His  Majesties  Agent  for  Transportation. 

Mr.  Daniel  Sadler,  making  his  Applications  to  Mr.  Bound  for 
his  Testimony  about  this  matter,  the  said  Old  Mr.  Bound,  in  a  Letter 
dated,  Warmwell,  Aug.  30,  O.  S.,  1697,  asserts  the  matter  at  large 
unto  him,  and  Subscribes,  This  I  shall  testify  before  the  King  him- 
self, if  occasion  be,  when  he  comes  into  England. 


yet  Minister  of  Warmwell. 

Mr.  Daniel  Sadler  ha's  this  Testimony  further  fortifyed  by  a 
Letter  from  One  Mr.  Robert  Loder;  telling  him,  That  he  had  met 
with  an  Old  Copy  of  the  Depositions  aforesaid,  which  accordingly 
he  transcribes  for  him;  and  several  yet  living  in  Dorchester  affirm'd 
unto  him  the  Truth  of  the  Story. 

The  Copies  of  these  Letters  are  now  in  Boston,  in  New-England. 

Mr.  John  Sadler  adds  his  Testiinony,  That  his  Father  told  unto 
his  Mother,  and  himself.  That  he  had  been  told  of  Remarkable  Things 
to  come  to  pass,  particularly,  the  Burning  of  London  and  Pauls. 
But  that  they  were  not  acquainted  with  all  the  matters  he  foretold 
unto  Mr.  Bound,  and  Gray.  Only  he  Remembers  well  They  Two 
were  with  him  in  his  Chamber  alone;  and  his  Father  went  abroad 
within  a  day  or  two;  and  that,  (according  to  the  Sign  he  had  given 
to  them,)  the  Three  Persons  aforesaid  visited  him.  He  adds,  that 
his  Father  spoke  of  leaving  in  Writing  the  things  that  had  been 
Shown  to  him;  and  that  a  little  after,  he  saw  once  a  Thin  Octavo 
Manuscript  in  his  Father's  Study,  which  he  believed  had  those  things 
in  it;  but  after  that,  he  could  never  find  it.  This  Testimony  is 
Dated  in  October,  1697. 

A  Worthy  and  a  Godly  Gentleman,  at  this  Time  Living 
in  Roterdam,  and  well-acquainted  with  both  Mr.  Daniel  and 


Mr.  John  Sadler,  Sends  this  to  Mr.  Increase  Mather,  in  New- 
England,  with  a  Letter,  Dated,  26th  March,  1698. 

Reader,  I  am  not  Ignorant,  that  many  Cheats  and  Shams 
have  been  Imposed  upon  the  World,  under  the  Notion  of  Com- 
munications from  the  Invisible  World;  and,  I  hope,  I  am  not 
becoming  a  Visionary.  But  Fancies  and  Juggles  have  their 
Foundation  laid  in  Realities :  there  would  never  have  been  Im- 
postures of  Apparitions,  and  of  Communications  from  the  In- 
visible World,  if  there  never  had  been  Really  some  such  things 
to  be  Counterfeited  and  Imitated.  Wise  men  therefore  wUl 
count  it  a  Folly  in  its  Exaltation  and  Extremity,  to  Deride  all 
Instances  of  Strange  Things  arriving  to  us  from  the  Invisible 
World,  because  that  Some  Things  have  been  Delusions.  No, 
'tis  a  Wisdom,  that  is  pleasing  to  God,  and  useful  to  the  World, 
for  a  due  Notice  to  be  taken  of  rare  Things,  wherein  we  have 
Incontestable  Proofs  of  an  Invisible  World,  and  of  the  Interest 
it  hath  in  Humane  Affairs.  The  Narrative  of  Mr.  Sadler  is  ad- 
vantaged with  such  Incontestable  Proofs,  and  contains  in  it 
such  Notable  passages,  that  I  believe  I  do  well  to  lay  it  before 
Serious  Men;  and  I  believe  no  Serious  Men  will  play  the  Buffoon 
upon  it.  By  no  means  pretend  I  to  pass  any  Judgment  upon 
this  Remarkable  Narrative ;  by  no  means  do  I  presume  to  tell 
what  I  think  of  it,  any  more  than  this,  that  it  is  Remarkable. 
Nevertheless,  for  the  Caution  of  unwary  Readers,  I  will  annex 
the  words  of  an  Excellent  Writer  upon  Divine  Providence. 

Watch  against  an  Unmortified  Itch  after  Excentrical  or  Extraor- 
dinary Dispensations  of  Providence.  Luther  said,  The  Martyrs, 
without  the  Apparition  of  Angels,  being  conJSrmed  by  the  word  of 
God  alone,  died  for  the  Name  of  Christ;  and  why  should  not  we 
acquiesce?  And  he  observeth  how  the  Devil  hath  greatly  deluded 
parties  who  have  been  gaping  after  Visions. 

Nor  will  it  be  unprofitable,  to  recite  the  words  of  another 
Author,  whom  I  must  quote,  as  R.  David  Kimchi  did  use  to 
quote  R.  Joseph  Kimchi,  under  the  Title  of  Adoni  Avi.^ 

^  Rabbi  David  Kimchi  (1160-1235)  and  his  father  Rabbi  Joseph  Kimchi 
(1105  m.-1170  ca.)  were  celebrated  Hebrew  grammarians,  exegetes,  and  contro- 
versiaUsts  of  Narbonne.    Adoni  Avi,  "my  lord  father,"  means  Increase  Mather. 


Evil  Angels  do  now  appear,  more  often  than  Good  Ones.  'Tis 
an  unwarrantable,  and  a  very  Dangerous  Thing,  for  men  to  wish, 
that  they  might  see  Angels,  and  converse  with  them.  Some  have 
done  so;  and  God  hath  been  provoked  with  them  for  their  Curiosity 
and  Presumption,  and  hath  permitted  Devils  to  come  unto  them, 
whereby  they  have  been  Deceived  and  Undone. 

More  Particular  Prognostications,  upon  the  Future  State  of 


But,  Oh,  my  dear  New-England,  Give  one  of  thy  Friends 
Leave,  to  utter  the  Fears  of  thy  best  Friends  concerning  thee ; 
and  consider,  what  Fearful  cause  there  may  be  for  thee  to 
expect  sad  things  to  come?  If  every  Wise  man  be  a  Prophet, 
there  are  some  yet  in  thee,  that  can  Prophesy.  Predictions 
may  be  form'd  out  of  these 

Reasonable  Expectations. 

I.  Where  Schools  are  not  Vigorously  and  Honourably 
Encouraged,  whole  Colonies  will  sink  apace  into  a  Degenerate 
and  Contemptible  Condition,  and  at  last  become  horribly  Bar- 
barous: And  the  first  Instance  of  their  Barbarity  will  be,  that 
they  will  be  undone  for  want  of  Men,  but  not  see  and  own  what 
it  was  that  undid  them. 

II.  Where  Faithful  Ministers  are  Cheated  and  Grieved, 
by  the  Sacriledge  of  people  that  Rebel  against  the  Express 
Word  of  Christ,  Let  him  that  is  Taught  in  the  Word,  Communi- 
cate unto  him  that  Teacheth  in  all  Good  Things,^  the  Righteous 
Judgments  of  God  will  Impoverish  that  people;  the  Gospel 
will  be  made  Lamentably  Unsuccessful  unto  the  Souls  of  such 
a  people;  the  Ministers  will  either  be  fetch'd  away  to  Heaven, 
or  have  their  Ministry  made  wofully  Insipid  by  their  Incum- 
brances on  Earth. 

HI.  Where  the  Pastors  of  Churches  in  a  Vicinity  despise 
or  neglect  Formed  Associations  for  mutual  Assistance  in  their 
Evangehcal  Services,  Wo  to  him  that  is  alone.^    'Tis  a  sign, 

1  Galatians  vi.  6. 

2  The  first  ministerial  association  in  Massachusetts  was  formed  in  1690. 
The  movement  spread  rapidly,  and  the  institution  became  a  permanent  part  of 
New  England  Congregationalism.  The  list  of  "reasonable  expectations"  is  of 
course  one  of  Mather's  "tracts  for  the  times." 


either  that  some  of  the  Pastors  want  Love  to  one  another,  or 
that  others  may  be  conscious  to  some  Fault,  which  may  dis- 
pose them  to  avoid  Inspection;  but  fatal  to  the  Churches  will 
be  the  Tendency  of  either. 

IV.  Where  Churches  have  some  Hundreds  of  Souls  under 
their  Discipline;  but  the  single  Pastors  are  not  strengthened, 
with  Consistories  of  Elders,  or  an  Agreeable  Number  of  wise, 
and  good  and  grave  men,  chosen  to  join  with  the  Pastor,  as 
their  President  in  that  part  of  his  Work,  which  concerns  the 
Well-Ruling  of  the  Flock,  there  Discipline  will  by  Degrees  be 
utterly  Lost;  The  Grossest  Offenders  will  by  degrees,  and  thro' 
parties,  be  scarce  to  be  dealt  withal. 

V.  Where  Pastors  do  not  Quicken  Orderly  Private  Meet- 
ings of  both  Elder  and  Younger  Christians,  for  Exercises  of 
Religion,  in  their  Neighbourhood,  the  Power  of  Religion  will 
observably  Decay,  among  those  Christians;  the  Seed  sown  in 
the  Publick  will  not  so  much  prosper,  for  want  of  being  watred 
in  private :  And  when  the  Pastor  shall  fall  sick,  there  will  not 
be  so  much  as  one  company  of  Christians  in  all  his  Flock  that 
can  come  together  to  pray  for  his  Life. 

VI.  Where  Churches  professing  a  Great  Reformation, 
shall  in  their  Constitution  cease  to  Represent  unto  the  World 
the  Holiness  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  of  His  Heavenly 
Kingdom,  they  will  become  Loathsome  to  that  Holy  Lord; 
their  Glory  is  gone,  and  their  Defence  goes  with  it;  the  dread- 
ful Wrath  of  Heaven  will  Astonish  the  World  with  the  Things 
which  it  will  do  unto  them. 

VII.  Where  Churches  are  Loth  to  give  unto  Councils 
regularly,  upon  Complaints  Enquiring  into  their  Administra- 
tions, an  Account  thereof,  'tis  much  to  be  suspected,  that  they 
are  Chargeable  with  Male- Administrations ;  and  if  the  Advice 
of  Regular  Councils  come  once  to  be  trod  under  foot  by  any 
Particular  Churches,  all  serious  men  will  be  afraid  of  joining 
to  such  Unaccountable  Societies. 

VIII.  Where  a  mighty  Body  of  people  in  a  Country  are 
violently  set  upon  running  down  the  ancient  Church  State  in 
that  Country,  and  are  violent  for  the  Hedge  about  the  Com- 
munion at  the  Lord's  Table  to  be  broken  down,  and  for  those 
who  are  not  Admitted  unto  the  Communion,  to  stand  on  equal 
Terms  in  all  Votes  with  them  that  are;  the  Churches  there  are 


not  far  from  a  tremendous  Convulsion,  and  they  had  need  use 
a  marvellous  Temper  of  Resolution  with  Circumspection  to 
keep  it  off. 

IX.  Where  Churches  are  bent  upon  Backsliding,  and  car- 
ried away  with  a  strong  Spirit  of  Apostasie,  whatever  Minister 
shall  set  himself  to  withstand  their  Evil  Bents,  will  pull  upon 
himself  an  inexpressible  contempt  and  hatred;  Be  his  merits 
never  so  Great,  a  Thousand  Arts  will  be  used  for  to  make  him 
Little ;  he  had  need  be  a  man  of  Great  Faith,  and  Great  Prayer; 
But  God  will  at  length  Honour  such  a  man,  with  wonderful 

X.  Where  a  Fountain  shall  become  Corrupt,  there  the 
Streams  will  no  longer  Make  Glad  the  City  of  God. 

XI.  The  Gospel  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  we  have  with 
much  expence  lately  sent  unto  several  of  our  Southern  Planta- 
tions:^ if  it  be  Rejected,  there  are  terrible  things  to  come  upon 
them;  'twere  better  to  have  Lived  in  Sodom,  than  in  one  of 
those  Plantations. 

XII.  God  prepare  our  dear  Brethren  in  Connecticut,  for 
certain  Changes  that  are  Impending  over  them. 

Finally,  there  was  a  Town  called  Amyclse,  which  was  Ruined 
by  Silence.^  The  Rulers,  because  there  had  been  some  false 
Alarums,  forbad  all  people  under  pain  of  Death  to  speak  of 
any  Enemies  approaching  them :  So,  when  the  Enemies  came 
indeed,  no  man  durst  speak  of  it,  and  the  Town  was  Lost. 
Corruptions  will  grow  upon  the  Land,  and  they  will  gain  by 
Silence :  'Twill  be  so  Invidious  to  it.  No  man  will  dare  to  speak 
of  the  Corruptions;  and  the  Fate  of  Amyclse  will  come  upon 
the  Land. 

Reader,  I  call'd  these  things  Prophecy;  But  I  wish  I  be  not 
all  this  while  Writing  History. 

Now,  if  any  Discerning  persons  apprehend  any  Dangers  to 
Impend  over  New-England,  from  any  of  the  Symptoms  men- 
tioned, it  is  to  be  hoped,  they  will  Employ  their  best  Thoughts, 
how  to  Anticipate  those  Dangers.    And  whereas,  'tis  the  sense 

*  An  allusion  chiefly  to  the  Puritan  migration  of  1695  to  Dorchester,  South 
CaroHna.  See  the  Diary  of  Elder  William  Pratt,  in  Narratives  of  Early  Carolina, 
in  this  series,  pp.  189-200. 

*  See  the  article  by  Professor  Ettore  Pais,  "Amunclae  a  Serpentibus  De- 
letae,"  in  American  Historical  Review,  XIII.  1-10.  ^ 


of  all  men,  who  discern  any  thing,  that  it  is  in  vain  to  hope 
for  any  Good,  until  a  Spirit  of  Grace  be  poured  out  from 
Heaven,  to  dispose  men  unto  it;  I  beg  them  to  consider, 
whether  the  only  way  to  obtain  that  Spirit  of  Grace  be  not. 
Humbly  to  Ask  it,  by  Prayer  with  Fasting  before  the  God  of 

It  was  therefore  an  Article  in  an  Advice  agreed  by  some  of 
the  principal  Ministers  in  this  Province;  and  with  the  mention 
of  that  Advice,  (which  doubtless,  all  but  the  Sleeping  will 
follow)  I'll  conclude;  "Solemn  Days  of  Prayer  with  Fasting, 
celebrated  in  our  Churches,  to  Implore  the  Grace  of  God  for 
the  Rising  Generation,  would  probably  be  of  blessed  conse- 
quence, for  the  Turning  of  our  Young  people  unto  the  God  of 
our  Fathers.  The  more  there  is  this  way  ascribed  unto  Grace, 
the  more  the  Grace  of  God  is  like  to  be  communicated;  and 
there  is  in  this  way  a  natural  and  a  plentiful  Tendency  to 
Awaken  our  Unconverted  Youth  unto  a  sense  of  their  Ever- 
lasting Interests;  Which,  were  it  generally  accomplished,  a 
Remarkable  Reformation  were  therein  Effected." 



Accomacke,  location  of,  25. 

Adams,  Mrs.,  of  Durham,  253. 

Agamagus  (Agamcus,  Great  Tom, 
Moxus),  a  Penobscot  chief,  226,  229, 
233,  251,  273,  275. 

Ahanquit,  a  Penobscot  chief,  251. 

Ahassombamett,  an  Indian  chief,  251. 

Albany,  N.  Y.,  Philip  secures  ammu- 
nition from,  64;  mentioned,  68,  87, 
97,  124  n.,  136,  141. 

Alden,  Capt.  John,  273. 

Alderman,  Mr.,  a  guide,  104,  105. 

Alexander  (Moanam),  an  Indian  chief, 
7  n.,  12  n.,  25,  26,  31,  69,  70,  125  n. 

Allen,  Rev.  James,  38  n. 

America,  EngHsh  and  French  coloniza- 
tion in,  compared,  3,  171;  intercolo- 
nial jealousies  in,  4. 

American  Antiquarian  Society,  Trans- 
actions, 122  n. 

Amesbury,  Mass.,  224,  254. 

Amonoscoggin  Fort,  expedition  against, 
225.    See  also  Lewiston. 

Amonoscoggin  River,  see  Androscoggin. 

Andrews,  Lieut.  Elisha,  221. 

Andros,  Sir  Edmund,  governor  of  New 
York,  9,  11,  17,  88;  effect  of  his  ad- 
ministration in  Massachusetts,  173, 
194;  mentioned,  187-190,  193,  194, 

Andros,  Lieut.  Ehsha,  see  Andrews. 

Androscoggin  River,  in  Maine,  47  n., 
192  n.,  249,  273,  274. 

Annawon,  an  Indian  chief,  105  n. 

Apannow,  an  Indian  chief,  71. 

Apequineah,  an  Indian,  see  Monoco. 

Appleton,  Major  Samuel,  49,  56,  60, 

Aquadocta,  221. 

Arrowsick  Island,  location  of,  41  n. 

Artel,  see  Hertel,  Frangois. 

Ashuelot  vaUey,  N.  H.,  136  n.,  138. 

Assacombuit,  an  Indian  chief,  276. 

Assawomset  pond,  location  of,  7  n. 

Attawamhood,  an  Indian,  32. 
Augustus  Caesar,  referred  to,  182. 
Awansomeck,  an  Indian,  251. 
Awashonks,   an  Indian  queen,  25  n.; 
confused  with  Weetamoo,  25,  96. 

Backus,  Isaac,  account  of  the  meeting 

of  Roger  WiUiams  and  the  Indians, 

87  n. 
Bacon's  Rebellion  in  Virginia,  referred 

to,  68  n. 
Bagatawawongo  (Sheepscoat  John),  251. 
Ball,  Jeremiah,  see  Bull,  Jeriah. 
Ball,  John,  of  Lancaster,  118  n. 
Bancroft,  Lieut.  Thomas,  221,  222,  240. 
Bapson,  Ebenezer,  of  Gloucester,  243, 

Baptists,  growth  of,  46  n. 
Baquaug  River,  129,  130,  146,  147,  159. 
Barbadoes,  information  from,  71;  ne- 
groes  plan  an   insurrection   in,   72; 

effects  of  storm  in,  73,  74;  mentioned, 

239,  240. 
Barbadoes,  Governor  of,  73. 
Barnard,  Rev.  Thomas,  of  Andover,  270. 
Barret,  a  mariner,  239. 
Bath,  Me.,  192  n. 
Batinites,  referred  to,  292. 
Beers,  Capt.  Richard,  42,  124. 
Bekker,  Balthasar,   his   De  Betooverde 

Wereld  cited,  247  n. 
Bellomont,   Richard,   Lord,    181,    273; 

Mather's  eulogy  of,  277. 
Belshazzar,  referred  to,  181. 
Bennett,  George,  122  n. 
Bering  Strait,  203. 
Berwick,  Me.,  Indian  success  at,  229, 

236,  267;  mentioned,  196,  203,  220. 
Bible,  EUot's  Indian,  37,  157. 
Bickford,  Thomas,  of  Oyster  River,  252. 
Bigot,  Rev.  Jacques,  273  n. 
Bigot,  Rev.  Vincent,  273  n. 
Billerica,  260. 




Bishop,  George,  289. 

Blackman,  Capt.  Benjamin,  187,  188, 

Black  Point,  220. 

Blackstone,  William,  information  re- 
garding, 84  n.,  87. 

Blackstone  River,  84  n. 

Blackstone  River  valley,  home  of  the 
Nipmuck  Indians,  34  n. 

Blathwayt,  William,  influence  of,  172. 

Blue  Point,  Me.,  202,  203,  220. 

Bomazeen  (Bomaseen),  sign§  the  peace 
at  Pemaquid,  251;  seized  by  the  col- 
onists, 255;  conference  with  Mather, 
256-258,  259. 

Boston,  13  n.,  14;  aid  smnmoned  from, 
27;  aid  sent,  29,  30;  Indian  heads 
sent  to,  31,  32;  aid  sent  from,  35;  re- 
ceives news  of  the  burning  of  Brook- 
field,  36;  fast  in,  38;  Indians  sent  to, 
40;  reUef  sent  to  Deerfield,  43;  party 
sent  to  Ninnicroft,  44;  agreement 
with  Narragansetts  at,  45;  news  of 
ravages  near  Springfield  reaches,  47; 
men  sent  as  rehef,  48;  Indians  come 
to,  55,  56;  additional  forces  sent  to 
Rhode  Island,  79;  troops  disbanded 
at,  80,  92;  Indian  plan  to  destroy,  88; 
mentioned,  49,  62  n.,  64,  65,  66,  73, 
77,  84,  87,  89,  90,  92,  94,  121  n.,  122, 
140,  152,  155,  162,  165,  166,  187,  188, 
191,  193,  194,  214,  240,  255,  256,  259, 
279,  281. 

Boston  harbor,  Indiana  confined  in, 
53  n. 

Bound,  Rev.  Cuthbert,  of  Warmwell, 
Eng.,  294,  295. 

Brackett,  Capt.  Anthony,  killed  by 
Indians,  202,  226  n. 

Brackett,  Capt.  Anthony  (son  of  pre- 
ceding), 226,  255,  256,  268. 

Bradford,  Capt.  WiUiam,  60,  61  n.,  97. 

Bradstreet,  Col.  Dudley,  270. 

Braintree,  Mass.,  98. 

Brattle,  WiUiam,  228. 

Brief  History  of  the  War,  by  Increase 
Mather,  22,  42  n.,  59  n.,  61  n. 

Bristol,  R.  I.,  see  Montop. 

Brocklebank,  Capt.  Samuel,  92,  93,  152, 

Brookfield,  Mass.,  attack  upon,  35,  36, 
38,  42  n.,  63,  64,  67,  80,  81,  89,  93,  98, 
123  n.,  124,  248. 

Broughton,  John,  of  Dover,  196. 
Brown,  John,  of  Gloucester,  244. 
Brown,  John,  of  Newbury,  260. 
Brown,  Capt.  John,  of  Swansey,  270. 
Brunswick,  Me.,  see  Pechypscot. 
Bugg,    Francis,    an   opponent    of    the 

Friends,  280. 
Bulkley,  Rev.  Gershom,  57. 
Bull,  Jeriah  or  Jireh,   of  Tower  Hill, 

R.  I.,  56. 
Bumham,  an  Indian  chief,  67,  96. 
Burniff  (Burness),  a  French  general,  see 

Portneuf,  le  Sieur  de. 

Cadiz,  Spain,  Indians  shipped  to,  30. 

Cambridge,  Mass.,  24,  31,  32,  37,  44, 
109,  111,  121  n.,  157  n.,  162  n. 

Canada,  furnishes  Indians  with  arms, 
26;  Phips's  expedition  against,  47  n., 
214-215;  Kirke's  expedition  against, 
217;  mentioned,  200,  201,  204,  205, 
206,  210,  211,  212,  220,  252,  255,  260. 

Canonchet,  an  Indian  chief,  5,  44  n., 
45  n.,  55  n.,  62  n.,  90  n.,  91, 136;  death 
of,  139  n. 

Canton,  see  Punkapog. 

Cape  EUzabeth,  Me.,  220. 

Cape  Nidduck,  229. 

Carpenter,  William,  Jr.,  66,  79. 

Casco,  see  Portland. 

Casco  Bay,  268, 274-275.  See  also  Port- 

Casteen  (Castine),  see  St.  Castin. 

Catter,  Mary,  of  Battery,  experience  as 
a  captive  among  the  Indians,  275- 

Cawnacome,  an  Indian  chief,  71. 

Champlain,  Samuel  de,  216. 

Charles  II.,  16,  17,  25  n.,  64,  70,  73,  87, 
172,  185  n.,  190. 

Charlestown,  Mass.,  fast  at,  41;  men- 
tioned, 82,  94,  155,  162,  164. 

Chehnsford  (Wamesit),  an  "Indian 
Residence,"  33  n.,  98. 

Chesterfield,  N.  H.,  138  n. 

Chikkitabak,  an  Indian  chief,  71. 

Chittim,  referred  to,  37. 

Christian  Indians,  see  Praying  Indians. 

Christianity,  offered  to  Indians,  3,  10  n., 
24,  33. 

Chubb,  Pascho,  takes  command  at 
Pemaquid,  261;  military  abihty  of, 
261  n.;  surrenders  Pemaquid  to  the 



French,  262;  massacred  at  Andover, 

Church,  Col.  Benjamin,  22,  28  n.,  96  n., 
104,  105  n.,  199  n.,  202;  expedition 
against  Amonoscoggin  Fort,  225; 
third  expedition  of,  242,  263. 

Chm-ch,  John,  of  Dover,  196,  261. 

Church,  Thomas,  his  Entertaining  Pas- 
sages, 22, 104  n.,  202  n.,  225  n.,  242  n., 
263  n. 

Clark,  Lieut.  Thaddeus,  219. 

Clarke,  Capt.  Thomas,  44. 

Clarke,  WiUiam,  84. 

Coasset,  Vt.,  133  n. 

Coddington,  Governor  William,  164. 

Cole,  Thomas,  of  Wells,  killed  by 
Indians,  261. 

Commissioners  of  New  England,  9  n., 
15,  32,  35,  40,  43  n.,  45,  56,  62,  63,  94, 

Concord,  Mass.,  92,  94,  155  n.,  162. 

Concord,  N.  H.,  95  n.,  189,  195. 

Connecticut,  joins  the  New  England 
Confederation,  4;  raises  troops,  16, 
34;  makes  peace  with  the  Narragan- 
setts,  34,  39  n.;  fits  out  a  company, 
43;  troops  for  Rhode  Island,  56,  59  n.; 
loss  at  Swamp  Fight,  60;  withdraws 
troops,  65,  66  n.;  troops  leave  for 
home,  65,  66,  67;  troops  of,  81,  82, 
90;  Indian  plan  to  destroy,  88,  89; 
forces  retire,  113;  mentioned,  32, 
47  n.,  89,  95,  110,  184,  269. 

Connecticut  River,  49  n.,  64,  95,  96, 
111,  133,  140,  248,  271. 

Connecticut  River,  valley  of,  139  n. 

Consert,  CorneUus,  28,  29. 

Converse,  Capt.  James,  218,  224,  227- 
228;  victorious  at  Wells,  232-238; 
commissioned  as  major,  248;  makes 
peace  with  the  Indians,  273-275. 

Conway,  Peter,  (Tatatiquinea),  a  Pray- 
ing Indian,  151,  155. 

Corbin's  Sounds,  268. 

Comellis,  see  Consert,  CorneKus. 

Cornwall,  Me.,  185. 

Corum,  Capt.  John,  see  Gorham. 

Counbatant,  an  Indian  chief,  71. 

CoweU,  Capt.  Edward,  93,  94. 

Cow  Island,  Me.,  268. 

Cromwell,  OHver,  referred  to,  172. 

Cudworth,  Major  James,  12,  28  n.,  30  n. 

Curtis,  Ephraim,  of  Worcester,  63. 

Cutt,  John,  of  Durham,  N.  H.,  253. 
Cutt,  Ursula  (Mrs.  John  Cutt),  253. 

Damariscotta    River,    engagement    at, 

Danforth,  Thomas,  228. 
Daniel,  referred  to,  114,  156,  161. 
Dartmouth  (New  Bedford),  destroyed, 

13  n.,  30. 
Davenport,  Capt.  Nathaniel,  56,  58,  59, 

David,  referred  to,  114,  115,  116,  124, 

134,  144,  145,  148,  166,  167. 
Davis,  Lieut.  Sylvanus,  202;  Captain, 

218  n.,  220. 
Dawes,  Lieut.,  202. 
Day,  Ezekiel,  of  Gloucester,  245. 
Day,  John,  of  Gloucester,  246. 
De  Arte  Nihil   Credendi,   by   Geoffroi 

Valine,  sieur  de  la  Planchette,  cited, 

Decennium  Luctuosum,  title  page  of,  vi; 

information  regarding,  175;  text  of, 

Dedham,  Mass.,  84. 
Deerfield,    Mass.,    in   danger,    42;   at- 
tacked by  Indians,  271. 
Denison,  Capt.  George,  90,  95. 
Diamond,  John,  233;  tortured  by  In- 
dians, 238. 
Dimmock,  see  Dymmock. 
DivoU,  John,  of  Lancaster,  119. 
DivoU,  Mrs.  John,  Mrs.  Rowlandson's 

sister,  119,  149,  154,  155  n. 
DoUiver,  Richard,  of  Gloucester,  245. 
Doney,  Robin,  signs  treaty  at  Pema- 

quid,  251;   seized  by   the   colonists, 

Dorchester,  31,  92,  128,  165. 
Dover  (Quechecho),  N.  H.,  163  n.,  186, 

195,  196,  197,  198,  199,  203,  207,  209, 

221,  233,  261,  262. 
Downing,  Mr.,  of  Kittery,  Me.,  254. 
Dublet,  Tom,   (Nepanet),  a  Christian 

Indian,  151,  155. 
Dudley,  Joseph,  his  administration  in 

Massachusetts,  173. 
Dudley,  Rev.  Samuel,  57. 
Dummer,  Rev.  Shubael,  of  York,  his 

account  of  the  Indian  outbreak  in 

Maine,  187;  mentioned,  212  n.;  killed 

by  Indians  at  York,  230;  epitaph  on, 




Durham,  N.  H.,  202,  248;  devastated, 
252,  270. 

Dustan,  Mrs.  Hannah,  of  Haverhill, 
capture  and  escape  of,  in  1697,  263- 
266;  rewarded  by  Maryland  and 
Massachusetts,  266. 

Dutch,  win  the  Iroquois,  4;  feared  by 
New  England,  78;  Indian  plans 
against,  88. 

Dutch,  Robert,  42  n. 

Dymmock,  Capt.  Thomas,  of  Barn- 
stable, 269. 

Eames,  Thomas,  of  Sudbury,  80  n. 

Eastern  Indians,  war  begun  with,  14, 
186.  See  also  tribes  by  name  and  local 

Eastern  Settlements,  see  Maine  and 
local  towns. 

Easton,  John,  Reladon  by,  7;  impar- 
tiality of,  5;  biographical  informa- 
tion regarding,  6. 

Easton,  Nicholas,  father  of  John,  6. 

Edgeremet  (Egeremet),an  Indian  leader, 
makes  truce  with  the  colonists,  228;  at 
Wells,  233;  signs  treaty  at  Pemaquid, 
251;  death  of,  261. 

EUot,  John,  work  among  the  Indians, 
10  n.,  36,  40,  41,  49,  259;  his  Indian 
Bible,  37,  157  n.,  257. 

Ellary  (Ellery),  Benjamin,  of  Glouces- 
ter, 245. 

Ellis  and  Morris,  their  King  Philip's 
War,  referred  to,  118  n. 

Emerson  (Emmerson),  Rev.  John,  of 
Berwick,  196. 

Emerson,  Rev.  John,  of  Gloucester,  ac- 
count of  wonderful  occurrences,  243- 

England,  colonization  in  America,  8, 

Entertaining  Passages  Relating  to 
Philip's  War,  by  Thomas  Church, 
cited,  22,  104  n.,  202  n.,  225  n.,  263  n. 

Episcopalians,  growth  of,  46  n. 

Exeter,  N.  H.,  221,  229,  260,  266. 

Fairbanks,  Mary,  275. 
Fairweather,  Capt.,  267. 
Fall  River,  Indian  attack  upon,  12  n. 
Falmouth,  see  Portland. 
Famham,  Capt.  John,  197. 
Farrar,  Jacob,  jr.,  122  n. 

Ferguson,  Mary,  on  the  sufferings  of  a 
captive  among  the  Indians,  212. 

Five  Nations,  won  to  the  Dutch,  4; 
Frontenac  attempts  to  gain  for 
France,  204. 

Flagg  (Flag),  Lieut.  Gershom,  203,  224. 

Flagg,  William,  of  Lancaster,  122  n. 

Fletcher,  Lieut.  William,  268. 

Floyd,  Capt.  James,  220,  221,  223,  224, 

Foot,  Capt.  Nathaniel,  death  of,  224. 

Fort  CrSvecceur,  241  n. 

Fort  William  Henry,  240,  249. 

Fosdyke,  a  seaman,  239. 

Foster,  John,  printer  and  engraver,  v. 

Fox,  George,  279-284,  292. 

France,  colonization  in  America,  3,  171; 
treatment  of  the  Indians,  256-257. 

Francis,  an  Indian  chief,  70. 

Freeport,  Me.,  188,  225. 

French,  furnish  Indians  with  arms,  26; 
New  England's  fear  of,  78;  arouse 
the  Indians,  187,  188,  204,  206,  214, 
221,  228,  233,  249,  256-258,  265,  273. 

Fresh  Water  Indians,  see  Nipmucks. 

Friends,  Society  of,  growth  in  New 
England,  46  n.;  Mather's  opinion  of, 
277-281;  a  supposed  dialogue  with 
a  member  of  this  society,  282-290. 

Frontenac,  Louis  de  Buade,  Count,  at- 
tempts to  win  the  Iroquois  to  France, 
204-205;  releases  Major  Hammond, 
260;  advises  peace,  273. 

Frost,  Major  Charles,  205,  267. 

Fuller,  Capt.  Matthew,  28  n. 

Funeral  Tribute  to  the  Honourable  Du$i 
of  that  Most  Charitable  Christian  .  .  . 
John  Winthrope  esq.,  A,  by  Benja- 
min Thompson,  cited,  90  n. 

Gallop,  Capt.  John,  60. 

Gardiner  (Gardner,  Gamer),  Capt. 
Joseph,  56,  60,  202. 

Gedney,  Col.  Bartholomew,  262. 

Gendell,  Capt.  Walter,  191,  192. 

George,  "  Mother,"  31. 

George  Hill,  121. 

Gerish,  Capt.  John,  199. 

Gerish,  Mrs.  Sarah,  of  Dover,  taken 
captive  by  the  Indians,  199;  release 
secured  by  Sir  William  Phips,  201. 

Gilbert,  John,  of  Springfield,  143. 

Giles,  see  Gyles. 



Giho,  John,  an  interpreter,  275. 

Glocester  (Gloucester),  wonderful  oc- 
currences at,  243-247- 

Goodridge,  Mr.  and  Mrs.,  killed  by 
Indians,  229. 

Goodwin,  Mehitable,  experiences  in 
captivity  among  the  Indians,  210. 

Goodwin,  Rev.  Thomas,  quoted,  293. 

Gookin,  Capt.  Daniel,  33  n.,  36,  37,  40, 
41,  49,  109;  his  Historical  Account  of 
.  .  .  the  Christian  Indians,  122  n. 

Gorges  heirs,  Massachusetts  purchases 
their  claim  to  Maine,  172. 

Gorham,  Capt.  John,  60. 

Gouge,  Capt.  James,  233,  239. 

Grafton  (Hassanemesit),  an  "Indian 
Residence,"  33  n. 

Green,  Samuel,  his  editions  of  the  Nar- 
rative of  the  Captivity  of  Mrs.  Mary 
Rowlandson,  111. 

Greenleaf,  Capt.  Enoch,  sent  to  treat 
with  the  Pennacooks,  195;  recovers 
captives,  220;  defends  the  frontier, 
232,  260. 

Gresson  (Greason),  Robert,  218. 

Groton,  attacked  (1676),  82,  98;  (1694) 
252,  253,  266. 

Guggin,  see  Gookin. 

"G.  W.,"  his  letter  from  Barbadoes,  71; 
note  regarding,  73  n. 

Gyles,  John,  his  Memoirs  of  the  Odd 
Adventures,  etc.,  197  n.  See  also 

Gyles,  Thomas,  chief  justice  of  Corn- 
wall, 197. 

Hadley,  location,  49  n.;  attack  upon, 

64,  81,  98;  mentioned,  85,  95,  96,  142. 
Hale,  John,  his  Modest  Enquiry  into  the 

Nature  of  Witchcraft,  242  n. 
Haley  (Heley),  Sergt.  Nathaniel,  260. 
Hall,  Capt.  Nathaniel,  202. 
Hall,  Mr.,  of  Barbadoes,  72. 
Hammond,  John,  of  Gloucester,  245. 
Hammond,  Major  Lawrence,  259,  260. 
Hannah,  referred  to,  265. 
Harris,  Andrew,  66. 
Hartford,  Conn.,  43,  91. 
Harvard  College,  24,  36,  40,  181,  230  n. 
Hassanemesit    (Grafton),   an   "Indian 

Residence,"  33. 
Hatfield,  raid  upon,  48,  55,  57,  61,  64, 

98,  266,  271;  location  of,  49  n. 

Haverhill,  229,  254;  devastated  by  the 
Indians,  263-266,  270. 

Hawthorn,  Lieut.-Col.  John,  259,  263. 

Heard,  Mrs.  Ehzabeth,  avoids  capture 
by  the  Indians,  198. 

Henchman,  Capt.  Daniel,  28  n,,  41, 

Hennepin,  Louis,  his  Nouvelle  Descrip- 
tion .  .  .,  cited,  216. 

Henry,  Matthew,  291  n. 

Henry,  PhiUp,  291. 

Hertel,  Frangois,  a  French  oflBcer,  206. 

Hezekiah,  referred  to,  145. 

Hill,  John,  of  Saco,  238,  248. 

Hilton,  Lieut.  Edward,  221. 

Hingham,  Mass.,  98. 

Hinksman,  Capt.  Daniel,  see  Hench- 

Hinsdale,  N.  H.,  140  n.,  145. 

Historical  Account  of  the  Doings  and 
Sufferings  of  the  Christian  Indians  of 
New  England,  by  Daniel  Gookin, 
cited,  122  n. 

History  of  New  England,  by  John  G. 
Palfrey,  referred  to,  152  n. 

Hoar,  George  F.,  Senator  from  Massa- 
chusetts, 154  n.,  155  n. 

Hoar,  John,  of  Concord,  arranges  for 
the  ransom  of  Mrs.  Rowlandson, 
154  n.,  155-158,  161. 

Hobart,  Rev.  Gershom,  254. 

Hooke,  Major  Francis,  248. 

Hoosic  River,  87,  97. 

Hopehood  (Wohawa),  an  Indian,  206, 
220  n.,  221. 

Horneybrook,  John,  an  Indian  inter- 
preter, 251. 

Hough,  Franklin  B.,  editor  of  Easton'a 
Relacion,  6. 

Hubbard,  William,  his  Narrative  of  the 
Troubles  with  the  Indians,  22,  24  n., 
42  n.,  47  n.,  61  n.,  89  n.;  his  map,  v; 
mentioned,  163. 

Huckin,  Lieut.  John,  202. 

Hudson  River,  97. 

Hull,  Mrs.,  released  by  the  Indians, 

Hutching,  Jonathan,  experience  as  a 
captive  among  the  Indians,  275. 

Hutching,  Samuel,  275. 

Hutchinson,  Anne,  23,  36,  103,  106. 

Hutchinson,  Capt.  Edward,  35,  38,  39, 



Hutchinson,  Mrs.  Edward,  35. 

Hutchinson,  Major  Elisha,  35  n.;  makes 
a  truce  with  Indians,  227;  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  colonial  forces, 

Hutchinson,  Richard,  information  re- 
garding, 21,  23;  his  Warr  in  New 
England  Visibly  Ended,  101-106. 

Hutchinson,  Thomas,  35  n. 

Hutchison,  see  Hutchinson. 

Huttamoiden,  an  Indian  chief,  71. 

Iberville,  262  n. 

Indians,  treatment  by  English  and 
French  colonists,  3,  30,  33,  171;  in 
King  Phihp's  War,  4,  61  n.,  97;  efforts 
to  Christianize,  10,  24,  36;  sold  as 
slaves,  13,  16;  treatment  of  captives, 
121-150,  159,  208,  275;  agree  to  ran- 
som Mrs.  Rowlandson,  158,  161; 
uprising  in  Maine,  185,  190;  make 
peace  at  Pemaquid,  249;  renew  the 
war,  252;  request  a  second  treaty, 
259;  considered  as  a  bar  to  the  French, 
46.  See  also  various  tribes  by  name 
and  Praying  Indians. 

Ipswich,  Mass.,  163. 

Iroquois  (Maquas),  won  to  the  Dutch 
in  New  York,  4;  Frontenac  attempts 
their  subjugation,  204. 

Isle  of  Shoals,  229. 

IsraeUtes,  referred  to,  8,  126. 

Jackson,    Benjamin,    signs    treaty    of 

peace  at  Pemaquid,  251. 
Jacob,  lament  of,  126. 
Jamaica,  Capt.  Moseley  at,  28. 
James  I.,  referred  to,  69,  71. 
James  the  Printer,  a  Praying  Indian, 

Jehu,  referred  to,  130. 
Jennings,  Samuel,  280. 
Jeshurun,  referred  to,  72. 
Jethro,  Peter,  an  Indian  scribe,  152. 
Job,  referred  to,  78,  120,  125,  133,  141, 

John.   For  Indians  so  named,  see  Little 

John,   One   Eyed   John,    Sausaman, 

Sheepscoat  John,  Stonewall  John. 
John's  Adventure,  a  ship,  47. 
Johnson,  Capt.  Francis,  56,  60. 
Jonathan,  referred  to,  148. 
Jones,  Mr.,  of  Swansey,  28  n. 

Joseph,  referred  to,  114. 
Joshua,  an  Indian,  32  n. 
Joslin,  Mrs.  ("Goodwife  Joslin"),  128, 

JosUn,  Nathaniel,  of  Lancaster,  109. 

Kattenait,  Job,  of  Natick,  109,  121  n. 

Keith,  George,  and  the  Friends,  279, 

Kennebec  River,  41  n.,  185  n.,  189  n., 
192  n.,  227  n.,  242  n.,  249,  273,  274. 

Kennebeck  Indians,  273. 

Kennebunk,  Me.,  192,  268. 

Kerley,  Lieut.  Henry,  109,  119  n.,  162. 

Kerley,  Mrs.  Henry  (EUzabeth  White), 
119  n.,  120. 

Kerley,  William,  119  n.,  120. 

Ketterramogis,  an  Indian  chief,  251. 

Kettle,  "Goodwife,"  155,  163. 

Kettle  children,  120  n. 

Key,  James,  of  Dover,  experiences  in 
Indian  captivity,  209. 

Key,  John,  of  Dover,  209. 

Kimchi,  Rabbi  David,  296. 

Kimchi,  Rabbi  Joseph,  296. 

King,  Capt.  Ralph,  229. 

King  Philip's  War,  begun,  12;  formally 
declared  by  the  New  England  Com- 
missioners, 15;  causes  of,  24;  colonial 
and  Indian  losses  during,  4,  97-99; 
end  of,  104;  Cotton  Mather  on,  184. 
See  also  Philip. 

King  Philip's  War,  by  Ellis  and  Morris, 

Kirke,  David,  his  expedition  of  1628 
against  Canada,  216. 

Kittery,  Me.,  227,  254,  259,  275. 

Knoles  (Knowles),  a  seaman,  239. 

La  Broquerie  (Labrocree),  leads  attack 

on  Wells,  233,  239. 
Lake,  Capt.  Thomas,  41. 
Lakin,  Lieut.,  of  Groton,  253. 
Lancaster,  attack  upon,  80,  83,  98,  109, 

110,  113,  118-121,  151  n.,  159,  161, 

Larabe,  Lieut.,  268. 
Lathrop,  Capt.  Thomas,  42. 
Lawrence,    Capt.    Nathaniel,   mortally 

wounded  at  Portland,  219. 
Le  Caron,  Rev.  Joseph,  217. 
Leeds,  Daniel,  his  News  of  a  Trumpet 

sounding  in  the  Wilderness,  280. 



Leverett,  Gov.  John,  27,  38,  45,  81, 
90,  109,  142,  151  n.,  154. 

Lewiston,  Me.,  273. 

Lewiston  Falls,  199, 

Lincoln,  197. 

Little  Compton,  R.  I.,  31  n. 

Little  John,  an  Indian,  41  n. 

Littleton  (Nashoba),  an  "Indian  Resi- 
dence," 33  n.,  151  n. 

Loder,  Robert,  letter  of,  295. 

Lonsdale,  R.  I.,  84  n. 

Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  referred  to,  181. 

Lot,  referred  to,  114. 

Lot's  wife,  referred  to,  132. 

Love,  Rev.  William  De  L.,  his  Fast  and 
Thanksgiving  Days  of  New  England, 
163  n. 

Lowell  (Wamesit),  an  "Indian  Res- 
idence," 33  n. 

Machias,  Me.,  228  n. 
McLoud,  Mordecai,  of  Lancaster,  122  n. 
McLoud,  Mrs.  Mordecai,  122  n. 
Macquoit   (Freeport),   Me.,   188,  226, 

Madaumbis,  an  Indian  chief,  251. 
Madockawando,  an   Indian  chief  and 

father-in-law  of  Baron  de  St.  Castin, 

190,  229,  233,  249  n.;  signs  treaty  at 

Pemaquid,  251;  death  of,  273. 
Maine,  minor  conflicts  in,  105  n.;  Mas- 
sachusetts purchases  claim  to,  172; 

ravages  in,  184,  185,  186,  187,  188, 

249,  250. 
Manchester,  N.  H.,  189  n. 
Manning,    Nicholas,    signs    treaty    at 

Pemaquid,    251. 
March,  Capt.  John,  229,  240,  255,  261, 

Mare  Point,  274,  275. 
Marlborough,  68,  80,  82,  89;  destroyed, 

92,  98,  122  n. 
Marshal    (Marshall),     Capt.    Samuel, 

Marshfield,    Gov.    Winslow   entertains 

Alexander  at,  26  n. 
Maryland,  266. 
Mason,  Capt.  John,  60. 
Massachusetts,   treatment  of  Indians, 

3;  loss  in  King  PhiUp's  war,  4,  172; 

troops  enter  Rhode  Island,   13,  79; 

revolts   against   Gov.    Andros,    194; 

troops  in  expedition  against  Canada, 

218;  Friends  in,  278;  mentioned,  184, 
201.  See  also  towns  by  name,  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  and  Plymouth. 

Massachusetts,  archives  of,  cited,  42  n., 
47  n. 

Massachusetts  Bay,  in  the  New  Eng- 
land Confederation,  4;  relations  with 
Indians,  9  n.,  33;  furnished  aid  of 
troops,  13,  27,  29,  56,  82;  makes  peace 
with  the  Narragansetts,  39  n.;  orders 
of  Council  of,  45,  62, 94, 163;  relations 
with  Rhode  Island,  56,  79  n. ;  Joseph 
Rowlandson  at,  121,  140.  See  also 
Massachusetts,  New  England,  and 
local  towns. 

Massachusetts,  General  Cotirt,  151  n. 

Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  first 
American  Thanksgiving  broadside 
in,  163  n. 

Massasoit,  an  Indian  chief,  26,  69-71. 

Mather,  Rev.  Cotton,  38  n.;  biograph- 
ical information  regarding,  174;  char- 
acter of,  175;  his  Decennium  LuctiiO' 
sum,  170-300;  his  merits  as  a  historian, 
176;  on  witchcraft,  242,  247;  confer- 
ence with  Bomazeen,  256-258;  on 
the  Society  of  Friends,  277-292;  his 
Reasonable  Expectations  for  New  Eng- 
land, 297. 

Mather,  Rev.  Increase,  38  n.;  opinion 
of  John  Easton,  5;  on  the  death  of 
Sausimun,  8  n.,  25  n.;  his  Brief  His- 
tory, 22,  42  n.,  61  n.;  ceases  to  be 
President  of  Harvard  College,  174; 
various  pubhcations  of,  175;  letter 
to,  296. 

Maule,  Thomas,  278,  279,  287;  publi- 
cations of,  278  n.;  supposed  conver- 
sation with,  282-289. 

Medfield,  attack  upon,  80-81,  127,  135, 

Memoirs  of  the  Odd  Adventures,  by  John 
Gyles,  197. 

Menameset,  an  Indian  town,  123  n., 
145  n. 

Mendon,  30,  39  n.,  43,  63. 

Merepoint  (Mares  Point),  274,  275. 

Merrimac  River,  189  n.,  196,  240. 

Merrymeeting  Bay,  192,  254. 

Mesandowit,  Simon,  an  Indian,  196. 

Metacom,  see  Philip. 

Miantonomo,  an  Indian  chief,  90,  91; 
information  regarding,  90  n. 



Middleborough,  Plymouth  Co.,  Mass., 

Miller's  River,  128  n.,  129,  145  n. 
Milton,  Mass.,  92  n.,  152  n. 
Minor,   Manasseh,  of  Dorchester,   at- 
tack on  house  of,  31. 
Mississippi  River,  249. 
Moanam,  see  Alexander. 
Modockawando,  see  Madockawando. 
Mohawks,  an  Indian  tribe,  88,  97,  143, 

Mohegans  (Mohicans),  an  Indian  tribe, 

34  n.,  88,  89,  90,  91. 
Monoco    (One-eyed  John),  an  Indian, 

83,  122. 
Montop,  King  Philip's  capital,  5,  25, 

62,  63,  96  n.,  104;  captured  by  the 

English,  29,  38  n.,  105. 
Montreal,  212. 

Moody  (Moodey),  Rev.  Joshua,  228. 
More,  Caleb,  a  sea  captain,  103. 
Morgan,  a  seaman,  239. 
Morse,  John,  29. 
Moseley,  Capt.  Samuel,  28,  30,  39,  40, 

81,  89,  92,  122;  at  Deerfield,  42,  43; 

at  Hatfield,   48,   49  n.;  at  Swamp 

Fight,  56-60. 
Moses,  referred  to,  167. 
"Mother  George,"  of  Dorchester,  31. 
Mount  Hope,  see  Montop. 
Moxus,  see  Agamagus. 
Musgrove,  Jabez,  remarkable  recovery 

from  wounds,  223. 

Naananto,  see  Canonchet. 

Nabal,  alluded  to,  79. 

Narragansett,  R.  I.,  63,  66,  68,  82,  85, 

90,  96,  98,  121,  136. 
Narragansett  Bay,  66. 
Narragansett  Pier,  R.  I.,  56  n. 
Narragansetts,  an  Indian  tribe,  5,  13, 

14,  16,  31  n.,  34,  39  n.,  42,  44,  80,  81, 

89,  97,   112,   113;  make  peace,  45; 

feared,  48,  55,  57,  58,  60,  62,  64,  71; 

their  garrison  burned,  82. 
Narrative  of  the  Captivity  of  Mrs.  Mary 

Rowlandson,    107-167;    cited,  55  n.; 

various  editions  of.  111. 
Narrative  of  the  Troubles  with  the  Indians, 

by  William  Hubbard,  cited,  22,  24  n., 

42  n.,  47  n.,  59  n.,  61  n.,  67  n.,  89  n.; 

maps  in,  v. 
Nash,  a  seaman,  239. 

Nashaway,  see  Lancaster. 
Nashoba  (Lancaster),  an  "Indian  Res- 
idence," 33. 
Natick   (Natchick),   an   "Indian  Res- 
idence," 33. 
Nattawahunt,  an  Indian  chief,  71. 
Neetop  Indians,  see  Praying  Indians. 
Neff,  Mrs.  Mary,  of  Haverhill,  263-266. 
Negroes,  in  Barbadoes,  72. 
Nelson,   Peter,  of  the  New  York  ar- 
chives, 6. 
Nepanet,  see  Dublet,  Tom. 
New  Bedford,  see  Dartmouth. 
New  Braintree,  Mass.,  123  n. 
Newbury,  Mass.,  163,  164,  254,  260. 
New  England,  jealousies  in,  4,  79;  John 
Smith's  map  of,  25  n.;  trade  with 
Virginia,  68;  sends  aid  to  Virginia,  73; 
fears  the  Dutch  and  French,  78,  267; 
conditions  under  William  and  Mary, 
173,  189;   Andros,  governor  of,  189; 
mentioned,  191,  192,  193,  194,  208, 
211,  214,  227,  228,  231,  254,  256,  260, 
269,  276,  278,  279. 
Newichawannic,  267. 
New  London,  Conn.,  89,  95. 
Newman,  Rev.  Noah,  104,  164. 
Newmarket,  N.  H.,  221,  224. 
New  Plymouth,  see  Plymouth. 
Newport,  a  British  warship,  262. 
News  from  New  England,  cited,  98  n. 
New  York,  aids  Virginia,  73;  advice 

from,  87;  mentioned,  187,  188. 
Niagara  Falls,  255. 
Niantics,  an  Indian  tribe,  32  n.,  45  n., 

48  n. 
Nichewaug,  an  Indian  village,  128  n., 

145  n. 
Nicholson,  Francis,  governor  of  Mary- 
land, 266. 
Nimrod,  Philip's  lieutenant,  38,  39  n. 
Ninigret,  see  Ninnicroft. 
Ninnicroft,  an  Indian  chief,  32,  34,  43, 
44,  45  n.,  55,  60,  61  n.,  65,  89,  90,  91, 
96,  97. 
Nipmoog  River,  see  Blackstone  River. 
Nipmoogs,  an  Indian  tribe,  see  Nip- 
Nipmuck  country,  34  n.,  63. 
Nipmucks,  an  Indian  tribe,  34,  35,  39, 

42,  63,  64;  location  of,  34  n.,  112. 
Nipnets,  see  Nipmucks. 
Nitamemet,  an  Indian  chief,  251. 



Norridgewock  (Narridgaway),  273. 

Northampton,  81,  89,  95,  98,  135,  136. 

North  Church,  of  Boston,  38. 

Northfield,  Mass.,  124,  131,  132. 

North  Yarmouth,  Indian  attack  upon, 
187,  188,  191,  192. 

Norton,  Freegrace,  49  n. 

Norway  Plains,  200. 

Norwich,  Conn.,  89. 

Nouvelle  Description  d'un  trbs  grand 
Pays  situe  dans  I'Amerique,  etc.,  by 
Louis  Hennepin,  cited,  216  n. 

Nowell,  Rev.  Samuel,  57. 

Noyes,  Capt.  Nicholas,  196. 

Noyes,  Rev.  Nicholas,  of  Salem,  293. 

Obbatinna,  an  Indian  chief,  71. 
Obquamehud,  an  Indian  chief,  71. 
Okonhomesitt,  an  Indian  fort,  122  n. 
Old  South  Church,  Boston,  36  n.,  38, 

110,  165. 
OUver,  Capt.  James,  40,  41,  44,  45,  56, 

Oliver,  Thomas,  40. 

One-eyed  John,  an  Indian,  see  Monoco. 
Oneko,  an  Indian,  32,  34  n. 
Orange,  Mass.,  129  n.,  145  n. 
Osland,  Humphrey,  68. 
Ounsakis,  Phill.,  an  Indian  interpreter, 

Oyster  River,  N.  H.,  see  Durham. 

Paige,  Capt.  Nicholas,  28  n. 

Pais,  Professor  Ettore,  299  n. 

Palfrey,  John  G.,  152  n. 

Palmer  (Palmes),  Major  Edward,  89. 

Paquaharet  (Nathaniel),  an  Indian 
chief,  signs  treaty  at  Pemaquid,  251. 

Parkman,  Francis,  his  Count  Frontenac 
and  New  France,  174. 

Pascataqua,  N.  H.,  144.  See  also  Pisca- 

Pattishall,  Richard,  of  Boston,  cap- 
tured and  killed  by  the  Indians,  197. 

Patuxit,  R.  I.,  66.    See  also  Potuxit. 

Paul,  referred  to,  143. 

Pawcatucke,  R.  I.,  82. 

Pawcatuck  River,  R.  I.,  32  n. 

Pawtuckets,  an  Indian  tribe,  95  n. 

Paxton,  Capt.,  262  n. 

Pechypscot  (Pejebscot,  Brunswick),  193, 
225,  226,  229. 

Pemaquid,  Andros  builds  fort  at,  193; 

Phips  rebuilds  the  fort,  193  n.,  240; 
surrendered  to  Indians,  197;  peace  of 
1693  signed  at,  249-251;  surrendered 
to  the  French  by  Pascho  Chubb,  262; 
mentioned,  190,  195,  197,  248,  254, 
259,  260,  261. 

Penhallow,  Samuel,  of  Portsmouth,  his 
relation  regarding  the  Sieur  de  Vin- 
celotte,  204;  information  regarding, 
205  n. 

Pennacooks  (Penny cooks),  a  division  of 
the  Abenaki  or  Pawtucket-  Indians, 
95,  189,  196;  attack  Casco,  218-219; 
make  peace  with  colonists,  249-251. 

Pennsylvania,  treatment  of  Indians  by, 
3,  280. 

Penobscot,  Me.,  262,  273. 

Penobscot  River,  249. 

Pepper,  Robert,  visits  Mrs.  Rowland- 
son,  124. 

Pequots  (Pequods),  war  against  in  New 
England,  4,  88,  89,  90,  91. 

Petananuet  (Petownonowit),  an  Indian, 
26  n. 

Peter,  57  n.  See  also  Conway,  Peter; 
Jethro,  Peter. 

Petersham,  Mass.,  128  n.,  145  n. 

Pettaquamscut,  R.  I.,  56  n. 

PhiUp,  5,  7,  8,  9  n.,  10,  11, 12, 13, 14,  15, 
24,  25,  26,  27,  28,  29,  30,  31,  34,  38, 
39,  42,  43,  53,  55,  57,  61,  62,  63,  64, 
68,  69,  70,  73,  85  n.,  87,  88,  96,  97, 
104,  105,  124,  125,  133  n.,  134,  135, 
136,  139,  142,  150,  152  n.,  157;  seeks 
revenge  on  the  English,  25;  secures 
ammunition  from  Albany,  64;  winter 
quarters  of,  68,  87;  wishes  to  treat 
with  Charles  II.,  73;  meets  Mrs.  Row- 
landson,  134;  death  of,  104-105;  New 
England  opinion  of,  104;  wives  of, 

Philips  (PhiUips),  Col.  John,  259,  269, 

Phips,  Sir  William,  erects  fort  at  Pema- 
quid, 193  n.,  240;  secures  release  of 
Sarah  Gerish,  201;  his  expeditions 
against  Nova  Scotia  and  Canada, 
214-215;  arrival  at  Boston  as  gov- 
ernor, 240;  Indians  submit  to,  249, 

Pierce,  Capt.  Michael,  84,  85,  87. 

Pike,  Rev.  John,  of  Dover,  his  Account 
of  the  Indian    Outbreak    in  Maine, 



186;  other  narrations  by,  198,  199, 
263  n. 

Pike,  Joseph,  of  Newbury,  killed  by 
Indians,  254. 

Piscataqua,  N.  H.,  196,  198,  220. 

Piscataqua  River,  253. 

Plaisted,  Lieut.  Ichabod,  227. 

Plaisted,  Mary  (Mrs.  James  Plaisted), 
information  regarding,  212  n.;  ex- 
periences as  captive  among  the  In- 
dians, 212. 

Plymouth,  judges  Sausaman  murdered, 
7;  governor  of,  8;  relations  with  In- 
dians, 9  n.;  soldiers  of,  12,  13;  sends 
Sausaman  to  PhiUp,  24,  54;  landing  of 
EngUsh  at,  25;  buys  land  of  the  In- 
dians, 26;  aid  summoned  from,  27; 
Indians  put  in  house  at,  30;  aid  ad- 
vised by,  35;  neglects  the  estabhshed 
ministry,  46  n.;  receives  Philip,  55; 
troops  furnished  by,  56;  news  from 
Capt.  Bradford,  61  n.;  justifies  war, 
62  n.;  suspected  by  Rhode  Island, 
79  n. ;  army  of,  97;  Indians  submit  to, 
97;  forces  retire,  113;  mentioned,  69, 
70,  71,  80  n.,  82,  84,  184,  226. 

Plymouth,  England,  26. 

Plymouth  Colony  Records,  cited,  62  n. 

Pocasset,  location  of,  25,  31;  struggle  at, 
21,  31,  38;  Philip  leaves,  63. 

Point  Judith,  R.  I.,  32  n. 

Pokanoket,  the  Indian  name  for  Mon- 
top,  25  n. 

Poole,  Capt.  Jonathan,  49  n. 

Portland  (Casco,  Fahnouth),  187,  188, 
191,  197,  202,  220;  taken  by  the  In- 
dians, 218-219,  225,  255. 

Portneuf  (Bumiff,  Bumess),  le  Sieur 
Robineau  de,  218;  at  the  attack  on 
WeUs,  233. 

Portsmouth,  N.  H.,  144,  164,  198,  199, 
204,  261. 

Potucke,  information  regarding,  96  n.; 
death  of,  105. 

Potuxit,  R.  I.,  attack  upon,  66,  79,  90, 

Pratt,  Elder  WiUiam,  299  n. 

Praying  Indians,  towns  allotted  to,  33; 
used  as  guides,  35;  confined  in  Boston 
harbor,  63;  mentioned,  10,  32,  36,  40, 
47,  49,  54,  122,  151-153,  210,  259. 

Prentice,  Capt.  Thomas,  13,  28  n.,  56, 
57,  93. 

Prescott,  John,  of  Lancaster,  109,  118  n. 

Prince,  Isaac,  of  Gloucester,  244. 

Princeton,  Mass.,  122  n.,  145  n.,  154  n. 

Providence,  R.  I.,  86,  87,  94  n.,  96,  98, 

Pulcifer  (Pulsifer),  Benedict,  of  North 
Yarmouth,  191. 

Pumham,  see  Bumham. 

Punkapog  (Punquapog,  Canton),  birth- 
place of  Sausaman,  7  n.;  an  "Indian 
Residence,"  33  n. 

Purchase,  Thomas,  47. 

Pynchon,  John,  47. 

Quabaog,     (Quabawg,    Quaboag),    see 

Quaboag  Pond,  location  of,  38  n. 
Quadaquinta,  an  Indian  chief,  71. 
Quaiapen,  the  "Old  Queen  of  Narra- 

ganset,"  96. 
Quakers,    cowardice    of,   44.    See    also 

Quamsigamug,  see  Worcester. 
Quanapaug,  see  Wiser,  James. 
Quaqualh,  an  Indian,  67. 
Quebec,  201,  214,  217,  217  n.,  252. 
Quinnapin,  an  Indian  chief,  44,  55,  56  n., 

57,  65,  105  n.,  125,  139  n.,  141,  149, 

156,  157. 
Quononshot,  see  Canonchet. 

Rale,  Rev.  Sebastian,  273. 

Randolph,  Edward,  172,  194. 

Rawson,  Edward,  Secy.  Massachusetts 
Council,  33,  47,  64,  94. 

Read,  Thomas,  of  Hadley,  142. 

Redemption  Rock,  place  of  agreement 
for  ransom  of  Mrs.  Rowlandson, 
154  n. 

Rehoboth  (Seekonk),  12  n.,  27,  30,  56, 
63,  82,  84,  86,  98,  164. 

Relacion  of  the  Indyan  Warre,  by  John 
Easton,  7-17. 

Rhode  Island,  friendly  to  Indians,  9  n., 
15;  jealousy  of,  13  n.;  political  prin- 
ciples of,  17;  Narragansett  Indians 
in,  31  n.;  Nipmuck  Indians  in,  34  n.; 
churUsh  about  caring  for  wounded 
men  of  other  colonies,  79;  troops  of, 
pursue  King  Philip,  104. 

Rogers,  Robert,  burned  to  death  by  the 
Indians,  207. 

Roper,  Ephraim,  of  Lancaster,  120  n. 



Rossiter,  Col.,  222. 

Rouse,  Thomasin,  experience  among  the 
Indians,  276. 

Row,  John,  a  Scottish  reformer,  quoted, 

Row,  John,  of  Gloucester,  245. 

Rowden,  Capt.,  191. 

Rowlandson,  Rev.  Joseph.,  80  n.,  83, 
84,  109-111,  113,  114,  118,  121  n., 
138,  141,  142,  143,  151,  156,  157,  161; 
information  regarding,  110;  meeting 
with  his  wife  after  her  ransom,  162, 
163,  164. 

Rowlandson,  Joseph,  jr.,  126,  133,  135, 
136,  137,  140,  142,  144,  163;  meeting 
with  his  mother  after  their  ransom, 

Rowlandson,  Mary,  126. 

Rowlandson,  Mrs.  Mary  White,  33  n., 
80  n.,  83,  84,  114,  115,  118,  119, 
120;  map  of  her  "Removes,"  vi; 
information  regarding,  110;  taken 
captive  by  Indians,  121;  leaves  Lan- 
caster, 122;  death  of  her  child  Sarah, 
125;  obtains  a  Bible  from  the  Indians, 
127;  meetings  with  her  son  Joseph, 
126,  133,  142;  is  parted  from  her 
daughter  Mary,  128;  meets  King 
Philip,  134;  negotiations  for  ransom 
of,  147,  150-152,  155-158;  observa- 
tions upon  the  Indians,  159;  returns 
to  the  English,  162;  meets  daughter 
Mary,  165;  reflections  upon  her  ex- 
periences, 165-167. 

Rowley,  Mass.,  92  n.,  152  n.,  163  n.,  229. 

Roxbury,  Mass.,  John  Eliot  at,  36  n.; 
soldiers  meet  at,  41;  Indians  come 
to,  44,  124. 

Roy  all  (Royal),  John,  ransomed  by 
Baron  St.  Castin,  192. 

Rumford,  see  Concord,  N.  H. 

Rutherford  Island,  259. 

Ryswyk,  Peace  of,  273. 

Sachem,  definition  of,  77. 

Saco,  Me.,  186,  190,  192,  196,  248,  255, 

260,  263,  268. 
Saco  FaUs,  195,  196. 
Saco  River,  186, 187,  191,  249,  268,  274. 
Sadler,  Daniel,  of  Rotterdam,  295. 
Sadler,  John,  prophecy  of  1663,  294. 
Sadler,  John,  son  of  the  preceding,  295- 


Sagadahoc,  truce  with  Indians  at,  227; 
mentioned,  230, 232. 

Sagamore  Sam,  an  Indian,  155  n. 

St.  Castin,  Jean  Vincent  de  I'Abadie, 
Baron  de,  information  regarding,  190: 
mentioned,  192. 

St.  Croix  River,  185  n. 

St.  John  River,  189  n. 

St.  Johns,  263. 

St.  Peter,  Barbadoes,  73  n. 

Salmon  Falls,  devastated  by  the  French 
and  Indians,  206;  mentioned,  212. 

Saltonstall,  Nathaniel,  information  re- 
garding, 21;  his  narratives  regarding 
New  England,  19,  53,  75;  other  re- 
prints of,  22;  his  summary  of  colonial 
and  Indian  losses  during  King  Phihp's 
War,  97-99. 

Sampson,  an  Indian  chief,  275. 

Samson,  referred  to,  117,  141. 

Sargent,  Capt.  Peter,  190. 

Sausaman,  John,  information  regard- 
ing, 7  n. ;  mentioned,  7,  8,  25,  54,  55, 

Savage,  Capt.  (Major)  Thomas,  29,  81, 
85,  89,  92,  129  n. 

Savage,  Lieut.,  60. 

Sawgaw,  attack  upon,  82.  . 

Sawyer,  Thomas,  of  Lancaster,  109, 
118  n. 

Scarborough,  Me.  (Blue  Point),  202, 
203,  220. 

Schaghticoke,  N.  Y.  (King  Phihp's  win- 
ter quarters),  68  n.,  87. 

Schenectady,  attacked  by  Indians,  205. 

Scituate,  Mass.,  84,  98. 

Scodook  (Sampson),  an  Indian,  275. 

Seaconke,  see  Rehoboth. 

Sealy,  Capt.  Robert,  60,  65. 

Sebundowit,  Indian  master  of  Mrs. 
Sarah  Gerish,  200. 

Seekonk,  see  Rehoboth. 

Senecas,  an  Indian  tribe,  205. 

Sheepscoat  John,  an  Indian  chief,  251, 

Sheepscot,  Indian  attack  upon,  192, 193, 

Sheepscot  Falls,  Me.,  192  n. 

Sheepscot  River,  192  n.,  248. 

Shepard,  Rev.  Thomas,  of  Cambridge, 
162  n. 

Shepard,  Rev.  Thomas,  of  Charlestown, 
162,  165. 



Sheppard,  Mary,  escapes  from  the  In- 
dians, 81. 

Sherbom  (Sherburn),  Capt.,  220;  death 
of,  229. 

Sidon  (Zidon),  referred  to,  37. 

Skynner,  Capt.  Abraham,  197. 

Smith,  Capt.  John,  referred  to,  25. 

Smith,  Capt.  Richard,  43,  44,  45,  57,  61, 
68,  80,  81,  82. 

Solomon,  referred  to,  165. 

Sonconewhew,  an  Indian,  31. 

Sosoman,  see  Sausaman. 

Southack,  Capt.  Cyprian,  274,  275. 

South  Dartmouth,  suffering  from  In- 
dians, 30  n. 

South  Kingston,  R.  I.,  Narragansett 
fortress  at,  58  n. 

South  Vernon,  Vt.,  133  n. 

Speight's  Bay,  location  of,  71  n. 

Speight's  Town,  Barbadoes,  72. 

Spickes  Bay,  Barbadoes,  71. 

Sprague,  Capt.  Richard,  30,  34,  40. 

Springfield,  attack  upon,  47,  64,  85,  98, 

Spruce  Creek,  221,  270. 

Spurwink,  Me.,  220. 

Squaukeag,  132  n. 

Squaw  Sachem,  definition  of,  77. 

Squaw  Sachem  (Weetamoo),  25  n.  See 
also  Weetamoo. 

Stevens,  Cyprian,  of  Lancaster,  109. 

Stockford,  "Goody,"  220. 

Stone,  Simon,  of  Exeter,  222,  223. 

Stonewall  John,  an  Indian  engineer, 
58  n.,  59,  96. 

Stonington,  Conn.,  91,  97. 

Storer,  Joseph,  of  Wells,  233. 

Storer,  Samuel,  a  sea-captain,  233,  235, 

Stoughton,  Lieut.-Gov.  WiUiam,  181; 
attempt  to  treat  with  the  Indians  of 
Maine,  187;  acts  against  the  French 
and  Indians,  262-263. 

Study  Hill,  see  Lonsdale. 

Sudbury,  Mass.,  80,  82,  92,  93,  98,  152 
n.,  153,  154. 

"Sugar  Loaf  Hill,"  fight  with  Indians 
at,  42. 

Sunderland,  a  seaman,  239. 

Swain,  Major  Jeremiah,  202,  203. 

Swamp,  Indian  meaning  of,  77;  Indians 
captured  in,  80. 

Swamp    Fight,    in   Rhode   Island,    5, 

31,  38,  58,  79;  losses  at,  60,  65,  79, 

Swan,  Lieut.  Samuel,  60. 
Swansey,  13,  26,  27,  28,  30,  62,  98. 

Tacitus,  referred  to,  190. 

Talcott,  Major  John,  59  n.,  96. 

Tarshish,  referred  to,  37. 

Tatatiquinea,  see  Conway,  Peter. 

Taunton,  treaty  of,  8  n.;  arms  obtained 
from  Indians  at,  27  n.;  houses  burned 
at,  30,  62,  98. 

Taunton  River,  96  n. 

Teconnet  Fort,  242. 

Tesschenmaker,  Rev.  Petrus,  killed  by 
the  Indians  at  Schenectady,  205. 

Thanksgiving,  first  American  broad- 
side appointing  a  day  of,  163  n. 

Thaxter,  Capt.,  232. 

Thompson,  Benjamin,  his  Funeral  Trib- 
ute to  .  .  .  John  Winthrope,  90  n. 

Thurston,  Mary,  of  Medfield,  135. 

Thury,  Rev.  Pierre,  249. 

Tift,  Joshua,  58,  67. 

Ting,  Edward,  see  TjTig. 

Tishaquin,  an  Indian  leader,  captured, 
105  n. 

Tiverton,  R.  I.,  see  Pocasset. 

Tobias,  an  Indian,  8  n. 

Toogood,  Thomas,  escapes  from  the 
Indians,  207. 

Tower  Hill,  R.  I.,  56  n. 

Townsend,  Capt.  Penn,  makes  a  truce 
with  the  Indians,  227. 

Treat,  Capt.  Robert,  43,  60,  81. 

Trip's  Ferry,  Philip  and  English  meet 
at,  9. 

True  Narrative  of  the  Lord^s  Providences, 
cited,  35  n. 

Trumbull,  Benjamin,  his  History  of 
Connecticut,  cited,  98  n. 

Turner,  Capt.  William,  89,  95,  96. 

Turner's  Falls,  victory  over  the  Indians 
at,  95. 

Tyng,  Lieut.  Edward,  41,  58,  60. 

Tyre,  referred  to,  37. 

Uncas,  an  Indian  chief,  24,  32,  38,  60, 

66,  68,  90,  91. 
Upham,  Lieut.  Phinehas,  60. 
Usher,  Hezekiah,  of  Boston,  49,  162. 



Valine,  Geoffroi,  Sieur  de  la  Planchette, 
his  De  Arte  Nihil  Credendi,  185. 

Vaughan,  Major  William,  228. 

Vincelotte,  le  Sieur  de,  204. 

Virginia,  New  England's  trade  with,  68; 
aided  by  New  England  and  New 
York,  73. 

Wachusett  Lake,  154  n. 

Wachusett  Mountain,  111,  122  n., 
145  n.,  147,  149,  150. 

Wadsworth,  Capt.  Samuel,  80,  92,  93, 
94,  109,  122,  152,  153. 

Waite,  Gapt.  John,  60. 

Wakefield,  R.  I.,  56  n. 

Waldren,  see  Waldron. 

Waldron,  Major  Richard,  163,  164, 
198,  199;  death  of,  196. 

Walker,  Sergt.,  224. 

Walley,  Gapt.  John,  47. 

Walten  (Walton),  Capt.  Shadrach,  229. 

Wamesit  (Lowell),  an  "Indian  Res- 
idence," 33. 

W^are  River,  123  n.,  128  n. 

Warr  in  New-England  Visibly  Ended, 
The,  103. 

Warumbo,  an  Indian  chief,  233. 

Warwick,  burned  by  Indians,  82,  98. 

Wassambomet,  an  Indian  chief,  251. 

Wattimore,  see  Weetamoo. 

Webenes,  an  Indian  chief,  251. 

Weems,  Gapt.  James,  surrenders  Fort 
Pemaquid,  197. 

Weetamoo  (the  Squaw  Sachem  of  Po- 
casset),  12;  confused  with  Awashonks, 
25,  96;  sides  with  Philip,  26;  death 
of  her  child,  144;  death  of,  96  n. ;  men- 
tioned, 34,  44,  45,  48,  55,  105,  125  n., 
130,  131,  150,  156,  158. 

Wekapaug,  R.  I.,  32  n. 

Wells,  attacked  by  French  and  Indians, 
232-238;  mentioned,  184,  203,  226, 
228,  248,  261,  267,  268. 

Wenimesset  (New  Braintree),  Mass., 
123  n.,  124. 

Wenobson  of  Teconnet,  an  Indian, 

Wenongahewitt,  an  Indian,  251. 

Westerly,  R.  I.,  32  n.,  82  n. 

West  Kingston,  R.  I.,  58  n. 

Westminster,  Mass.,  154  n. 

West  Warwick,  R.  I.,  67  n. 

Wethersfield,  Gonn.,  110. 

Weymouth,  Mass.,  98. 

Wheeler,  Joseph,  of  Lancaster,  122  n. 

Wheeler,  Richard,  of  Lancaster,  109, 
118  n. 

Wheeler,  Gapt.  Thomas,  35;  his  True 
Narrative  of  the  Lord's  Providences, 
35  n. 

Wheelwright,  Samuel,   of  Wells,   234. 

Wheelwright's    Pond,    223. 

Whipple,    Gapt.    John,    89. 

White,  Elizabeth  (Mrs.  Josiah  White), 

White,  Joane  (Mrs.  John  White),  110. 

White,  Gapt.  John,  60. 

White,  John,  of  Lancaster,  110,  118. 

White,  Josiah,  162. 

White,  Nathanael,  released  by  Indians, 

Whitecomb,  James,  of  Boston,  166. 

"  White  Hills"  map,  v. 

Whiting,  Gapt.  John,  43,  269. 

Whiting,  Rev.  John,  of  Lancaster,  269. 

Wickford,  R.  I.,  43,  67  n.,  82  n.,  112. 

Wigwams,  definition  of,  77. 

Wilberd,  Major  Simon,  see  WUlard. 

Willard,  Rev.  Samuel,  36  n. 

Willard  (Wilberd),  Major  Simon,  36, 
82,  218;  death  of,  94. 

William  III.,  Mather's  eulogy  of,  277; 
mentioned,  195,  220,  241,  273. 

Williams,  Rev.  John,  of  Deerfield, 

Williams,  Nathaniel,  29. 

Williams,  Roger,  10  n.,  87. 

Wilson,  Lieut.  Edward,  233. 

Wincol  (Winkle),  John,  of  Kittery, 

"  Wine  Hills"  map,  v. 

Wing,  Gapt.  John,  240,  251,  252. 

Winnepiseogee  Lake,  196,  200,  203. 

Winslow,  Josiah,  governor  of  Pljmaouth, 
8,  11,  12,  15,  25,  26  n.,  64,  56,  57,  58, 
59,  60,  61,  65,  67,  68,  80,  92. 

Winslow,  Me.,  242  n. 

Winter  Harbor,  Me.,  see  Saco. 

Winthrop,  John,  Jr.,  governor  of  Con- 
necticut, 34,  35;  death  of,  89;  Ben- 
jamin Thompson's  tribute  to,  90  n. 

Wiscasset,  Me.,  192  n. 

Wiser,  James,  a  Christian  Indian,  80  n., 

Wiswell,  Capt.  Noah,  203,  221,  223; 
death  of,  224. 



Witchcraft,  Cotton  Mather  on,  242-247. 

Wohawa,  an  Indian,  see  Hopehood. 

Wonolancet,  chief  of  the  Pennacook 
Indians,  15  n.,  95. 

Woodcock,  John,  94,  95. 

Woodcock,  Nathaniel,  killed  by  In- 
dians, 94,  95. 

Woodcock's  Garrison,  attack  upon,  94. 

Woodstock,  Conn.,  67  n. 

Woonashum,  see  Nimrod. 

Worcester,  Mass.,  63  n.,  94  n. 

Wright,  Mr.,  of  Providence,  86. 
Wussausmon,  see  Sausaman. 

Yarmouth,  Me.,  202. 

York,  massacre  at,  230;    colonial  loss, 

230  n.;  redemption  of  captives,  232; 

mentioned,  187,  254,  261,  266,  268, 

York,  James,  Duke  of,  185  n.,  203. 

Zoar,  referred  to,  87. 

University  of